Americans’ Challenges with Health Care Costs

Authors: Grace Sparks, Lunna Lopes, Alex Montero, Marley Presiado, and Liz Hamel
Published: Apr 30, 2026

Editorial Note: This brief was updated on April 30, 2026, to include the latest KFF polling data. It was originally published on December 14, 2021.

For many years, KFF polling has found that the high cost of health care is a burden on U.S. families, and that health care costs factor into decisions about insurance coverage and care seeking. These costs also rank as the top financial worry for adults and their families. This data note summarizes recent KFF polling on the public’s experiences with health care costs. Main takeaways include:

  • Just under half of U.S. adults say it is difficult to afford health care costs, and about three in ten say they or a family member in their household had problems paying for health care in the past 12 months. Hispanic adults, young adults, and the uninsured are particularly likely to report problems affording health care in the past year.
  • The cost of health care can lead some to put off needed care. About one-third (36%) of adults say that in the past 12 months they have skipped or postponed getting health care they needed because of the cost. Notably three in four (75%) uninsured adults under age 65 say they went without needed care because of the cost.
  • The cost of prescription drugs prevents some people from filling prescriptions. About four in ten (43%) U.S. adults say they have not taken their medication as prescribed in the past year due to costs. This includes three in ten who say they have taken an over-the-counter drug instead of getting a prescription filled (31%), a quarter (27%) who have not filled a prescription, and one in five (19%) who have cut pills in half or skipped doses of medicine because of the cost. Larger shares of lower-income, uninsured, women, Black, and Hispanic adults report taking these measures.
  • Health care debt is a burden for a large share of Americans. In 2022, about four in ten adults (41%) reported having debt due to medical or dental bills including debts owed to credit cards, collections agencies, family and friends, banks, and other lenders to pay for their health care costs, with disproportionate shares of Black and Hispanic adults, women, parents, those with low incomes, and uninsured adults saying they have health care debt.
  • Those who are covered by health insurance are not immune to the burden of health care costs. Almost four in ten insured adults under the age of 65 (38%) worry about affording their monthly health insurance premium and large shares of adults with employer-sponsored insurance (ESI) and those with Marketplace coverage rate their insurance as “fair” or “poor” when it comes to their monthly premium and to out-of-pocket costs to see a doctor.
  • Notable shares of adults say they are worried about affording medical costs such as the cost of health care services (including the cost of health insurance and out-of-pocket costs for things like office visits and prescription drugs). About two-thirds of adults say they are either “very worried” (30%) or “somewhat worried” (34%) about being able to afford the cost of health care for themselves and their families.

Difficulty Affording Medical Costs

Many U.S. adults have trouble affording health care costs. While lower income and uninsured adults are the most likely to report this, those with health insurance and those with higher incomes are not immune to the high cost of medical care. Just under half of U.S. adults say that it is very or somewhat difficult for them to afford their health care costs (44%). Uninsured adults under age 65 are much more likely to say affording health care costs is difficult (82%) compared to those with health insurance coverage (42%). Additionally, a slight majority of Hispanic adults (55%) and half of Black adults (49%) report difficulty affording health care costs compared to about four in ten White adults (39%). Adults in households with annual incomes under $40,000 are more likely than adults in households with higher incomes to say it is difficult to afford their health care costs. (Source: KFF Health Tracking Poll: May 2025)

Mirrored bar chart showing shares who say it is easy or difficult to afford their health care costs by total, insurance status, race/ethnicity, and household income.

When asked specifically about problems paying for health care in the past year, about three in ten (28%) adults say they or a family member in their household had problems paying for care, rising to four in ten among Hispanic adults (41%) and young adults ages 18 to 29 (40%). Among those under age 65, six in ten (59%) uninsured adults report problems paying for health care in the past year, about twice the share of insured adults who say the same (30%). (Source: KFF Health Tracking Poll: November 2025)

Single bar showing the percent who say, in the past 12 months, they or a family member living with them had problems paying for health care by total, age, gender, race/ethnicity, household income, and insurance status.

The cost of care can also lead some adults to skip or delay seeking services, with one-third (36%) of adults saying that they have skipped or postponed getting needed health care in the past 12 months because of the cost. Women are more likely than men to say they have skipped or postponed getting health care they needed because of the cost (38% vs. 32%). Adults ages 65 and older, most of whom are eligible for health care coverage through Medicare, are much less likely than younger age groups to say they have not gotten health care they needed because of cost.

Three-quarters of uninsured adults say they have skipped or postponed getting the health care they needed due to cost. Having health insurance, however, does not offer ironclad protection as about four in ten adults with insurance (37%) still report not getting health care they needed due to cost. (Source: KFF Health Tracking Poll: May 2025)

Single bar chart showing percent who say they have skipped or postponed getting needed health care in the past 12 months because of the cost by total, age, gender, race/ethnicity, household income, and insurance status.

Skipping care due to costs can have notable health impacts. Nearly two in ten adults (18%) report that their health got worse because they skipped or delayed getting care. Among adults under age 65, those who are uninsured are twice as likely as those with health coverage to say that their health worsened due to skipped or postponed care (42% vs. 20%). About four times as many adults under age 65 (23%) say their health got worse after skipping or postponing care as adults ages 65 and older (6%), most of whom have Medicare coverage. (Source: KFF Health Tracking Poll: May 2025)

Single bar chart showing the share who say their health got worse because they didn't get care or postponed their care by total, age, and insurance status.

A 2022 KFF report found that people who already have debt due to medical or dental care are disproportionately likely to put off or skip medical care. Half (51%) of adults currently experiencing debt due to medical or dental bills say in the past year, cost has been a probititor to getting the medical test or treatment that was recommended by a doctor. (Source: KFF Health Care Debt Survey: Feb.-Mar. 2022)

Prescription Drug Costs

The high cost of prescription drugs also leads some people to cut back on their medications in various ways. About three in ten adults (31%) say in the past 12 months they have taken an over-the-counter drug instead of getting a prescription filled because of cost concerns, while about a quarter (27%) say they have not filled a prescription and about one in five (19%) say they have cut pills in half or skipped doses of medicine due to cost. Overall, four in ten (43%) adults report taking at least one of these measures in the past year, continuing an upward trend from a third (33%) in 2025 and about three in ten (31%) in July 2023.

Larger shares of adults in households with lower and middle incomes report resorting to these cost-saving prescription medication solutions compared to those with higher incomes. About half of adults in households with annual incomes under $40,000 (52%) or between $40,000 and $90,000 (47%) say they have not taken their medication as prescribed due to the cost in the last year, compared to three in ten adults in households with incomes of $90,000 or more. Uninsured adults under the age of 65 are more likely than their counterparts to also report not taking their medicine as prescribed due to costs (58% compared to 43% of insured adults under age 65). Additionally, half of women (49%) say they have taken any of these prescription medication measures compared to about a third (36%) of men. Over half (55%) of Black adults say the same, compared to half (47%) of Hispanic adults and four in ten White adults. (Source: KFF Health Tracking Poll: March 2026)

Multiple split bars showing the percent who have taken steps to reduce the cost of care including taking an over-the-counter drug instead of getting a prescription filled, not filled a prescription for medicine, or cut pills in half or skipped doses of medicine.

Health Insurance Cost Ratings

Health insurance provides some financial protection, but premiums and out-of-pocket costs can still present a financial burden for many individuals. Overall, most insured adults rate their health insurance as “excellent” or “good” when it comes to the amount they have to pay out-of-pocket for their prescriptions (61%), the amount they have to pay out-of-pocket to see a doctor (53%), and the amount they pay monthly for insurance (54%). However, at least three in ten rate their insurance as “fair” or “poor” on each of these metrics, and affordability ratings vary depending on the type of coverage people have.

Adults who have private insurance through employer-sponsored insurance or Marketplace coverage are more likely than those with Medicare or Medicaid to rate their insurance negatively when it comes to their monthly premium, the amount they have to pay out of pocket to see a doctor, and their prescription co-pays. About one in four adults with Medicare give negative ratings to the amount they have to pay each month for insurance and to their out-of-pocket prescription costs, while about one in five give their insurance a negative rating when it comes to their out-of-pocket costs to see a doctor.

Medicaid enrollees are less likely than those with other coverage types to give their insurance negative ratings on these affordability measures (Medicaid does not charge monthly premiums in most states, and copays for covered services, where applied, are required to be nominal). (Source: KFF Survey of Consumer Experiences with Health Insurance)

Split bar chart showing shares of adults by main insurance coverage who rate specific aspects of their current health insurance as either fair or poor.

Health Care Debt

In June 2022, KFF released an analysis of the KFF Health Care Debt Survey, a companion report to the investigative journalism project on health care debt conducted by KFF Health News and NPR, Diagnosis Debt. This project found that health care debt is a wide-reaching problem in the United States and that 41% of U.S. adults currently have some type of debt due to medical or dental bills from their own or someone else’s care, including about a quarter of adults (24%) who say they have medical or dental bills that are past due or that they are unable to pay, and one in five (21%) who have bills they are paying off over time directly to a provider. One in six (17%) report debt owed to a bank, collection agency, or other lender from loans taken out to pay for medical or dental bills, while similar shares say they have health care debt from bills they put on a credit card and are paying off over time (17%). One in ten report debt owed to a family member or friend from money they borrowed to pay off medical or dental bills.

While four in ten U.S. adults have some type of health care debt, disproportionate shares of lower income adults, the uninsured, Black and Hispanic adults, women, and parents report current debt due to medical or dental bills.

Single bar chart showing the percent who say they have different types of debt due to medical or dental bills for themselves or someone else in their care.

Vulnerabilities and Worries About Health Care and Long-Term Care Costs

Health care costs remain at the top of the list of people’s financial worries, with nearly two-thirds (64%) saying they are at least somewhat worried about affording the cost of health care, including the cost of health insurance and out-of-pocket costs for things like office visits and prescription drugs for themselves and their families. This includes three in ten who say they are “very worried” about affording health care. A similar share of adults is “very worried” about affording gas and transportation costs (29%), up from about one in six (17%) in January. This follows a nationwide increase in gasoline prices since the U.S. conflict with Iran began in February. About one in five adults say they are “very worried” about affording food and groceries (23%), rent or mortgage (21%) or monthly utilities (21%).

Notably, just under nine in ten (85%) uninsured adults under age 65 say they are worried about affording the cost of health care, though a large share of insured adults is also worried (64%). Health care costs are a top household worry across insurance types and across partisans. (Source: KFF Health Tracking Poll: April 2026)

Stacked bar chart showing the public's levels of worry when it comes to affording living necessities. Shown among total adults.

Many U.S. adults may be one unexpected medical bill from falling into debt. About half of U.S. adults say they would not be able to pay an unexpected medical bill that came to $500 out of pocket. This includes one in five (19%) who would not be able to pay it at all, 5% who would borrow the money from a bank, payday lender, friends or family to cover the cost, and one in five (21%) who would incur credit card debt in order to pay the bill. Women, those with lower household incomes, Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than their counterparts to say they would be unable to afford this type of bill. (Source: KFF Health Care Debt Survey: Feb.-Mar. 2022)

Split bar chart showing how adults would handle an unexpected medical bill of 0, if they'd be able to pay the bill without going into debt, go into debt to pay the bill, or would not be able to pay the bill.

Among older adults, the costs of long-term care and support services are also a concern. Almost six in ten (57%) adults 65 and older say they are at least “somewhat anxious” about affording the cost of a nursing home or assisted living facility if they needed it, and half say they feel anxious about being able to afford support services such as paid nurses or aides. These concerns also loom large among those between the ages of 50 and 64, with more than seven in ten saying they feel anxious about affording residential care (73%) and care from paid nurses or aides (72%) if they were to need these services. See The Affordability of Long-Term Care and Support Services: Findings from a KFF Survey for a deeper dive into concerns about the affordability of nursing homes and support services.

The Growing Use of Artificial Intelligence in Health Care and Implications for Disparities

Published: Apr 30, 2026

Introduction

Artificial intelligence (AI) is increasingly being integrated into health care, including but not limited to diagnosis and treatment plans, drug development, prediction of health risks and outcomes, health monitoring, and medical imaging. AI can also automate aspects of health care including data processing and administrative tasks, reimbursement decisions, patient interactions, and clinical decision-making. Additionally, individuals are increasingly using AI for health information and advice.

While there has been an increase in funding for and use of AI in health care in recent years, public opinion on AI’s role in providing accurate health information remains mixed. Further, there are concerns that AI may lead to job losses and reduce personalized human-based interactions. Moreover, AI can exacerbate health disparities if the underlying data on which models are built are biased and/or not inclusive. Alternatively, some suggest that AI may help mitigate disparities if it is carefully designed. This brief examines the implications of the growing use of AI for disparities in health and health care and discusses factors that can help reduce AI-related bias in health care.

Growing Use of AI in Health Care

AI tools are becoming increasingly integrated into various aspects of the health care system. For example, hospitals report using AI or predictive models as both administrative tools to perform tasks such as patient scheduling, billing, and medical coding, and as clinician-facing tools to predict health risks and outcomes among patients. A 2025 survey conducted across 16 states found that eight in ten (84%) health insurers report using AI or machine learning for fraud detection, utilization management, and prior authorization, among other uses. Health systems also report using AI to “limit claim denials and streamline prior authorization processes.”

The public also is increasingly using AI for health information and advice although many have limited trust in the reliability of AI tools. According to OpenAI data from 2026, more than 40 million people globally turn to ChatGPT daily for health information. The data also show that AI chatbots are becoming an important source of information for health insurance and billing advice, with users asking between 1.6 and 1.9 million questions per week regarding plan comparisons, claims, billing, and coverage. Further, a 2026 KFF survey finds that about a third (32%) of adults say they use AI chatbots for health information or advice (Figure 1). However, two-thirds (67%) of adults overall say they trust AI tools or chatbots “not too much” or “not at all” to provide reliable health information, and about three in four (77%) say the same regarding information about mental health and emotional well-being. While rates of use for and trust in AI for physical health advice are similar across racial and ethnic groups, Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than their White counterparts to report using AI for mental health advice and Black adults (29%) are somewhat more likely than White adults (20%) to say they trust AI tools or chatbots to provide reliable information about mental health and emotional well-being “a great deal” or “a fair amount.”

About One in Three Adults Report Using AI for Health Advice, With Black and Hispanic Adults Being More Likely to Use AI for Mental Health Advice (Split Bars)

Impact of AI on Disparities in Health and Health Care

As the use of AI in health care grows, research suggests that AI models can exacerbate racial and ethnic health disparities. A 2024 systematic review of 30 studies over a ten-year time period (from 2013 to 2023) that assessed instances of racial bias perpetuated by AI and machine learning algorithms in health care found a significant association between AI utilization and an exacerbation of racial disparities in health and health care outcomes. These disparities included longer waiting times for appointments, lower rates of success in predicting mental health outcomes, and underdiagnosis of health conditions, particularly for Black and Hispanic people compared to other groups. For example:

  • One study found that a machine learning algorithm used for creating patient appointment schedules led to Black patients experiencing 33% longer wait times than other patients. This was due to the model using socioeconomic indicators such as employment status, zip code, insurance type, and past no-show rates, which are correlated with race, to create appointment schedules.
  • Another study found that a widely used algorithm to guide health care decisions assigned Black patients the same level of risk as White patients even though Black patients were sicker. The algorithm used health care costs as an imperfect proxy for illness, since less money is spent on Black patients who have an equivalent level of need due to inequities in access to care. The authors suggest that addressing this disparity would significantly increase the share of Black patients receiving additional care.
  • In diagnostics, AI models may underperform on patients with darker skin because training datasets are more likely to collect data from lighter skinned patients.

In the systematic review, the authors identified four primary and interrelated causes for AI-perpetuated disparities including: biased underlying datasets, historical and systemic biases that can be encoded into AI when it is trained on these data, algorithmic design bias, and biased application and/or deployment of AI.

These AI-related racial and ethnic disparities also extend into mental health diagnosis and treatment recommendations. For example, language-based AI models underperformed on predicting depression severity for Black patients as compared to White patients since the two groups use different types of language to express depression symptoms and AI is often primarily trained on language used by White patients given that there is more data available on White patients since they make up a larger share of the population. However, researchers found that even models trained exclusively on the depression-related social media language used by Black individuals performed poorly at predicting depression severity in the group while models trained with the same social media data on White individuals performed well at predicting that group’s depression severity. The authors suggest that this could be due to other factors beyond language, such as paralinguistic features like speech rate or tone, serving as better predictors for depression severity among Black individuals. A separate study found that several AI models made inferior treatment recommendations for Black mental health patients when the patient’s race was explicitly or implicitly mentioned, likely due to biases embedded in the data on which these models are trained. An AI model used for suicide prediction also performed worse for Black patients, with researchers finding that it successfully detected 62% of suicides among White patients but only 10% among Black patients.

Research has found that the use of race in clinical algorithms may also impact the reliability of AI tools for certain groups since they are often trained on these algorithms. AI models are often trained on clinical algorithms used to predict diagnoses and treatments, which in some cases have historically used race as a factor and resulted in worse outcomes for some groups. One of the most well-known examples of this practice is the use of separate measures of kidney function (i.e., estimated glomerular filtration rates, eGFRs) for Black patients compared to non-Black patients, which resulted in many Black patients not receiving a kidney transplant. Another study found that removing the use of race from spirometry, a test used to measure lung function, would increase the number of Black people who would qualify for lung disease diagnosis and disability payments. Further, a 2019 study found that an algorithm used to predict the likelihood of safely having a Vaginal Birth after Cesarean Delivery (VBAC) incorrectly predicted a lower likelihood of success for VBAC for Black and Hispanic women than White women, which led to doctors performing more cesarian deliveries on Black and Hispanic women than White women. A growing number of organizations and health care institutions have recently moved to remove race from these algorithms. However, to the extent AI is trained on algorithms or results from algorithms that use race as a factor, AI could perpetuate these racial biases.

Research also shows that AI models may promote racial and ethnic health misinformation, leading to misdiagnosis or delayed care. A study of multiple AI chatbots found instances of the tools promoting "race-based medicine" and false claims about race such as difference in skin thickness between Black and White patients. Further, all AI chatbots included in the study incorrectly stated that Black men’s and women’s normal lung function tends to be lower than their White counterparts’, reflecting its training on the underlying race-biased algorithm to calculate lung function.

If carefully designed, AI has the potential to help address disparities. For example, AI-driven decision support tools can be used to identify and correct real-time clinician bias, particularly during high-stress periods when "cognitive load" often leads to disparities in documentation and diagnosis. By automating administrative tasks such as scheduling and billing, AI could help reduce staff burnout at safety-net hospitals, which disproportionately treat underserved groups. AI can also be used to identify the social determinants that drive health inequities through the analysis of large amounts of population data, which can then help guide interventions to address disparities. AI can also help identify disparities in health outcomes that might otherwise go unrecognized. For example, in a recent study, researchers used machine learning to identify excess deaths due to COVID-19 that were unrecognized in official mortality reports and found that these unrecognized deaths occurred disproportionately among people of color, those with lower educational attainment, and those with lower household incomes, among other factors.

Careful design and inclusive data collection; a diverse workforce; and a focus on ethical considerations, transparency, and a collaborative approach are factors that may help mitigate AI biases in health care. Identification and mitigation of biases during AI models’ development, as well as continuous monitoring and inclusion of more representative data over time, can help to address AI-related bias in health care. Further, having a diverse and representative data science workforce and training AI developers to recognize biases in algorithm development also play an important role in developing equitable AI models. Developing and enforcing ethical standards for AI in health care that inform how AI models and algorithms will be designed to help reduce bias and discrimination and establishing accountability in the creation and use of those algorithms may also help to reduce algorithmic bias. Further, collaborating with a wide range of stakeholders, such as health care workers, policymakers, community members, and ethicists when developing AI tools can offer a broader and more nuanced understanding of the impact of AI on health disparities.

Researchers and other experts have increased their focus on the creation of frameworks and coalitions to help guide equitable use of AI in health care. In 2023, the Coalition for Health AI released guidance for the implementation of AI tools that centers equity, fairness, and ethics. The guidance includes recommendations on developing a common set of principles to guide the development and use of AI tools and a coalition or advisory board to help ensure equity and facilitate trustworthiness in health-related AI. In early 2024, experts in health, medicine, technology, and policy issued a call for “ongoing dialogue and ethical commitment from all stakeholders” to ensure that AI in health care is inclusive following a series of discussions at the 2023 Responsible AI for Social and Ethical Healthcare (RAISE) international symposium. In 2024, the Council of Medical Specialty Societies and the Doris Duke Foundation created the Encoding Equity alliance, whose aims are to identify the incorrect use of race in clinical algorithms and guidelines, design “accurate and equitable decision tools”, and collect and disseminate evidence on the use of AI in health care to promote health equity.

While there has been increasing activity at the state-level to regulate AI in health care, the Trump administration has prioritized deregulation of AI, reduced or eliminated equity requirements for AI in health care, and is challenging state regulations that impose strict anti-bias requirements.  President Trump issued Executive Order (EO) 4148 in January 2025 that rescinded a number of Biden administration EOs, including those related to equitable use of AI in health care. He replaced those EOs with EO 14179, which shifts focus away from “equity” mandates and “algorithmic fairness” and towards “minimally burdensome” requirements to encourage innovation. While numerous states have recently introduced or enacted legislation related to AI in health care, the Trump administration is challenging state laws that impose strict bias audits or transparency requirements for AI via EO 14365 issued in December 2025. Under the EO, the Department of Justice created an AI Litigation Task Force in January 2026 to challenge states with AI laws found to be inconsistent with federal policy. The EO also directs the Secretary of Commerce to restrict federal grant money, specifically the Broadband Equity Access and Deployment (BEAD) Program funds, in states with “onerous” AI laws. For example, Colorado passed the “Consumer Protections for Artificial Intelligence” law in 2024, which among other things, requires health care providers and health insurers to take steps to prevent algorithmic discrimination. However, implementation of the law has been postponed due to legal challenges.

 

Estimating Effectiveness of Influenza and COVID-19 Vaccines: The “Test-Negative” Design

Published: Apr 30, 2026

Recent news reports indicate HHS decided to initially delay publication of, and then not publish, a CDC-led study that estimates the effectiveness of the COVID-19 vaccine over the past winter season. The study had already passed internal reviews by CDC scientific and editorial teams, and its methodology, as indicated by a reportedly leaked copy of the manuscript, is one that is widely used by researchers around the world for studying respiratory virus vaccine effectiveness. Only a few weeks prior, CDC had published a study on influenza vaccine effectiveness using the same methodological approach, and the approach has also been used by CDC in similar studies of COVID-19 vaccine effectiveness in prior years. National Institutes of Health Director and acting Director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Jay Bhattacharya wrote in an op-ed that the decision not to publish the study was due to concerns about its methodology, and that CDC was “upholding its responsibility to ensure that every piece of information it shares is rigorously validated, accurate and worthy of public trust” through additional review of the study prior to publication. To provide context for public discussion of the unpublished study, this policy brief provides an overview of the methodological approach in question – the test-negative case control design – and discusses some of its strengths and limitations in assessing vaccine effectiveness for respiratory diseases like influenza and COVID-19.

What is vaccine effectiveness and how do scientists estimate it?

CDC defines vaccine effectiveness (VE) as “how well vaccination works under real-world conditions to protect people against health outcomes such as symptomatic illness, hospitalization, and death.” This contrasts with “vaccine efficacy,” which refers to how well a vaccine works in ideal, controlled conditions such as a clinical trial. At a basic level, a VE study compares health outcomes (like illness or hospitalization) and vaccination status in different groups of people, in order to generate an estimate of the level of protection that a vaccine provides against those health outcomes. Researchers typically calculate the magnitude of the difference – the level of protection – between groups as a percentage (e.g., a vaccine can have a VE of 50% against illness if that illness was 50% less common in the vaccinated group compared to the unvaccinated group). There are several epidemiological approaches for conducting these types of studies, including “observational” approaches such as cohort studies that follow groups of vaccinated and unvaccinated people over time and measure how frequently health outcomes occur in each group, and case-control studies that identify groups of people with a particular health outcome (cases) and those without that outcome (controls) and determine the frequency of vaccination in each group. A common observational approach used to study VE for respiratory illnesses is a type of case-control study called the “test-negative” design. An “experimental” design such as a randomized controlled trial (where participants are randomized into vaccinated and unvaccinated groups and the vaccine is compared to a placebo) of an existing, FDA approved vaccine is generally considered unethical, meaning observational approaches such as the test-negative design are preferable when assessing VE for vaccines already widely used and shown to be safe and effective.   

Box 1. Defining vaccine effectiveness and test-negative design

Vaccine Effectiveness (VE): “How well vaccination works under real-world conditions to protect people against health outcomes such as symptomatic illness, hospitalization, and death.” (CDC)

“Test-negative” study design: A type of case-control study where subjects are patients who visit medical institutions, with those who test positive for a disease (e.g. influenza or COVID-19) classified as “cases” and those who test negative as “controls”. Vaccination status can then be compared between cases and controls to generate an estimate of VE. (adapted from Fukushima & Hirota 2017)

What is the test-negative study design?

In recent years the “test-negative” design has become the most prevalent approach for studying and monitoring VE of COVID-19 and influenza vaccines in “real world” situations. The test-negative design is a version of the case-control approach where researchers define a clinical outcome of interest (such as influenza-like-illness or respiratory disease symptoms), identify people seeking health care who present with these same symptoms, then test individuals for the pathogen of interest (such as influenza virus or COVID-19). Those that test positive for the pathogen are cases and those that test negative are controls, and researchers can then compare how many in each group were vaccinated. With this information at hand, researchers can determine VE, which is calculated as 1 minus the odds ratio (the odds of vaccination in cases over the odds of vaccination in controls).  For example, in a hypothetical study with 200 participants, 100 were test positive for infection (cases) and 100 were test-negative (controls). When vaccination status is checked, it is distributed across groups as shown in Table 1.

Table 1
Hypothetical Test-Negative Study Results
VaccinatedNot VaccinatedTotal
Cases (test positive)3070100
Controls (test negative)6040100
Note: These results are “unadjusted.”  In VE studies, statistical techniques are used to calculate “adjusted” odds, controlling for factors such as age, comorbidities, prior vaccination status, etc.

In this case, the odds of vaccination among cases is 30/70 = 0.43, and in controls it is 60/40 = 1.5.  The odds ratio would be 0.43/1.5 = 0.29. Therefore VE in this hypothetical study would be (1 – 0.29) x 100% = 71%, indicating that the vaccine was about 71% effective at preventing the outcome among the vaccinated compared to the unvaccinated.   

Researchers will also typically use statistical techniques to control for differences between groups in other characteristics, such as age, comorbidities, and prior infection history.  The as-yet unpublished CDC study of COVID-19 VE and the recently published study of influenza VE use the test-negative approach. It is also the approach often used to estimate VE in respiratory disease research networks for influenza and COVID-19 in the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and across Europe.

What are the strengths and weaknesses of this approach?

The test-negative approach, which relies on people seeking care and health facilities for identifying cases and controls, has become the dominant study design for several reasons. It is often easier to conduct a test-negative design compared to other approaches because both cases and controls are identified in the same location presenting with similar symptoms, whereas other approaches might require seeking controls from the community to match with cases. It’s oftenefficient because it uses existing surveillance and diagnostic testing infrastructure at health care facilities. The test-negative approach also reduces the likelihood of a common bias in case-control designs, which is the potential for differences in health care-seeking behavior between cases and controls. That is, vaccinated people may systematically differ from unvaccinated people in ways that affect healthcare-seeking behavior, which creates the potential for biased VE estimates when community controls are used.

However, there are also methodological issues and potential biases that can occur with test-negative designs. Care must be taken in defining and correctly identifying persons with the illness or health outcome of interest, so that consistency is maintained over time and potentially across multiple locations. It is important to identify study participants systematically according to pre-defined criteria. The quality and consistency of the tests used is very important, as some types of tests (such as rapid diagnostic tests) are less sensitive/specific compared to others (such as RT-PCR or viral culture); lower quality tests can lead to misclassification of cases vs. controls. In addition, in situations where widespread or mandatory testing is in place (for example, when all incoming patients in a facility are tested for COVID-19, as was common for a period during the pandemic), then asymptomatic individuals could be classified as cases even though they may differ in important ways from other cases that are symptomatic or have more severe disease. There are also potential concerns about how to handle prior infections and prior vaccinations because if the groups differ in a systematic way in these areas it can introduce a bias to the study. For COVID-19 studies, in particular, VE estimates unadjusted for infection history can underestimate VE. There are other potential biases that exist in test negative designs as well. Table 2 presents a summary of key strengths and weaknesses of the test-negative design for studying COVID-19 and influenza.

As with all epidemiological studies, poor study design, inconsistent implementation, and failure to take into consideration important biases and confounders can lead to misleading results. However, when well-designed and implemented with consistency and attention to detail, test-negative study designs can produce accurate estimates of vaccine effectiveness. In fact, studies have shown that effective test-negative designs can produce results highly consistent with randomized trials (the “gold-standard” of epidemiological study designs) when compared directly. The reportedly leaked manuscript of the disputed COVID-19 vaccine study indicates methods that are in line with previously published VE studies of influenza and COVID-19 vaccines, suggesting that the current controversy could be a result of increased scrutiny of COVID-19 vaccine effectiveness studies at this particular moment.

Table 2
Test-negative design for studying COVID-19 and influenza vaccine effectiveness: strengths and limitations
StrengthsPotential Limitations
Reduces biases from health-seeking behavior differences
Cases and controls are both drawn from those seeking health care and the same facilities, which reduces the risk of introducing systematic differences in characteristics/behaviors related to health care seeking behaviors.
Care must be taken to apply consistent case definitions
It is important to identify study participants systematically according to pre-defined criteria applied consistently over time and across locations.  Inconsistencies can introduce bias into the study results.
Efficiency, administrative ease, and flexibility
Typically, it is easier to implement and manage test-negative studies compared to randomized trials or case-control studies relying on community controls because they take place in existing facilities and can be merged with ongoing clinical operations. Test-negative studies can often use existing lab testing and surveillance infrastructure at health facilities to identify cases and controls, meaning researchers do not have to build this infrastructure from scratch.
Poor test quality can bias results
The quality of tests used to identify cases and controls is very important. Some types of tests (such as rapid diagnostic tests) are less sensitive/specific compared to others (such as RT-PCR or viral culture). Poorer quality tests and which can lead to misclassification of cases vs. controls.
Results validated against randomized trials
Well designed and managed test-negative VE studies have produced results consistent with randomized trial VE estimates when compared.
Prior infection status can bias results when not accounted for
Test-negative studies that do not collect information on and/or account for prior infection may produce biased results because prior infection may be associated with vaccinated vs. non-vaccinated status and also affect severity of disease/health outcomes. 
Ethical to use for already approved vaccines
Observational approaches such as the test-negative design are preferable when assessing VE for vaccines already FDA-approved and widely used, as a randomized controlled trial of an existing, approved vaccine is unethical.
Doesn’t work well in universal testing environmentsIn situations with mandatory testing (e.g., when all incoming patients in a facility are tested for COVID-19, as was common for a period during the pandemic), then asymptomatic individuals could be classified as cases though they may differ symptomatic cases.
Sources: Jackson ML, Nelson JC (2013) https://doi.org/10.1016/j.vaccine.2013.02.053, Lipsitch M, Jha A, Simonesen L (2016) https://doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyw124, Tchetgen EJT, Cowling BJ (2016) https://doi.org/10.1093/aje/kww064, Fukushima W, Hirota Y (2017) https://doi.org/10.1016/j.vaccine.2017.07.003, Sullivan SG, Chua HC et.al (2020) 10.1097/EDE.0000000000001116, Dean NE, Hogan JW, Schnitzer NE (2020) https://www.nejm.org/doi/10.1056/NEJMe2113151.

Abortion Coverage Limitations in Medicaid and Private Insurance Plans

Published: Apr 30, 2026

Editorial Note: This brief was originally published on April 30, 2026 and was updated on May 21, 2026 to reflect changes in Pennsylvania

Key Findings

  • The Dobbs decision had a major impact on abortion access across the U.S., resulting in state laws that restrict or prohibit the provision of abortion in a large swath of the nation. In addition to state laws affecting the provision of abortion, some states have addressed abortion coverage options under Medicaid or private insurance by implementing new state laws or in response to court decisions on cases that challenged funding restrictions. Since Dobbs, six states (of a total of 13 states) have implemented policies that require abortion coverage in private plans, and five states have eliminated Medicaid coverage restrictions. 
  • Among the 37 states that do not have laws prohibiting abortion, 17 states and D.C. follow the Hyde Amendment restrictions, which restrict the use of federal funds for all abortions with the exceptions of pregnancies resulting from rape or incest or endanger the life of the pregnant person. However, twenty states use state funds to pay for abortions for Medicaid enrollees beyond the Hyde Amendment restrictions, up from 16 states in 2019. Despite the expansion of abortion funding for Medicaid enrollees, over half of women of reproductive age (15-49) with Medicaid coverage live in a state that follows the Hyde Amendment restrictions (33%) or has a law banning the provision of abortion (19%).
  • Federal and states policies also shape access to coverage for abortion in private insurance plans. States are responsible for regulating fully insured individual, small, and large group plans, including Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplace plans. Among the states that do not ban the provision of abortion, four impose Hyde-like restrictions on the circumstances under which state regulated private plans may cover abortion.
  • The ACA allows states to enact laws barring all plans participating in the state marketplace from covering abortion. As of January 2026, 25 states prohibit abortion coverage in their ACA Marketplace plans. In contrast, 13 states require all state regulated plans, including Marketplace plans, to include abortion coverage regardless of the circumstances, and the remaining 12 states and D.C. are silent on the issue.
  • A review of the 2026 Marketplace plans in the 12 states and D.C. that have no specific laws requiring or prohibiting abortion coverage finds six states have no Marketplace plans that include abortion coverage. The remaining six states and D.C. have at least one plan in the 2026 Marketplace that includes abortion coverage on the exchange.
  • Abortion coverage remains a focal point of debate in Congress and a target for investigation by the Trump administration. During the failed 2025 negotiations to extend enhanced premium tax credits, there were proposals to ban the use of federal ACA tax credits for Marketplace plans that include abortion benefits. Since then, the administration has issued guidance on the management of non-federal premium funds that ACA plans are required to collect and segregate if they offer abortion coverage and launched investigations aimed at further restricting abortion coverage within these plans.

Introduction

While the 2022 Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade eliminated federal abortion protections and allowed states to ban the provision of abortion, federal and state restrictions on abortion coverage persist even in states without laws that prohibit abortion. State and federal efforts to address insurance and Medicaid coverage of abortion services began soon after the 1973 Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion and have continued to the present day. Since 1977, the Hyde Amendment, which bans the use of any federal funds for abortion, allowing only exceptions for pregnancies that endanger the life of the pregnant person, or that result from rape or incest, has been a major barrier to coverage of abortion services for low-income women.

Decades later, the issue of abortion coverage was at the heart of many debates in the run up to the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and subsequently led to renewed legislative efforts at the state level to limit coverage of abortions, this time in private insurance plans. Further federal restrictions on abortion coverage are still being debated in current day policy discussions. Most recently, there have been proposals to ban the use of federal ACA tax credits for Marketplace plans that include abortion as a covered benefit. This policy was recently discussed as part of the failed negotiations to extend the federal tax credits in the fall of 2025. In March 2026, the Trump Administration launched investigations to ascertain whether states that require health insurance plans to cover abortion are violating the Weldon Amendment, a federal law that that prohibits federal funds from going to state or local governments that “discriminate” against health care entities which refuse to provide, pay for, cover, or refer for abortions.

This brief reviews current federal and state policies on Medicaid and insurance coverage of abortion services in the U.S. and presents national and state estimates on the availability of abortion coverage for people enrolled in private plans, Marketplace plans, and Medicaid.

Federal and State Laws Regarding Coverage or Payment for Abortion

Over 1.1 million abortions occurred in the United States in 2025. Federal and state laws, as well as insurers’ coverage policies, shape the extent to which individuals can have coverage for abortion services under both publicly funded programs and private health insurance plans. People who seek an abortion but do not have coverage for the service have to shoulder the out-of-pocket costs of the services (though some clinics offer abortion services on a sliding scale based on income). The cost of an abortion varies depending on factors such as location, facility, timing, and type of procedure. The median cost of a medication abortion is $563, whereas the median cost of a second-trimester abortion is $1,000. Though the vast majority (~93%) of abortions are performed in the first trimester of pregnancy, the costs are challenging for people with lower incomes. Approximately 4% of abortions are performed at 16 weeks or later in the pregnancy. For people with medically complicated health situations or who need abortions later in pregnancy, the costs can be prohibitive. In some cases, individuals find they have to delay their abortion while they take time to raise funds, or they may first learn of a fetal anomaly later in pregnancy when the costs are considerably higher. Prior analysis has found that 43% of women ages 18-49 could not handle a $500 emergency expense using their savings. Across the U.S. abortion coverage restrictions disproportionately affects low-income people, who have limited ability to pay for abortion services with out-of-pocket funds.

Since 1977, federal law has banned the use of any federal funds for abortion unless the pregnancy is a result of rape, incest, or if it is determined to endanger the pregnant person’s life. This rule, also known as the Hyde Amendment, is not a permanent law; rather it has been attached annually to Congressional appropriations bills for the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and has been approved every year by Congress. The Hyde Amendment restricts federal abortion funding under Medicaid, Indian Health Service, Medicare, and the Children’s Health Insurance Program. Over the years, similar language has been incorporated into a range of other federal programs that provide or pay for health services for people who could become pregnant, including the military TRICARE program, the Peace Corps, the Federal Employees Health Benefits program and federal prisons. The Department of Veteran Affairs, which provides coverage for military veterans and their families, does not cover abortion nor abortion counseling for their beneficiaries, with limited exceptions for people whose life is endangered. State level policies also have a large impact on how insurance and Medicaid cover abortions, particularly since states are responsible for operating Medicaid programs and regulating insurance plans.

Medicaid

The Medicaid program, a federally and state funded program, serves millions of low-income women and is a major funder of reproductive health services nationally. Approximately two-thirds of adult women enrolled in Medicaid are in their reproductive years. As discussed earlier, the federal Hyde Amendment restricts state Medicaid programs from using federal funds to cover abortions beyond the cases of life endangerment, rape, or incest, however, a state may use its own funds to cover abortions in other circumstances. Currently, 20 states use state-only funds to pay for abortions for women on Medicaid in circumstances different from those federal limitations set in the Hyde Amendment. In the years following the Dobbs decision, four states—Colorado, Delaware, Nevada and Rhode Island—have eliminated Medicaid abortion coverage restrictions, either via a new state law or a court decision. On April 24, 2026, the Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court ruled that the state’s ban on Medicaid coverage for abortion services was unconstitutional, but following an appeal from the state’s Attorney General on May 20, 2026, the court’s decision is paused while the appeal is pending. In 17 states that do not prohibit the provision of abortion and the District of Columbia, Medicaid programs do not pay for any abortions beyond the Hyde exceptions. The 13 states that currently have laws prohibiting abortion provision also follow the Hyde restrictions. Nearly half of women with Medicaid coverage live in states that use their own funds to pay for abortion services, beyond the federal Hyde limitations (Figure 1).

Over Half of Women of Reproductive Age with Medicaid Coverage Live in a State that Follows Hyde Amendment Standards or Currently Bans the Provision of Abortion (Donut Chart)

Since the Dobbs ruling, many states have enacted laws that prohibit or highly restrict abortion and do not necessarily allow exceptions for rape or incest. As of March 2026, thirteen states have laws that ban the provision of abortion, and while all of these laws contain exceptions to safeguard the life of the pregnant person, most do not have exceptions for cases of rape or incest, and therefore, would not allow for the provision of those services to Medicaid enrollees in those states. Most Medicaid enrollees living in states where abortion provision is prohibited are not able to use their coverage in their state for an abortion that qualifies as a Hyde circumstance and those who can travel out of state will most likely not be able to find a provider able to bill their home state’s Medicaid program.

Additionally, some states have extensive reporting requirements for cases of rape and incest. A 2019 GAO study found that some states have requirements for people claiming abortion coverage under Hyde that include provider certification of rape, incest, or life endangerment; beneficiary certification of rape or incest; official documentation (such as police report or report with a public health agency) of rape or incest; prior authorization by the state Medicaid program; and prior certification of counseling for the abortion. Since 2013, Iowa has required formal approval from the Office of the Governor to secure reimbursement for any abortions covered by Medicaid.

Although Hyde abortions are not accessible in states where laws prohibit the provision of abortion, federal courts have ruled that the Medicaid statute, as modified by the Hyde Amendment, requires states to pay for abortions that fall under the Hyde Exceptions and have blocked enforcement of state statutes that prohibit coverage for these exceptions. The Hyde Amendment requires coverage in cases of rape, incest, and life endangerment. In 1998, in a letter to all the state Medicaid directors explaining a change to the Hyde Amendment, Health and Human Services stated that: “All abortions covered by the Hyde Amendment, including those abortions related to rape or incest, are medically necessary services and are required to be provided by states participating in the Medicaid program.” However, a 2022 Congressional Research Service (CRS) overview of the Hyde Amendment, published after the Dobbs decision, lists open questions, such as whether payment for travel for abortion services also falls under the scope of the Hyde Amendment and conjectures that the interplay of state abortion laws and the Amendment may be relitigated. Despite this clear guidance, and court precedent, historically the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) has not taken any enforcement action against states for failing to comply with covering abortion in all of the circumstances required by Hyde.

Private Insurance

States are responsible for regulating fully insured individual, small, and large group plans issued in their state. This includes plans available through the ACA marketplace and plans purchased by some employers for their workers. State laws have jurisdiction over whether abortion coverage is included or excluded in private plans that are not self-insured (which are regulated by the federal government under ERISA). Four states (Kansas, Missouri, Nebraska, Utah) that do have laws prohibiting the provision of abortion impose restrictions on the circumstances under which insurance will cover abortions (Appendix Table 1). Six states with highly restrictive abortion laws—Idaho, Indiana, Kentucky, North Dakota, Oklahoma, and Texas—also have private insurance restrictions in place. Utah limits private insurance plans regulated by the state from covering abortion unless the abortion is necessary to save the life of the mother or avert serious risk of loss of a major bodily function, if the fetus has a defect as documented by a physician that is uniformly diagnosable and lethal, and in cases of rape or incest. Kansas, Missouri, and Nebraska only allow fully insured private plans regulated by the state to cover abortion when it is necessary to save the woman’s life, and abortions under all other circumstances are not covered.

While some states allow insurers to sell riders for abortion coverage on the private market, a KFF analysis conducted prior to the Dobbs decision found that no insurers offered abortion riders to people insured through individually purchased plans, and only one insurance company in one state offered an abortion rider in the group market. The lack of abortion riders leaves people insured by private plans in these states with no option to secure coverage for abortion services. Utah law specifically prohibits abortion coverage riders.

Just as some states proscribe insurance plans from covering abortion, other states require plans to include abortion as a covered service. Currently, 13 states require all state-regulated private health plans, including Marketplace plans, to include coverage for abortion. Ten of these states also require no cost-sharing for abortion services—Illinois and Minnesota allow cost-sharing if there is cost-sharing for similar services in the plan, and Delaware only prohibits cost-sharing for abortions over $750. California and Washington require all plans, including individual and employer plans, to treat abortion coverage and maternity coverage neutrally, meaning that all plans are required to include both maternity and abortion coverage.

ACA Marketplace Plans

All plans offered on the ACA Marketplaces must provide coverage for 10 Essential Health Benefits (EHB), including maternity care and prescription drugs. Abortion services, however, are explicitly excluded from the list of EHBs that all plans are required to offer. Under federal law, no plan is required to cover abortion and states can enact laws that bar all plans participating in the state Marketplace from covering abortions. As of January 2026, 25 states have passed laws that prohibit abortion coverage in their ACA Marketplace plans and an additional 12 states and D.C. are silent on the issue. The remaining 13 states require all ACA plans to cover abortion (Figure 2). All 13 states with laws prohibiting the provision of abortion, except for West Virginia, have laws in place that also prohibit abortion coverage. Most state laws include narrow exceptions for pregnant people whose pregnancies endanger their life or are the result of rape or incest. The ACA prohibits plans in the state Marketplaces from discriminating against any provider because of “unwillingness” to provide abortions.

In 31 States, ACA Exchange Plans Do Not Offer Plans With Abortion Coverage (Choropleth map)

In a KFF review of the 2026 Marketplace plan statement of benefits and plan brochures in the 12 states and D.C. that have no laws requiring or prohibiting abortion coverage, six states (Iowa, Michigan, New Mexico, Nevada, West Virginia, and Wyoming) do not have any Marketplace plans that include abortion coverage (Figure 3). Six states (Alaska, Connecticut, Hawaii, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Virginia) and D.C. have at least one plan in their 2026 ACA Marketplace that includes abortion coverage. Although Michigan repealed their state’s ban on abortion coverage in Marketplace plans in 2023, this analysis found that while many plans in the state do not cover abortion, the statement of benefits in many other plans are silent regarding coverage or exclusion of abortion services. As a combined result of the state laws and insurance company choices, individuals in 31 states currently do not have access to a qualified health plan that includes coverage for abortions.

Thirteen States Now Require Marketplace Plans to Cover Abortion Services, An Increase from 2019 (Stacked Bars)

While the reasons why issuers in states that permit abortion coverage choose to exclude abortion coverage are not known, it is possible that the complexity of the requirements specific only to abortion coverage could be a deterrent to the plans. Plans that choose to include abortion coverage are also subject to additional reporting standards and audit requirements, and must also charge a separate premium for the coverage.

Compared to 2019, the last time KFF conducted a review of abortion coverage in ACA marketplace plans, more states now require abortion coverage in their marketplace plans (4 states vs 13 states). Six states (Colorado, Delaware, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, Vermont) have passed laws following the Dobbs decision requiring all state regulated private plans, including ACA marketplace plans, to cover abortion services. Overall, 19 states and D.C. currently have Marketplace plans that offer abortion coverage, compared to 16 states and D.C. in 2019. Many of the states that now require coverage previously had no laws requiring or prohibiting coverage but had at least one plan that offered abortion coverage in 2019, including Vermont, Maryland, and Colorado. For individuals living in one of the six states and D.C. that have no laws requiring or restricting coverage and do offer at least one plan with abortion coverage, the actual availability of coverage depends on whether there is a plan offered in their area that includes abortion services since not all plans are offered across the whole state. For example, in Virginia, Kaiser Permanente plans are the only ones that offer abortion coverage for ACA Marketplace enrollees.  

The combination of federal and state abortion provision and coverage policies has constrained options in many states. Not surprisingly, for people living in the 13 states where the provision of abortion is prohibited, regardless of their type of insurance coverage, access to abortion services within their state is extremely limited or essentially nonexistent (except for abortion medications obtained through the mail). However, in many states without these laws, abortion coverage is also limited. In four of those states, people enrolled in Medicaid, private, and Marketplace plans, have practically no abortion coverage options (Figure 4). In eight additional states, individuals who qualify for Medicaid or who are insured through their state Marketplace also do not have access to abortion coverage; in five other states and DC, people enrolled in Medicaid have extremely limited coverage. Six of these states do not offer any 2026 Marketplace plans that include abortion coverage.

State Policies on Abortion Coverage for Medicaid, Private Insurance, and ACA Exchange Plan Enrollees in 2026 (Choropleth map)

Special Rules for Billing and Payment for Marketplace Plans that Include Abortion Coverage

In the 19 states & DC that either require coverage of abortions in Marketplace plans or have no restrictions or requirements for abortion coverage but offer at least one plan that covers abortion, abortion coverage must be paid for using non-federal dollars. Plans must notify consumers of the abortion coverage as part of the Summary of Benefits and Coverage (SBC) explanation at the time of enrollment. The ACA outlines a methodology for states and insurers to follow to ensure that no federal funds are used towards coverage for abortions beyond the Hyde limitations. Any plan that covers abortions beyond Hyde limitations must estimate the actuarial value of such coverage by accounting for the cost of the abortion benefit (valued at least $1 per enrollee per month) and segregate these funds from other premium funds. This estimate cannot take into account any savings that plans may achieve as a result of the patients having abortions (such as the costs of prenatal care or delivery).

The segregated funds for abortion coverage that are sitting with the plans have grown over the last 15 years. In July 2025, Maryland allocated the funds remaining in these accounts to be used to help pay for expenses of patients who travel to Maryland for an abortion. In response to state actions and building interest to reallocate these funds to support abortion services, in December 2025, CMS issued new guidance addressing how ACA Marketplace plans use the segregated funds collected from enrollees for non-Hyde abortion coverage. The new guidance states that ACA plans only need to segregate the funds for the current coverage year. At the end of the plan year, after all claims have been paid, plans may treat the premium funds collected for the coverage of non-Hyde abortions the same as other premiums funds collected, meaning that the plans can keep the funds for other uses, not just for abortion services.

Appendix

Scope of Abortion Coverage in Medicaid and Private Plans, by State as of May 2026 (Table)
News Release

Survey Offers Early Look at States’ Differing Approaches to Implementing Medicaid Work Requirements Amid Cost and Time Constraints and Uncertainty from Delayed Federal Guidance

Many States Seek Less Restrictive Policies and Automated Verification Where Possible, While Seven States Plan for More Restrictive Verification or Early Implementation

Published: Apr 30, 2026

A new KFF survey of state Medicaid officials and focus groups in eight states captures the different choices states are making about how to implement Medicaid work requirements, with seven states planning for a more restrictive approach to verifying work or exemption status or to implement work requirements early. These implementation plans are taking shape as states encounter time, cost, and other constraints as well as uncertainty about how to define and verify certain exemptions due to delayed federal guidance.

The 2025 reconciliation law requires adults in the 43 states (including DC) covered through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion and partial expansion waiver programs (Georgia and Wisconsin) to meet work requirements starting January 1, 2027.

Though planning for the implementation of work requirements continues, states have reported making several important policy choices—all of which can affect the level of burden placed on Medicaid enrollees and applicants as well as Medicaid staff capacity:

  • Additional verification: Four states (Arkansas, Idaho, Indiana, and New Hampshire) currently plan to adopt more restrictive compliance verification policies than required by law by applying longer look-back periods at application or renewal. Two of these states (Indiana and New Hampshire) will also conduct more frequent (quarterly) compliance checks.
  • Early implementation: Three states report plans to implement work requirements earlier than required by law (January 2027): Iowa, Montana, and Nebraska. Arkansas says it will launch a “soft implementation” of work requirements in 2026, with no disenrollments occurring until the official start in January 2027.
  • Automating verification: Eighteen states say they will use new data sources to further automate verification of work requirements and non-medical exemptions, including data sources to verify school attendance, community service, and exemptions for veterans and individuals recently released from incarceration, while half of states have not yet made a decision. States are also exploring ways to verify who is medically frail and exempt from work requirements, with most indicating they will use Medicaid claims data and other data sources to automate the process. Many would also like to allow “self-attestation” from enrollees and applicants. States will not be able to implement the exemption until they have a detailed federal definition of who qualifies as medically frail and whether statements that attest to medical frailty (known as “self-attestation”) will be allowed under federal rules.
  • Hardship exceptions: Twenty-nine states plan to adopt at least one of four types of hardship exception for individuals facing extenuating circumstances, including exemptions for individuals who live in high-unemployment areas or areas experiencing a natural disaster, individuals receiving care in a hospital or nursing facility, and those who must travel for medical care. Only two states (Iowa and Indiana) do not plan to adopt any hardship exceptions.

Amid these early implementation decisions and plans, states face a variety of challenges and uncertainties:

  • Resource constraints: To reduce Medicaid enrollee and administrative burden, states are required to use data from available and reliable sources to check for compliance with or exemption from work requirements. However, states say their efforts to leverage new data to automate verification processes are constrained by time, costs, staff capacity, and other limitations.
  • Federal guidance: States are waiting for federal guidance about how to define certain exemptions as well as community engagement activities and what verification methods will be accepted. In particular, states would like more federal guidance on who qualifies as medically frail and as a caregiver as well as how to define caregiving. Even as they move forward with new systems and other changes, states expressed concerns about the risks and added costs of making decisions before guidance has been finalized.

In addition to information on work requirements, KFF’s survey collected information on a wide range of eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies, some of which may affect how states implement work requirements. Those findings are included in a related report, some of which are highlighted below:

  • Artificial intelligence: Six states (Arkansas, California, Maryland, Missouri, New Mexico, and Oklahoma) say they are using artificial intelligence (AI) to assist with implementing work requirements, while most other states are still exploring options. A small but growing number of state Medicaid programs are also using AI to support consumer assistance, most often through a chatbot to answer questions or by assisting enrollees in updating their contact information, saving eligibility or call center workers time in manually collecting and updating the information.
  • SNAP data: Fifteen states use verified income data from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) to enroll individuals into or renew enrollees’ Medicaid coverage. SNAP data can also be used to verify compliance with work requirements or exemptions.

A companion survey from KFF provides a baseline for Medicaid eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies for seniors and people with disabilities ahead of potential changes to the program stemming from the 2025 reconciliation law.

The 24th annual survey of state Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance (CHIP) program officials was conducted between January and March 2026 by KFF and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families. The Survey of Medicaid Financial Eligibility for Older Adults & People with Disabilities was conducted in March 2026 by KFF and Watts Health Policy Consulting. Overall, 49 states and the District of Columbia responded to both surveys. (Florida was the only state that did not respond).

For the latest and most comprehensive information on Medicaid work requirements, visit KFF’s interactive tracker, which includes state-level data on Medicaid enrollment and renewal outcomes as well as current state enrollment and renewal policies. KFF’s tracker also offers the latest federal guidance, key policy and operational questions, and information on current 1115 work requirements waiver requests and approvals.

Medicaid and CHIP Eligibility, Enrollment, and Renewal Policies as States Prepare for Major Medicaid Policy Changes

Authors: Tricia Brooks, Jennifer Tolbert, Anna Mudumala, Amaya Diana, Yuliya Yafimenka, and Antony Lin
Published: Apr 30, 2026

Executive Summary

By the beginning of 2025, states had largely resumed more routine Medicaid enrollment operations following the unwinding of pandemic-era continuous enrollment provisions but with numerous reforms in place to streamline renewal processes and bolster enrollee communications. However, the passage of the 2025 reconciliation law in July 2025 introduced significant Medicaid eligibility and enrollment changes. Starting in January 2027, states that adopted the Medicaid expansion in the Affordable Care Act (ACA) along with Georgia and Wisconsin (states that expanded adult coverage through a waiver) must implement work/community engagement requirements (referred to as work requirements in this report) for the expansion or waiver populations. Expansion states must also shift to more frequent semi-annual renewal periods for expansion enrollees and impose cost-sharing on all nonexempt services on expansion enrollees with incomes between 100% and 138% of the federal poverty level (FPL). Other changes in the law affect all states, such as the elimination of eligibility for certain lawfully residing immigrants. The law also delays for 10 years enforcement of many changes included in a 2024 regulation that aimed to simplify eligibility and enrollment (Box 1). In part tied to federal Medicaid financing changes in the law, states also face more tenuous state budget conditions that could lead to further eligibility restrictions and reductions in benefits and provider rates as they seek to reduce spending on Medicaid. 

The 24th annual survey of state Medicaid and CHIP program officials conducted by KFF and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families (CCF) provides a baseline of state Medicaid and CHIP eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies in place as of January 2026 as they prepare to implement the changes included in the 2025 reconciliation law. Information collected through the survey highlights state policies and processes that will facilitate implementation of the requirements in the law and shows where states will need to make changes to comply with the new requirements. The survey also included questions about state decisions on implementation of work requirements. More detailed findings from those questions are included in a separate brief, An Early Look at Policy Decisions as States Get Ready to Implement Work Requirements. This report focuses on policies for children, pregnant individuals, parents, and other non-elderly adults whose eligibility is based on Modified Adjusted Gross Income (MAGI) financial eligibility rules (findings on eligibility and enrollment policies for non-MAGI populations are available in Medicaid Eligibility Levels for Older Adults and People with Disabilities (Non-MAGI) in 2026). Overall, 49 states and the District of Columbia responded to the survey (Florida did not respond). For purposes of this report, the District of Columbia is counted as a state.

Key Takeaways

  • Many parents of older children in expansion states will be subject to new work requirements starting in January 2027. While the reconciliation law does not directly impact income eligibility levels, new work requirements and more frequent 6-month renewals for parents and adult enrollees in the ACA Medicaid expansion will make it more difficult for those adults to enroll in and retain coverage. Parents covered through the mandatory Section 1931 pathway – based on cash assistance eligibility thresholds in effect in 1988 — are exempt from work requirements, but parents in the expansion group with children ages 14 and over are required to meet the requirements. The median Section 1931 eligibility level in expansion states is 36% FPL, and as a result, some parents in the expansion group (i.e., those with incomes above those thresholds) who are not identified through data matching may need to verify they are exempt, and parents of children ages 14 and older with income above that level who are enrolled through the expansion will need to comply with the work requirements. In the ten states with the lowest Section 1931 eligibility levels (25% of the poverty level or less), many parents will need to meet the requirements or qualify for an exemption. Four expansion states cover parents up to 138% FPL through the Section 1931 pathway, creating an exemption from work requirements for all parents in those states.
  • States continue to expand use of electronic communications and add features to online accounts and mobile apps—strategies that may help to maintain enrollment for individuals who remain eligible. States are increasingly using electronic communications through online accounts and text messages to send more frequent alerts and reminders to improve response rates at renewal. While just 14 states have mobile apps with enrollment features, these apps along with online accounts give enrollees more ways to manage their coverage. These strategies, already shown to ease administrative burden during the unwinding, could help expansion states assist enrollees navigate new requirements.
  • States with Medicaid eligibility systems that are integrated with SNAP and decisions to adopt options to use SNAP data to enroll or renew Medicaid coverage could reduce the administrative burden of implementing work requirements and semi-annual renewals. Half of states have MAGI Medicaid eligibility systems integrated with SNAP eligibility and 15 states use verified income data from SNAP to enroll or renew Medicaid. SNAP data, in particular, can be used to verify compliance with work requirements or exemption status. States that do not currently share program data may need to establish data linkages to implement work requirements if required by CMS. While having an integrated eligibility system facilitates data sharing across programs, the reconciliation law also included changes to SNAP, so some states with integrated systems are having to make changes for both programs simultaneously.
  • A small but growing number of states are using artificial intelligence (AI) in consumer assistance and eligibility and enrollment processes, including to perform some functions that may help with implementation of work requirements. Some states are using AI to review and extract information from uploaded documents and to enhance data matching, which could meaningfully reduce the paperwork burden that semi-annual renewals and work requirements will create. States are also using AI bots to assist enrollees in updating their contact information, saving eligibility or call center workers time in manually collecting and updating the information.
  • The reconciliation law includes new administrative requirements for updating addresses and identifying deceased enrollees. The reconciliation law requires states to regularly obtain address information from reliable sources, including mail returned with a forwarding address, the USPS National Change of Address Database (NCOA), and managed care organizations (MCOs), by January 1, 2027. Two-thirds of states already use (MCO) or NCOA data. By January 2028, states must conduct data matching at least quarterly with the SSA’s Master Death File to identify deceased enrollees. Over half of states (29) already review the Master Death File on a quarterly or more frequent basis.
  • Currently, 19 states charge nominal cost-sharing to Section 1931 parents, and 21 states charge cost sharing to ACA or waiver expansion adults, while the remaining states do not charge cost-sharing. Starting in October 2028, the reconciliation law requires states to impose cost sharing of up to $35 per service, with some exceptions, on ACA expansion adults with income 100%-138% FPL. CMS guidance is needed to clarify any flexibility that states may have in determining whether some or all non-exempt services must require cost-sharing. The limitation of $35 per service means that several states will have to lower cost-sharing on certain services, generally on inpatient hospital services, which could also implicate cost-sharing for 1931 parents or create inequity in how charges are assessed between low-income parents and ACA expansion adults.

Box 1:  Changes to Medicaid Eligibility and Enrollment Policies in the 2025 Reconciliation Law

October 2026: Restricts eligibility to Lawful Permanent Residents (“green card” holders), certain Cuban and Haitian immigrants, Compact of Free Association (COFA) migrants lawfully residing in the US, and lawfully residing children and pregnant adults in states that cover them under the ICHIA option; will eliminate eligibility for certain lawfully residing immigrants, including asylees, refugees, victims of domestic abuse or trafficking, and individuals granted entry for other humanitarian reasons.

January 2027:

  • Imposes work/community engagement requirements on all expansion adults (unless the individual qualifies for an exemption) who are enrolled through the ACA pathway in 41 states, as well as in Georgia and Wisconsin which have waivers to cover adults without dependent children.
  • Requires 6-month renewals for all expansion adults in 41 states that expanded adult coverage through the ACA pathway.
  • Requires states to update enrollee address information using reliable data sources, including the National Change of Address Database and managed care entities.
  • Requires states to review the Master Death File at least quarterly to determine if any enrolled individuals are deceased.

October 2028: Requires mandatory cost-sharing on all non-exempt services greater than $0 and up to $35 per service unless exempt.

October 2029: Requires the Secretary to establish a system to share information with states for purposes of preventing individuals from being simultaneously enrolled in two states and requires states to submit monthly enrollee SSNs and other information to the system.

Eligibility and Enrollment Rule (April 2024) Provisions Now Subject to 10-Year Delay in Enforcement

  • Prohibits in-person interviews for all applicants.
  • Requires all MAGI and non-MAGI applications and supplemental forms to be accepted online, by phone, through the mail, and in person
  • Provides all applicants with at least 15 calendar days to respond to requests for information
  • Establishes minimum 90-day reconsideration period for all individuals determined ineligible for not responding to requests for documentation at application, renewal, or when there is a change in circumstances
  • Provides minimum 30-days for individuals to respond to requests for information at renewal
  • Prohibits procedural terminations when verifying eligibility for other benefits
  • Updates contact information from reliable sources without further verification
  • Requires states make a good faith effort to confirm updated information from other sources
  • Requires alignment of renewal policies for non-MAGI populations with those for MAGI populations

Report

Eligibility Policies

The median eligibility level for children remains unchanged from prior years at 255% FPL, though the transition from separate CHIP program to a CHIP-funded Medicaid expansion among some states continued. Oregon transitioned its separate CHIP program for children to a CHIP-funded Medicaid expansion (M-CHIP). In M-CHIP states, children who are income eligible for CHIP receive all the benefits and protections associated with Medicaid; however, the child must be previously uninsured for the state to claim the enhanced federal match for CHIP. Utah also plans to convert its separate CHIP program to M-CHIP in mid-2026, which will bring the total to 23 M-CHIP states, up from 18 states 2016. Although not required to do so, 14 of 28 states with separate CHIP programs for children provide full Medicaid (EPSDT) benefits (Figure 2).

State Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits for Children as a Percent of the Federal Poverty Level in Expansion States, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

States must cover pregnancy for individuals with income up to 138% FPL, but most states (38) have an upper income limit for pregnancy coverage at or above 200% FPL. The upper income limit is the highest pregnancy income threshold among three pathways: Medicaid (all states), CHIP expansion for pregnancy (7 states), and CHIP-funded From Conception to the End of Pregnancy coverage (25 states) (Figure 3). The median eligibility level for pregnancy is unchanged at 213%. Two thirds of states (33) use federal funds through the Medicaid state plan option or a Section 1115 waiver to cover family planning services with a median income eligibility of 210% FPL.

Median Eligibility Levels by Program for Pregnant Individuals, January 2026 (Column Chart)

The median income eligibility for parents in non-expansion states is 40% FPL while eligibility levels for both parents and adults without dependent children is 138% FPL in expansion states (Figure 4). Although D.C. lowered income eligibility for parents and adults, from 221% and 215% respectively to 138% FPL, it launched the DC Healthy Plan, a Basic Health Program that covers non-Medicaid residents with income between 138%-200% FPL.

Median Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits Based on Implementation of Medicaid Expansion, January 2026 (Grouped column chart)

Many parents of older children in expansion states will be subject to new work requirements starting in January 2027. States are required to cover parents and caretakers of children under age 18 who have income at or below the eligibility standard for cash assistance that was in effect as of May 1, 1988, through the Section 1931 pathway. The ACA expanded Medicaid eligibility for parents and created a new eligibility pathway for adults without dependent children with incomes up to 138% FPL. In states that adopted the expansion, many parents with income above the state’s Section 1931 level gained coverage. Parents covered through the Medicaid expansion who have children ages 14 or older will need to comply with the new work requirements. Some parents of older children in Georgia also gained coverage through the state’s partial expansion waiver program and will be subject to new work requirements.

The median eligibility for Section 1931 parents in expansion states is 36%; however, the levels vary widely across states. Four expansion states cover parents with income up to 138% FPL through the Section 1931 pathway, thus exempting all parents in their states from work requirements (all parents are also exempt in Wisconsin), and 11 other states have Section 1931 eligibility above 100% FPL. In the ten states with the lowest Section 1931 eligibility levels (less than 25% FPL), many parents will need to meet the requirements or qualify for an exemption (Figure 5).

Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits for Adults as a Percent of the Federal Poverty Level, January 2026 (Stacked Bars)

Three quarters of states (38) cover lawfully residing children without a 5-year waiting period and over six in ten states (32) cover lawfully residing pregnant immigrants through Medicaid. In general, lawfully residing immigrants must have a “qualified” immigration status to be eligible for Medicaid or CHIP, and many, including most lawful permanent residents or “green card” holders, must wait five years after obtaining qualified status before they may enroll. Through the 2009 Immigrant Children’s Health Insurance Act (ICHIA), states have the option to cover lawfully residing immigrant children and pregnant immigrants without a 5-year waiting period (Figure 6). Undocumented immigrants are not eligible to enroll in Medicaid or CHIP. While the reconciliation law restricted Medicaid and CHIP eligibility for certain lawfully residing immigrants, it did not eliminate the state option to cover lawfully residing children and pregnant individuals without the 5-year waiting period.

State Adoption of ICHIA Coverage for Lawfully Residing Immigrant Children Without a 5-Year Wait and Pregnant Individuals, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Eligibility Changes for Immigrants

States are preparing to send advance notices to lawfully residing immigrants who are losing eligibility because of restrictions in the reconciliation law. Beginning October 1, 2026, Medicaid eligibility for immigrants will be restricted to only LPRs or green card holders, certain Haitian and Cuban entrants, and COFA migrants residing in the U.S. Recent guidance clarifies that to implement these eligibility changes states will need to reverify individuals to confirm they have an eligible immigration status under the new rules. If states are unable to reverify an eligible immigration status, they will need to provide notice to individuals that they are no longer eligible and will be disenrolled. Prior to the guidance being released, more than half of states (28) said they plan to send one or more notices to inform affected immigrants of the eligibility change while 21 states have not yet established their policies regarding outreach and notices, most likely because they were waiting on formal guidance from CMS. Two states (New York and Oregon) plan to transition eligible immigrants who lose coverage to state-funded coverage. Although most states are still making decisions about the number and timing of notices, states that have made decisions report they will send between one and three notices between 30 days and more than 90 days in advance. Advance notice can help affected individuals plan for the loss of coverage and seek care for urgent or unmet needs before they become uninsured. Nearly half of states (22) plan to engage community-based organizations in conducting outreach to affected immigrant communities. Outreach through trusted, community-based organizations can help boost awareness among those who will be affected, and community partners may be able to help individuals consider alternatives, including how to access free or low-cost care.

Eligibility Policies for Incarcerated Individuals

As of January 1, 2026, states are required to suspend, rather than terminate, Medicaid eligibility for adults during incarceration. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2023 required states to suspend Medicaid for incarcerated adults so that coverage could be promptly reactivated if the individual requires an inpatient hospital stay of at least 24 hours while incarcerated and to facilitate resumption of coverage when the adult is released. Coverage suspension also allows states to take advantage of reentry waivers (currently approved in 19 states and pending in 9) to provide Medicaid coverage of medications, outpatient services, and mental health services prior to release.

Most states (46) receive information from the Corrections Agency to identify when an individual has been incarcerated for purposes of suspending Medicaid coverage, but the method for transferring the information varies. Half of the states (26) use two or more methods for obtaining the information, including direct data exchange between the Medicaid and Corrections Agencies (29 states), through a secure file transfer via email (19 states), through an alternative secure file transfer (20 states), or using a different form of communication between the two agencies (20 states) (Figure 7). Two states are still developing processes to share information between the agencies. States also rely on information provided directly by incarcerated individuals (35 states) or someone in their household (37 states) or by a third-party vendor (14 states). In over half the states (28), these processes remain mostly or fully manual, which increases the administrative burden for eligibility workers and can lead to delays in processing coverage suspensions.   

Methods by Which a Medicaid Agency Identifies When an Enrollee Becomes Incarcerated and Suspends Coverage, January 2026 (Pie Chart)

Over half of states (27) receive information from the Corrections agency prior to an individual being released from incarceration to reinstate coverage. In these states, the Medicaid agency is informed of the release between 90 days and a few days prior to release. The remaining states receive the information on the day of release or after release, either from the Corrections agency or from the formerly incarcerated individuals when they return to the community. Without data sharing and advance notice of release from incarceration from the Corrections agency, it may be difficult for Medicaid agencies to exempt individuals from work requirements during the three months post release as required.

Enrollment Policies

Uploading Documents

In advance of implementing work requirements, most states maximize options for individuals to submit verification documents. Once states implement work requirements, providing applicants and enrollees with multiple ways to upload documents will help minimize the number of people who are denied or lose coverage because they were unable to submit verification documentation. Documents can be submitted by mail (50 states), to a local office (49 states), by fax (48 states), through online accounts (46 states), via email (37 states), and through mobile apps in 13 of the 16 states with mobile apps (Figure 8).

Modes to Submit Verification Documentation, January 2026 (Column Chart)

Updating Contact Information

All states take multiple actions to update enrollee contact information, though some states will have to take additional steps to comply with requirements in the reconciliation law. The 2025 reconciliation law requires states to collect updated mailing addresses from reliable sources, including mail returned with a forwarding address, the USPS National Change of Address database (NCOA), and information from managed care plans. Starting January 1, 2027, states must contractually require all types of managed care organizations to transmit updated addresses for enrollees and must regularly check the NCOA. Currently, over half of states require MCO’s to provide updated contact information (29 states) or conduct routine data matches with NCOA (27 states), with 18 states using both sources (Figure 9). Two thirds of states (35) also check for updated information in SNAP or other programs, 29 states maintain a simple online change of address form, and 17 states have a dedicated phone option for reporting new contact information.

State Actions to Update Enrollee Contact Information, January 2026 (Bar Chart)

Although not required by the reconciliation law, many states accept updated contact information from reliable sources “as verified” and make a good faith effort to contact an individual when verification is needed. The 2024 eligibility and enrollment rule would have required states to accept the contact information received from reliable sources without having to conduct further verification, including confirming with the enrollee. Without requiring further verification, 36 states update addresses from returned mail with an in-state forwarding address, 28 states accept MCO-submitted changes, 24 states accept NCOA updates, 33 states use SNAP or other program information to update mailing addresses, and 12 states update returned mail without a forwarding address (Figure 10). The E&E rule would also have required states to make a good faith effort to contact an individual when mail is returned with no forwarding address or with an out-of-state address. Currently, when additional information to confirm an address is needed, 28 states send mail to the new address and 22 states send mail to the old address, requesting enrollee confirmation. States also attempt to reach the individual by phone (41 states), by email (24 states), or by text (20 states).

State Actions to Update Contact Information, January 2026 (Bar Chart)

Over half of states review the Death Master File to identify any enrollee who is deceased, as will be required by the reconciliation law. Beginning in January 2028, the reconciliation law requires all states to review the Death Master File at least quarterly to determine if an enrolled individual is deceased. States may treat the information as factual and are not required to attempt to contact the individual to confirm its accuracy. However, they are required to reinstate coverage if an error is made in disenrolling an individual who is still alive. Currently, 30 states regularly review the Master Death file, and all but one review on a quarterly basis or more frequently (Figure 11). Beginning October 1, 2029, states also will be required to submit Social Security numbers and other personal enrollment information monthly to a new federal system to check for enrollment in more than one state, as well as at application and renewal. This system will replace the requirement that states use the Public Assistance Reporting Information System (PARIS) currently used to check for duplicate enrollment.

Frequency of State Review of the Master Death File to Determine Whether Enrolled Individuals Are Deceased, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Use of AI

Several states are using AI in ways that could be applicable to implementing work requirements. Of 22 states using AI, 15 states are using AI to support eligibility and enrollment processes. Five states say they use AI to review and extract information -- such as social security numbers or income data -- from uploaded documents, and one state is using AI to enhance data matching, both functions that can facilitate implementation of work requirements (Table 1). Other uses of AI include helping eligibility workers find policy information (7 states), transcribing case worker notes and hearings (2 states), or using bots to enroll deemed newborns or collect updated contact information (2 states).

Use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) to Support Eligibility and Enrollment Processes and Consumers, January 2026 (Table)

States are also using AI to support consumer assistance, most often through a chatbot to answer questions when individuals are viewing the website. Of the 14 states using AI to assist consumers, nearly all (13) have chatbots to answer questions on the website. A smaller number of states (5) report using AI to assist consumers during the application or renewal process. Chatbots are also used to provide updates to applicants and enrollees on the status of their case or to collect updated contact information.

Systems and Online Tools

Half of states (25) have SNAP and TANF integrated in their MAGI-Medicaid eligibility systems which may help to coordinate SNAP and Medicaid work requirements. In most cases, an individual who has met SNAP work reporting requirements can be automatically determined compliant with Medicaid work reporting requirements and adults without dependent children who are eligible for SNAP and not exempt from SNAP work requirements qualify for an exemption from the Medicaid work requirements. An integrated system makes it easier for states to share information across programs and identify individuals who meet work requirements or qualify for an exemption. Nearly three-quarters of states (36) also have integrated non-MAGI Medicaid, and 15 states have integrated child care subsidy eligibility.

Over half of states that operate their own state-based Marketplace (12 of 21 SBM states) have integrated eligibility for MAGI Medicaid and CHIP into their Marketplace eligibility system. Illinois became the 12th state to integrate Medicaid and Marketplace eligibility systems (Figure 12). The remaining nine SBM states, as well as the two SBM states that use the Federally-facilitated Marketplace (FFM), have separate systems for determining eligibility for MAGI Medicaid and CHIP. Of the 30 states that rely on the Federally-facilitated Marketplace (FFM) for marketplace eligibility functions, eight allow the FFM to determine Medicaid eligibility (determination states) while the FFM assesses eligibility in 21 states (assessment states). The FFM relies on the state’s eligibility criteria and reliable data sources to make an assessment or determination. CMS has encouraged states to use the determination option as a strategy to reduce the workload when state administrative capacity is overwhelmed. However, it is unclear whether the FFM will be able to determine compliance with or exemption from Medicaid work requirements. Upcoming CMS guidance may provide some clarification.

Integration of Marketplace and MAGI-Medicaid/CHIP Eligibility Systems in States With a State-Based Marketplace (SBM), January 2026 (Choropleth map)

The 12 SBM states with an integrated Marketplace and MAGI-Medicaid eligibility system are much less likely to have integrated non-health programs into their eligibility systems. Only Kentucky and Rhode Island have integrated SNAP, TANF, and the child care subsidy into the Marketplace/Medicaid eligibility system (Figure 13). Both states, plus New York, also have integrated eligibility for non-MAGI Medicaid.

Integration of Marketplace Subsidies, Non-MAGI Medicaid, and Non-Health Programs Into the System That Determines MAGI-Medicaid Eligibility, January 2026 (Stacked column chart)

All states have an online MAGI Medicaid application, and nearly all states (49) allow individuals to apply for one or more other benefits, including SNAP or TANF, through the online application even if the state’s eligibility systems are not integrated with the other programs. Multi-benefit MAGI Medicaid applications include non-MAGI Medicaid in 41 states, SNAP in 31 states, TANF in 29 states, child care subsidy in 18 states, and premium tax credits in 13 SBM states (Figure 14). In states that do not have integrated eligibility systems, the data collected from the multi-benefit applications are transferred to the systems that process eligibility for those programs. With the more extensive use of smart phones and other mobile devices along with more limited access to computers among low-income populations, 36 states have designed their online applications to reformat for mobile devices.

Multi-Benefit Online MAGI Medicaid Applications, January 2026 (Column Chart)

Online Accounts and Mobile Apps

Almost all states now have comprehensive online accounts through which individuals apply for Medicaid and manage their personal and enrollment-related information (Figure 15). In the past ten years, the number of states with online accounts increased from 39 to 49. Initially online accounts included a limited number of features; today most states report having a variety of features, including the ability to submit an application or renewal, view notices, report changes, and upload documents. Online accounts provide applicants and enrollees with a centralized location for most of their Medicaid enrollment information, and states can more quickly and cost-effectively connect with individuals if action is needed to enroll or maintain coverage.

Select Features for Online Accounts, January 2026 (Bar Chart)

Sixteen states have a Medicaid mobile ‘app,’ but features in the apps are generally more limited than in online accounts. Mobile ‘apps’ are specifically designed to work well on smartphones and tablets but offer fewer features. In 13 states, the mobile ‘app’ allows enrollees to view notices and upload documents while the ability to view application status is a feature in 11 states (Figure 16). However, only half of states (8) with mobile ‘apps’ accept applications and half (8) accept renewals for Medicaid. In 2 states (Delaware and Virginia), the mobile ‘app’ helps Medicaid enrollees with non-eligibility and enrollment actions like finding providers or selecting a managed care plan.

Application Available Through Mobile App, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Online Portals for Community Assisters

Half of states (26) provide a separate web portal or protected access to the online account for entities that provide application assistance to help individuals apply for coverage (Figure 17). All states with online portals for assisters allow for the submission of the application and most (23 states) allow assisters to review the application status. In 21 states, including 19 that will be implementing work requirements, community assisters can submit renewal information and/or upload scanned or electronic documents through the portals, increasing their ability to assist consumers with providing documentation of compliance with work requirements or exemption status. About a third of states allow assisters to do other tasks such as reporting changes, viewing notices, and accessing renewal dates. States may designate the types of entities allowed to use the portal, which generally include federally qualified health centers and other health care providers, family-serving community-based organizations, MCOs, and federal or state navigators and assisters (Figure 18). Access to community assisters can extend the state’s capacity to help individuals comply with work requirements or seek an exemption.

States with a Separate Web Portal or Protected Access for Community Assisters, January 2026 (Choropleth map)
Types of Organizations Authorized to Use Separate Web Portals or Protected Access, January 2026 (Bar Chart)

Renewals and Changes in Circumstances

Renewal Policies

During the unwinding significant effort was dedicated by states and CMS to increase the rate of ex parte (automated) renewals and boost communication with enrollees through multiple modes to avoid procedural disenrollments of eligible individuals. States are maintaining most of the strategies put in place during unwinding to increase retention of eligible individuals.

State adoption of certain renewal strategies allowed during the unwinding could reduce the administrative burden on expansion states as they operationalize work requirements. During the unwinding, all states took advantage of flexible 1902(e)(14)(A) waiver authority to use alternative data and methods to verify income eligibility. Several of these strategies are available to states as state plan options with two-thirds of states (33) adopting one or more of the options. Fifteen (15) states, including 13 states that will need to implement work requirements, enroll and renew individuals based on a SNAP income determination and 8 states use a TANF income determination. The sharing of SNAP program data, in particular, will facilitate implementation of work requirements. Also helpful is the option for MCOs to assist members with renewals, which 10 states have adopted (Figure 19). Although MCO’s cannot determine if an individual meets the work requirements or qualifies for a medically-related exemption, they can assist members in understanding the new requirements and provide information to states that can be used to verify the exemption status of the enrollee. Half of states adopted the option to renew individuals reporting no income if data sources show no income, and 15 states renew individuals reporting income under 100% FPL when there is no conflicting data. However, these strategies are less useful when it comes to verifying compliance with work requirements.

State Adoption of Renewal Strategies to Automatically Enroll and Renew Individuals, January 2026 (Column Chart)

States continue to expand the ways individuals can access their renewal date directly or through providers and assisters. Providing enrollees with numerous ways to confirm their renewal date reduces the likelihood that they will miss renewal notices. This access to renewal dates will be particularly useful as expansion enrollees transition to 6-month renewal periods starting in January 2027. Enrollees can directly access their renewal date in their online accounts in 44 states, mobile app in 13 of 16 states with apps, through the Medicaid call center in 48 states, or via text message from the state in 23 states (Figure 20). All states offer at least one source, and half the states provide renewal information through three or more options. Most states (42) also share renewal dates with entities that provide services or assistance to enrollees, including MCOs (39 states), FQHCs (16 states), other providers (18 states), pharmacies (12 states), and navigators and/or assisters (18 states).

Enrollee and Assister Entity Access to Renewal Date Information, January 2026 (Bar Chart)

More states are using timely and cost-effective electronic communications, adding methods of communication, and boosting capacity to communicate more frequently with enrollees. During the Medicaid unwinding states sought to increase awareness of renewals and encourage enrollees to respond to improve retention and reduce procedural disenrollments of eligible individuals. To alert enrollees to upcoming renewals, 22 states send advance notice most frequently through text messages, but also via email, regular mail, and robo-calls; 40 states send reminders to enrollees to submit renewal information; and 38 states take various actions to help individuals maintain or regain coverage after disenrollment, including by providing information about the 90-day reconsideration period during which enrollees can still submit renewal forms and documentation (27 states) and by providing MCOs with a list of members who have been procedurally disenrolled (17 states) (Figure 21). It is unclear how work requirements will intersect with the 90-day reconsideration period as states await additional guidance from CMS. 

State Actions to Communicate with Enrollees During the Renewal Process, January 2026 (Column Chart)

Automatic Case Closures at Renewal

States have implemented additional measures to flag receipt of unprocessed renewal information to avoid automatically closing a case with a pending renewal. Most states (44) have eligibility systems that automatically close a case on or shortly after the renewal date if renewal information has not been received. But automatic case closure can result in a premature disenrollment if the renewal or other documentation has been received but is unprocessed. To avoid the extra work to disenroll and reenroll individuals, states have established processes to flag receipt of renewals or documentation in the multiple modes through which renewal information can be submitted, including online accounts, email, regular mail, call centers, and in-person offices, and remove cases from automatic closure (Figure 22). The number of states that flag information from any source increased to 38 from 33 in 2025. Having a process to avoid automatic case closure when documents have been received may be particularly important as states shift from a 12-month to a 6-month renewal cycle and as they implement work requirements for expansion enrollees. During this transition, expansion enrollees who are confused by the earlier than expected renewals or by the new work requirements may be late in responding to renewal notices. It is unclear whether expansion states will have to make any changes to their automated case closure systems when they implement work requirements.

State Processes to Flag Returned Information to Avoid Automatic Case Closure, January 2026 (Bar Chart)

Changes in Circumstances

Two-thirds of states use verified information from SNAP (34 states) and TANF (32 states) to update Medicaid information on a routine basis (Figure 23). If states receive all the information from the other programs that is needed to verify ongoing eligibility for Medicaid without requesting information from the individual, the state may set a new 12-month renewal date, which 24 states do when they receive data from SNAP data and 21 states do with information from TANF. For enrollees subject to work requirements, states will likely need guidance from CMS on what data from SNAP and/or TANF they can use to verify compliance or exemption status and whether states can set a new 6-month renewal date if the information is provided between renewal periods. If, however, the data indicates the individual is no longer eligible, states may terminate coverage but must send a termination notice at least 10 days in advance of case closure to provide enrollees with time to submit documentation verifying ongoing eligibility. The E&E rule requires states to provide at least 30 days to respond to provide documentation if the data indicates the individual is no longer eligible; however, this provision is subject to the 10-year moratorium on implementation. Currently, only nine states provide at least a 30-day response period. The short timeline for returning information can result in churn and increase state and MCO administrative burden to disenroll and then re-enroll an individual.

States That Update Medicaid Information Routinely Using Verified Income Information from SNAP and TANF, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Fourteen (14) states (all expansion states, except Wisconsin) check other income data sources periodically to identify changes in circumstances, most often on a quarterly basis (Figure 24). Only five of these states provide 30 or more days for the individual to respond if the data check indicates the individual is no longer eligible. States are not required to conduct income checks between renewals, and without more CMS guidance, it is not clear how these periodic checks could impact semi-annual renewals or compliance with work requirements.

States Conducting Periodic Income Checks, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Premiums and Cost-Sharing

Current federal rules limit premiums and cost sharing in Medicaid and CHIP given enrollees’ limited ability to pay out of pocket costs. Under these rules, states may not charge premiums in Medicaid for enrollees with incomes less than 150% FPL without a waiver. Maximum allowable cost sharing varies by type of service and income in Medicaid. CHIP programs have more flexibility to charge premiums and cost sharing, but both Medicaid and CHIP limit total family out-of-pocket costs to no more than 5% of family income, and states are required to maintain tracking systems to cease cost-sharing once a family meets the cap.

Beginning in October 2028 states must implement mandatory cost sharing of up to $35 per service for ACA expansion adults with income between 100%-138% FPL. Certain services are exempt from cost sharing, including primary and preventive care, emergency services, family planning and pregnancy-related services, and mental health care and substance use disorder services. The law also excludes from cost sharing services received in federally-qualified health centers (FQHCs), certified community behavioral clinics, and rural health clinics. Prescription drugs are included in the mandate but the current rules limiting cost-sharing for prescription drugs remains in place. CMS guidance is needed to clarify any flexibility that states may have in determining whether some or all non-exempt services must require cost-sharing. The cap of 5% of household income still applies to total premiums and/or cost-sharing for all enrolled members of the household. The law also prohibits states from charging premiums to expansion adults subject to the new cost sharing requirements.

Cost Sharing for Parents and Expansion Adults

As of January 1, 2026, 19 states charge nominal cost-sharing to Section 1931 parents, and 21 states charge cost sharing to ACA or waiver expansion adults, while the remaining states do not charge cost-sharing (Figure 25). Cost sharing applies to all Section 1931 parents regardless of income, except in Wisconsin, which imposes cost sharing on parents with income 50% FPL or higher. Fifteen states charge cost-sharing to ACA or waiver expansion enrollees regardless of income. Three states limit cost-sharing to ACA expansion enrollees with income 100% FPL or above. Generally, charges among expansion states are well under $10 per service; however, four states charge more than $35 for any service. Alaska, Michigan, Utah, and West Virginia charge copays for a hospital inpatient stay of $50 or $75 per admission.

Cost Sharing for Parents and ACA or Waiver Expansion Adults, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Children’s Premiums

Eighteen (18) states continue to charge premiums to children in CHIP in 2026 (Figure 26). That number is down from 30 states that charged premiums to children in CHIP and/or Medicaid in 2020. Only three states charge premiums at the lowest income of 133% FPL allowed in CHIP, while the median income at which premiums start is 163% FPL or $44,531 annually for a family of three. Alabama and Texas charge annual enrollment fees, Nevada charges quarterly premiums, and the remaining states charge monthly premiums. Six states charge a family-based premium regardless of the number of children. A dozen (12) states charge per child premiums with a maximum family premium in nine of those states. Nine states require prepayment of the first month in CHIP prior to enrollment. Once a child is enrolled, the 12-month continuous enrollment provision protects children from disenrollment following a missed premium payment.

States Charging Premiums for Children in CHIP, January 2026 (Choropleth map)

Appendix Tables

Income Eligibility Limits for Children's Health Coverage as a Percent Of The Federal Poverty Level, January 2026 (Table)

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Medicaid and CHIP Coverage for Pregnant Individuals and Medicaid Family Planning Coverage, January 2026 (Table)

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State Adoption of Federal Options to Cover Immigrant Populations, January 2026 (Table)

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Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits for Adults as a Percent of the Federal Poverty Level, January 2026 (Table)

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Methods for Medicaid Agency to Identify When an Enrollee Becomes Incarcerated, January 2026 (Table)

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Method and Timing of Medicaid Agency Notification of Release of Incarcerated Individuals, January 2026 (Table)

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Integration of MAGI-Medicaid Eligibility System with Marketplace Eligibility System, Non-MAGI Medicaid, and Non-Health Programs, January 2026 (Table)

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Multi-Benefit Online Medicaid Applications, January 2026 (Table)

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Online Medicaid Accounts, January 2026 (Table)

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Security Features for Online Medicaid Accounts, January 2026 (Table)

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Viewing Notices and Submitting Renewal Information Through Online Accounts, January 2026 (Table)

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Medicaid Mobile App Features, January 2026 (Table)

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Medicaid Mobile Apps, January 2026 (Table)

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State Actions to Update Mailing Addresses, January 2026 (Table)

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Verification of Received Information, January 2026 (Table)

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Modes to Submit Verification Documentation, January 2026 (Table)

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Master Death File, January 2026 (Table)

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AI (Artificial Intelligence) Use to Support Consumer Assistance, 							 January 2026 (Table)

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AI (Artificial Intelligence) Use to Support Eligibility and Enrollment Processes, January 2026 (Table)

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Online Portals for Community Assisters, January 2026 (Table)

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Types of Organizations Authorized to Use Separate Web Portal, January 2026 (Table)

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Advance Notice of Renewals, January 2026 (Table)

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Reminders to Respond to Renewal Notice, January 2026 (Table)

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Access to Enrollee Renewal Dates, January 2026 (Table)

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State Actions to Help Individuals Maintain or Regain Coverage, January 2026 (Table)

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Automatic Case Closures, January 2026 (Table)

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Adoption of State Plan Options Allowed As 1902(e)(14)(A) Waivers, January 2026 (Table)

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Use of Periodic Data Checks to Identify Changes in Income that May Affect Eligibility, January 2026 (Table)

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Cost Sharing Requirements for Selected Services for Section 1931 Parents, January 2026 (Table)

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Cost Sharing Requirements for Selected Services for ACA or Waiver Expansion Adults, January 2026 (Table)

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Premiums and Enrollment Fees for Children, January 2026 (Table)

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Notification of Eligibility Changes for Certain Lawfully Present Immigrants, January 2026 (Table)

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An Early Look at Policy Decisions as States Get Ready to Implement Work Requirements

Results from the 2026 Medicaid Eligibility, Enrollment, and Renewal Policies Annual Survey

Authors: Jennifer Tolbert, Amaya Diana, Anna Mudumala, Tricia Brooks, Yuliya Yafimenka, and Antony Lin
Published: Apr 30, 2026

Executive Summary

The 2025 reconciliation law, also known as the One Big Beautiful Bill, requires states to condition Medicaid eligibility for adults in the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion group and in partial Medicaid expansion waiver programs at application and at least semi-annually at renewal on meeting work requirements. States must implement work requirements starting January 1, 2027 but have the option to begin enforcing the requirements earlier. A total of 43 states will be required to implement work requirements, including the 41 states and DC that have adopted the Medicaid expansion and Georgia and Wisconsin that have implemented partial expansion waivers. As of June 2025, about 20 million people were enrolled in the Medicaid expansion, representing 30% of total enrollment in expansion states. The Medicaid expansion population includes parents and adults without dependent children, many of whom have chronic conditions or disabilities but do not qualify for Medicaid on the basis of their disability or through a disability pathway.

This issue brief presents findings about policy decisions related to the implementation of work requirements. The findings draw on information from the annual survey of state Medicaid and CHIP program officials conducted by KFF and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families for the 43 states that will be required to implement work requirements and from focus groups with state officials in eight states– Arizona, Indiana, Montana, Nebraska, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Washington. In addition to information on work requirements, the survey collected information on a wide range of eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies, some of which may affect how states implement work requirements. Those findings are included in a separate brief, Medicaid and CHIP Eligibility, Enrollment, and Renewal Policies as States Prepare for Major Medicaid Policy Changes. KFF is tracking state implementation of work requirements, including state policy decisions as well as state-level data on Medicaid enrollment and renewal outcomes.

Key Findings

At the time the survey was fielded (January 2026-March 2026), not all states had made specific policy decisions; however, responses provide an early look at the work requirement landscape a year before the January 1, 2027 deadline. Key findings include:

  • While most states are adopting less restrictive policies, seven states reported plans to implement work requirements before January 2027 or to adopt more restrictive compliance verification policies than required by law. Three states (Iowa, Montana, and Nebraska) indicated they will implement earlier than January 1, 2027. Arkansas is also planning a soft launch implementation in July but will not disenroll anyone not meeting the requirements until January 2027. Most states plan to verify compliance with work requirements every six months at renewal and look back one month to verify compliance at application and one month at renewal; however, recently enacted legislation in Idaho, Indiana, and New Hampshire requires more than one-month look back at application and/or renewal and quarterly compliance checks in Indiana and New Hampshire. Arkansas will also look back more than one month at renewal. The law permits states to adopt short-term hardship exceptions from work requirements individuals who live in counties with high unemployment rates or experiencing natural disasters, individuals admitted to a hospital or nursing facility, or those who must travel outside their communities to obtain medical care. Nearly all states are planning to adopt all hardship exceptions allowed in the law; however, two states are not planning to adopt any hardship exceptions while three do not plan to adopt all four exceptions.
  • States are using many data sources to verify compliance with work requirements, and nearly all states said they will use or are exploring using new data sources to further automate the verification process. States cited adding data sources to verify school attendance, community service, and exemptions for veterans and individuals recently released from incarceration. Some of these new data sources include the National Student Clearinghouse, the VA Benefit Summary Letter, and data from the state’s Corrections Agency. While states are looking to increase data matching capacity, they face multiple challenges in establishing linkages with new data sources, including a lack of time and ongoing costs. Even with more data sources, focus group participants expressed concern that some data, particularly claims data, will be unavailable for new applicants and likely unavailable for new enrollees at their first six-month renewal.
  • States are exploring ways to verify medical frailty, including using data to automate the process. As they await guidance on how to define medical frailty, most states reported plans to use Medicaid claims data to verify people who are medically frail and therefore exempt from the work requirement. However, states were in different phases of exploring how they will use the data, with ten states indicating they have identified both specific ICD-10 diagnostic codes and CPT service codes to confirm medical frailty. Many states indicated they would like to allow self-attestation, especially at application when states would not yet have claims data that could be used to verify exemption status, but they were uncertain whether self-attestation will be allowed under federal rules.
  • Most states plan to use existing vendors – with Deloitte being the most common — to make needed systems changes given the short implementation timeline, and a small number of states plan to use artificial intelligence (AI) to assist with implementing work requirements. While many vendors have presented new solutions to facilitate implementation of work requirements, lengthy procurement processes limit the ability of states to contract with new vendors. Focus group participants also discussed concerns that many new products are untested and may not function as described. To fill the need for tools to reduce administrative burden, six states intend to use AI to assist with processing documents, enhancing data matching capabilities, and providing support for eligibility staff while many other states are still exploring options.
  • States said they need guidance from CMS about how to define certain exemptions as well as community engagement activities and what verification methods will be accepted, and they expressed concern over having to make decisions and changes without formal guidance. In addition to how to define medical frailty, states wanted additional direction in many areas including what qualifies as community service, how to calculate half-time school attendance, and what is considered a “significant relationship” to qualify for the caregiver exemption. They also indicated they need guidance about what sources can be used for verification, whether self-attestation will be allowed if other sources are not available, and how long verification of exemptions remain valid. States noted the risks, including increased costs, of making systems changes and other decisions based on working assumptions of policy before guidance has been finalized.
State Work Requirements Implementation Decisions, March 2026 (Stacked Bars)

Issue Brief

State Decisions on Implementation Timing, Compliance Verification, and Hardship Exceptions

Implementation Timing

Most states are planning to implement work requirements on January 1, 2027, as required by the law; however, three states indicated they will implement earlier. The 2025 reconciliation law requires states to implement work requirements starting January 1, 2027. States have the option to implement requirements sooner through a state plan amendment or through an approved 1115 waiver. Nebraska was the first state to announce that it would begin enforcing Medicaid work requirements early, starting May 1, 2026. Montana has indicated it will begin enforcing work requirements on July 1, 2026, and Iowa will implement on December 1, 2026. In one additional state, Kentucky, a final decision on implementation date had not been made at the time the survey was fielded. Arkansas recently announced that it will launch a soft implementation of work requirements. Starting July 1, 2026, the state will begin checking whether enrollees meet the new requirements or qualify for an exemption. The state will notify individuals of their status but will not disenroll anyone who does not meet the requirements until January 2027.

Verification Frequency and Lookback Periods

Thirty-four states reported that they will verify compliance with work requirements every six months at renewal, while two states, Indiana and New Hampshire, will verify compliance with work requirements quarterly. The 2025 reconciliation law requires states to confirm individuals are meeting work requirements or are exempt at application and every six months at renewal, but it also gives states the option to verify compliance more frequently between renewal periods. State legislation in both Indiana and New Hampshire requires the Medicaid agencies to conduct quarterly compliance checks. Seven states have not yet made a decision on the frequency of compliance checks (Figure 2).

While the majority of states will implement a one month look back at application and renewal, two states will look back three consecutive months at application while three states will look back more than one month at renewal. At a minimum, states must look back one month immediately preceding the application month and one month between renewal periods to confirm compliance with the requirements. States may impose a longer lookback period, up to three consecutive months at application, and may require compliance in more than one month between the six-month renewal periods. At application, 36 states will look back one month to verify compliance with work requirements or exemption status, and 34 states will look back one month at renewal (Figure 2). Indiana and Idaho will look back three months at application. Indiana and New Hampshire will check quarterly and at renewal to verify that enrollees meet the requirements every month between renewals. Arkansas will also look back three months at renewal but is not planning quarterly checks. States that had not made a decision at the time of the survey included five states for application, six states for renewal, and seven states for more frequent checks.

State Policies for Verifying Work Requirements, March 2026 (Bar Chart)

Optional Hardship Exceptions

Twenty-nine states reported plans to adopt at least one optional hardship exception, and all but three of those states indicated they will adopt all four exceptions (Figure 3). States are permitted to allow short-term hardship exceptions from work requirements for enrollees (or applicants) experiencing certain extenuating circumstances, including residing in counties with high unemployment rates or experiencing natural disasters, individuals admitted to a hospital or nursing facility, or those who must travel outside of their community for an extended period to obtain medical care for themselves or a dependent. Indiana and Iowa do not plan to adopt any hardship exceptions. Oklahoma is not adopting the exceptions for residents of counties with high unemployment or with a declared natural disaster while Missouri is not adopting the exception for residents of counties with high unemployment. New York is not planning to adopt the exception for individuals traveling outside their community for medical care. Twelve states had not made a decision.

Number of Optional Hardship Exceptions States Plan to Adopt, March 2026 (Choropleth map)

Collecting New Data and Data Matching

Collecting New Information at Application and Renewal

Most states will be adding new questions to online applications and renewals; however, many states are still considering multiple ways to collect the new information needed to verify compliance with work requirements or exemption status. Most states reported they plan to add new questions to their existing online applications (32 states) and renewals (24 states). Four states said they will create separate portals for online applications and renewals for individuals subject to work requirements, and two of those states are both planning to add new questions and create a separate portal. At the same time, some states were continuing to work through the best ways to collect the needed information and had not yet made final decisions (Figure 4).

States are adding new questions and creating inserts or addendums to paper applications and renewal forms. States are exploring different ways of gathering information on paper applications, including adding new questions (20 states) and developing inserts or addendums (14 states), with 11 states doing both (Figure 4). Nine states indicated they will add an addendum to the renewal. About half of states (20) had not yet made final decisions on how they will collect new data.

State Choices to Collect New Information at Application and Renewal, March 2026 (Grouped Bars)

Data Matching

States will continue to use existing data sources to verify income and compliance with work requirements. States are required to use available data from reliable sources to “data match” or check for work compliance or exemption status of individuals to lessen the administrative burden on both enrollees and Medicaid staff. States have long accessed data to verify income to determine Medicaid eligibility, and most states will continue to use income data from existing data sources, including SNAP and/or TANF (31 states), quarterly wage data (25 states), Equifax Work Number (25 states), state unemployment data (23 states), and data from the Beneficiary & Earnings Data Exchange (BENDEX) or State Data Exchange (SDX), which can be accessed directly or through the federal data services hub (22 states) to verify that individuals are meeting the work requirements (Figure 5).

Overall, 18 states had identified new data sources, and 23 states were still deciding whether they have the capacity to access new data sources to verify school attendance, community service, and non-medical exemptions. A priority for states as they implement work requirements is to identify and establish linkages with new data sources, such as student and community service databases and data on veterans, to increase the share of applicants and enrollees who can be automatically determined as having met the requirements. At the time of the survey, only two states were not planning to establish linkages to new data sources, although Colorado indicated it would explore new data sources after initial implementation (Figure 5). The most frequently cited new data sources to data match individuals who qualify for exemptions other than medical-related exemptions include VA Benefit Summary Letter (11 states), and corrections agency data (10 states). States also plan to access new data sources to enhance their ability to verify compliance with work requirements, school attendance, and community service activities, including the National Student Clearinghouse (10 states); consent-based verification of W-2 payroll income through connections to payroll providers such as ADP, employers, or bank accounts (8 states); consent-based verification of self-employment income through a connection to gig platforms and/or connections to bank accounts (7 states); and the TANF system used to report community service hours (7 states). Most states also plan to use Medicaid claims data and data from managed care plans to verify medical-related exemptions, including medically frail exemptions.

Data Sources States Plan to Use to Verify Compliance with Work Requirements, March 2026 (Stacked Bars)

While states are looking to access additional data to increase data matching capacity, they face multiple challenges establishing linkages with new data sources. Facing a very tight implementation timeline, a majority of states (29) cited insufficient time to add new data sources as a major barrier (Figure 6). Costs were also an issue for many states, with 27 states reporting ongoing costs and 21 states reporting the cost to establish data linkages as challenges to accessing new data sources. About half of states indicated a lack of staff capacity (22) and system interoperability (19) were challenges. Fifteen states also cited executing data sharing agreements as another challenge. Only one state said they did not encounter any challenges accessing new data sources while nine states were not yet sure if they would face challenges.

Data Matching Challenges Reported by States, March 2026 (Bar Chart)

Insights from Focus Group Participants: Data Matching

Focus group participants noted that data matching may not be possible for certain individuals, particularly new applicants who might qualify for a medically-related exemption. While focus group participants estimated that data matching may be able to verify compliance or exemption status of between 60% and 80% of current enrollees who will be subject to work requirements, they expressed concern about being able to find additional data sources or ways of verifying the remaining 20%-40%, in part, because they have little current information on that group.

Specific challenges participants discussed included:

  • Data lag issues: For individuals who may be medically frail, participants asserted that claims data will be unavailable for new applicants and likely unavailable for new enrollees at their first six-month renewal. They also discussed other exemptions that may be difficult to verify at application, including American Indian or Alaska Native tribal membership because of the length of time it can take to obtain documentation from tribal offices. One participant also noted that because state wage data are lagged, it may be difficult to verify compliance with work requirements in the month prior to application.
  • Community service: Focus group participants expressed uncertainty about verification of community service and said they were waiting on guidance from CMS. They offered examples of some community service data they could potentially access but noted they probably would not be able to get information for most volunteer activities. To try and address this gap, some participants reported developing forms that could be used to document community service activities.

Focus group participants in states that had previously pursued waivers to implement work requirement waivers said that they were building on those efforts to implement the federal work requirements. One state reported being able to “use the same chassis” that was designed for its earlier work requirement waiver, meaning it only had to make slight modifications to align with the new law instead of engaging in a major system redesign. Two states reported having done a good deal of work for their waivers to verify medical frailty, including identifying diagnosis codes and conditions that may qualify. One state reported they were continuing to use a medical frailty identification tool created for their previous waiver.

Medical Frailty and Parent/Caretaker Exemptions

States are waiting on federal guidance on how to define medical frailty but are beginning to operationalize these exemptions. The reconciliation law requires states to exempt from work requirements individuals who are medically frail and specifies medically frail individuals as those who are blind or disabled, have a physical, intellectual, or developmental disability, have a substance use disorder or a “disabling” mental disorder, and those with “serious or complex” medical conditions. To implement this exemption, states will need a comprehensive and detailed definition of who qualifies as medically frail. It is expected that CMS will formalize a federal medically frail definition in the guidance it will release by June; however, it is less clear whether CMS will mandate states use the federal definition or give states flexibility to use a state definition that may be more expansive than the federal definition.

About half of states (22) have a current medical frailty definition, though it is unclear whether these definitions align with the medical frailty provisions in the reconciliation law (Figure 7). States are required to create a medical frailty definition if they provide expansion enrollees a benefit package that is more restrictive than the traditional state plan benefit package. The medical frailty definition in this context is intended to ensure that enrollees who have physical and/or mental health needs but do not qualify for Medicaid based on a disability receive the benefit package that best meets their needs. States may also have previously developed medical frailty definitions when pursuing Medicaid work requirement waivers. If states are given flexibility by CMS to define who is medically frail and exempt from work requirements, six states would prefer to use a state definition, either an existing definition or a new definition, while four states would use a federal definition. Likely reflecting ongoing uncertainty over how much flexibility states will have, the majority of states (33) indicated they had not yet determined what definition they plan to use.

States With a Current Medically Frail Definition, March 2026 (Choropleth map)

States plan to use a variety of methods to verify medical frailty status, including using data to automate the process where possible. Most states reported plans to use Medicaid claims data (32) to verify medical frailty exemption status, while one state indicated it would not use claims data and the remaining ten states had not yet made a decision (Figure 8). Additionally, ten of the states that reported plans to use claims data have identified or plan to identify both ICD-10 diagnostic codes and CPT service codes to verify medical frailty exemptions. In addition to claims data, states will also use data from other programs, such as enrollment in a behavioral health managed care plan (25 states), managed care utilization or claims data (19 states), and managed care case management data (14 states). In cases where states cannot verify exemption status using Medicaid claims or other data, 29 states indicated they will develop a process to obtain confirmation from a treating provider. Most states (30) also reported wanting to allow applicants and enrollees to self-attest to their medically frail status if verification data are not available. Many states are developing health assessment screeners to collect information to identify medical exemptions, and 11 states said they will use the health screeners to verify medically frail status when data are not available.

Verification Sources States Plan to Use for Medical Frailty Exemptions, March 2026 (Stacked Bars)

Although not asked specifically on the survey, states reported questions related to the parent/caretaker exemption. States said they would like clarity on who can qualify as a caregiver and how to define caregiving. Similar to verification of medical frailty, states are waiting on guidance from CMS as to whether documentation would be needed or whether self-attestation would be acceptable. If verification is required, they also noted uncertainty over what would need to be verified—that the individual is providing care or that the person being cared for has certain health conditions or disabilities or both.

Insight from Focus Groups: Medical Frailty and Parent/Caretaker Exemptions

Focus group participants noted their states were in different stages of identifying data to use to verify medical frailty status and raised other questions related to implementing the medically frail exemption.

  • Implementation status: Focus group states differed in how far along they were in the process of exploring claims data and other data that they would be using to verify medical frailty exemptions, with some states already having existing processes and definitions in place and other states only beginning the development process. Participants reported plans to use medical claims data to identify medical frailty, along with screening tools, inpatient treatment participation, information from disability services, health information exchange data, and information provided by medical professionals.
  • Existing definitions: Some participants said they were waiting on guidance from CMS that would impact their ability to use existing medically frail definitions and/or identification tools.
  • Self-attestation: Multiple participants noted they were uncertain whether self-attestation could be accepted, especially at application when the state would not yet have claims data that could be used that could be used to verify exemption status.

Focus group participants also had lingering questions on how to operationalize the parent/caretaker exemption. These included how to define “significant relationships” for caregivers of disabled individuals and the required level of disability for the person being cared for. Participants offered examples of caregiving situations, such as grandparents taking care of grandchildren five days a week or individuals taking care of their elderly or disabled parents on a part-time basis and wondered whether those relationships would qualify as "significant."

Vendors, Artificial Intelligence, and Workforce

Vendor Contracts for System Upgrades

Most states reported that they will contract with existing vendors to make the necessary changes to eligibility systems due to the short timeline for implementing work requirements. The short implementation timeline to implement work requirements limits states’ abilities to contract with new vendors because RFP processes to select new vendors are typically too long to meet the January 2027 deadline. In addition, in many states there is a short window for submitting budget requests and getting them approved by state legislatures. Of the 30 states that reported plans to contract with existing vendors, Deloitte is the existing vendor for over half (16 states). No state said it was planning to forgo working with an existing vendor to contract with a new one; however, six states reported plans to use both existing and new vendors.

Insight from Focus Groups: Vendor Contracting

Echoing the survey findings, focus group participants said they will work with existing vendors, but they also discussed hopes for specific tools to ease administrative burden on eligibility staff, while expressing concerns with untested products from new vendors. Focus group participants confirmed that lengthy procurement processes and budget constraints limit their ability to explore contracting with new vendors. One state noted that due to a tight budget situation, getting additional funds has been a challenge, so they are leveraging time built into vendor contracts for system fixes and enhancements.

  • New vendor concerns: Participants also noted that while many vendors have presented new solutions to facilitate implementation of work requirements, many of these products are untested. They expressed concerns that, if adopted, these tools might not function as intended or might take too many resources to integrate with existing systems. Although focus group participants did not discuss artificial intelligence (AI) specifically, many of the tools being developed by new vendors use AI in some way. One state made the point that the solutions pitched by vendors are unlikely to be able to provide data to verify the status of individuals the states expect to have the most challenges with, such as gig workers, medically frail individuals, and individuals experiencing homelessness.
  • Desire for tools to streamline the verification process: Although none of the focus group states were contracting with new vendors at the time of the focus groups, several states described the types of tools they would like to adopt to reduce administrative burden. One state said they were looking for a vendor to enable them to use claims data and other data not currently in their eligibility system to flag individuals for exemption or compliance. Another state said they were hoping to find a vendor that could assess compliance verifications to reduce caseworker workload.

A small number of states reported they are using artificial intelligence (AI) to assist with implementing work requirements. Six states (Arkansas, California, Maryland, Missouri, New Mexico, and Oklahoma) reported plans to use AI, with another 21 states reporting they had not made a final decision (Table 1). Five of the six states said they intend to use AI to assist with processing documents and to enhance data matching capabilities. Four states will rely on AI to provide support for eligibility staff while three states will deploy AI to increase back-end automation. To facilitate the use of claims data for identifying individuals who are medically frail, two states will use AI to review claims or utilization data for specific ICD-10 or CPT codes. In three states, AI will interact directly with clients, likely to assist with identifying and uploading verification documents.

How States Plan to Use Artificial Intelligence (AI) to Assist with Work Requirement Implementation, March 2026 (Table)

Workforce Capacity

Fourteen states said they plan to take action to increase the capacity of eligibility staff to implement work requirements, although many states had not yet made a decision. Among the states that plan to boost staff capacity, the strategies they will adopt include: hiring new eligibility workers (9 states); hiring contractors (7 states); and approving overtime (6 states). Nine states had no plans to increase staff capacity while 20 states had not made a final decision. States may be limited in their ability to increase eligibility staff due to budgetary constraints or hiring challenges.

Insights from Focus Groups: Workforce Capacity

Focus group participants described workforce capacity limitations that were affecting implementation, including the inability to add new data sources for verification. Focus group participants acknowledged that without additional automation, verification requirements would likely increase the manual processing workload for caseworkers. At the same time, some participants also noted that existing staff capacity limitations would keep them from implementing system changes to access new data sources that could increase automation of verifying compliance with work requirements or exemption status. One participant said that due to staffing limitations, they expect to mainly rely on current data sources initially but would evaluate adding new data sources post implementation. Another participant in a state where the Medicaid eligibility system is integrated with SNAP described having to coordinate and stagger changes to both programs to balance staff capacity.

Guidance Needed from CMS

States cited the need for timely guidance from CMS on a range of issues, particularly how to define certain exemptions and community engagement activities and what verification methods can be used. States most frequently mentioned a desire for additional guidance on how to define medical frailty, with some states asking specifically for clarity on whether they will have flexibility to use their own definitions. States also want direction on what qualifies as community service, how to calculate half-time school attendance, and what is considered a “significant relationship” to qualify for the caregiver exemption. States also said they want guidance on verification requirements and acceptable verification methods. Specifically, they want to know what sources can be used for verification, whether self-attestation will be allowed if other sources are not available, and the length of time verification of exemptions remain valid. In addition, states had questions related to eligibility transitions and changes in circumstances between renewal periods, particularly when individuals moving into the expansion group need to meet the work requirements if they transition between renewal periods.

Insights from Focus Groups: Guidance Needed from CMS

Although focus group participants reported waiting on guidance from CMS on multiple issues, the tight implementation timeline was forcing them to make key policy decisions and move forward with systems changes before receiving formal guidance. Multiple participants explained that because of the time required to make systems changes, they were having to move forward with decisions before receiving guidance from CMS. Participants acknowledged that there were risks to making systems changes based on working assumptions of policy before guidance has been finalized, and many said they were developing contingency plans for making adjustments if federal policies are different from what they expected. Participants also noted that making changes after starting development increases costs and time.

Beyond the issues described above, focus group participants are also seeking guidance on verifying income and look back periods.

  • Income verification: One participant said they were waiting for a decision from CMS on whether they could use additional sources such as unearned income to make determinations for applicants. Multiple participants said they were hoping for additional guidance related to what flexibility they could have with interpreting income data, such as making assumptions using historical data and being able to average income over months.
  • Look-back periods: Multiple participants said additional guidance about how to handle look-back periods would be helpful. In particular, participants expressed concern about how to handle individuals who were compliant in the month in which they were applying for coverage but were not compliant in the prior month. While participants acknowledged these individuals would not meet the work requirements for enrollment in the month in which they were applying, participants wanted clarity on whether they could enroll these individuals starting the next month without a new application.

Focus group participants also noted the challenges of building systems to implement work requirements in the absence of guidance on the new requirements and penalties for improper payment errors. Participants said the new penalties are a factor they are considering as they program system changes. Participants also said that they may be more cautious when considering what data they are accepting or changes they are making due to concerns about the penalties and what an auditable attestation will look like.

Appendix Tables

State Policies for Verifying Work Requirements, March 2026 (Table)
State Plans to Adopt Optional Hardship Exceptions from Work Requirements, March 2026 (Table)
Methods for Collecting New Information Needed for  Work Requirements on Online Applications, March 2026 (Table)
Methods for Collecting New Information for Work Requirements on Paper Applications, March 2026 (Table)
Methods for Collecting New Information Needed for Work Requirements at Renewal, March 2026 (Table)
Data Sources States Plan to Newly Use to Verify Income, Community Service, School, and Non-Medical Exemptions, March 2026 (Table)
Challenges States Face in Accessing New Data Sources, March 2026 (Table)
State Plans for Defining Medical Frailty, March 2026 (Table)
Verification Sources States Plan to Use for Medical Frailty Exemptions, March 2026 (Table)
State Plans for Vendor Contracts, March 2026 (Table)
State Plans to Boost Eligibility Staff Capacity, March 2026 (Table)

Medicaid Eligibility Levels for Older Adults and People with Disabilities (Non-MAGI) in 2026

Authors: Alice Burns, Abby Sachar, and Molly O’Malley Watts
Published: Apr 30, 2026

Introduction

In 2026, states will begin implementing provisions from the 2025 reconciliation law that made historic reductions in federal Medicaid funding. Medicaid changes are expected to increase the number of people without health insurance by 7.5 million in 2034. While not a direct focus of many changes in the new law, changes in the law could have implications for older adults and people with disabilities who comprise 1 in 5 Medicaid enrollees but over half of Medicaid spending on account of higher per-person costs. Within this group, there are multiple eligibility pathways, most of which are optional for states to cover, and all of which have more complex eligibility requirements than coverage for other enrollees. (Other enrollees such as children, pregnant women, and people covered under the Affordable Care Act are eligible based on Modified Adjusted Gross Income (MAGI). Eligibility based on being ages 65 and older or having a disability is sometimes referred to as “non-MAGI” eligibility.) Changes in the law may pressure states to restrict optional Medicaid eligibility or benefits or reduce provider payment rates.

KFF’s Survey of Medicaid Financial Eligibility for Older Adults & People with Disabilities conducted in March 2026 by KFF and Watts Health Policy Consulting, provides a baseline of Medicaid eligibility ahead of potential changes to the Medicaid program stemming from the 2025 reconciliation law. Overall, 50 states including the District of Columbia (hereafter referred to as a state) responded to the survey, though response rates to specific questions varied. Florida was the only state that did not respond. Responses were supplemented with publicly available data and information from KFF’s past surveys when available, and state-level data are included in the Appendix Tables. Key takeaways include:

  • States are generally required to provide Medicaid to people who receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and Medicare beneficiaries with limited income and savings. Eighteen states have increased the income or savings limits for Medicare beneficiaries beyond the federal minimums.
  • Any optional pathway: All states also offer coverage through one or more optional eligibility pathways to people who have disabilities or are ages 65 and older who have limited financial resources.
  • Optional income-related pathway: All states except Alabama extend eligibility to low-income adults with disabilities or people ages 65 and older who have income above the SSI limits (Figure 1) (Appendix Table 1).
    • The most common income-based optional eligibility group is the Medicaid Buy-In for adults with disabilities who want to work, which is offered by 47 states.
  • Optional LTC-related pathway: All states except for Montana offer optional coverage to people who use long-term care, people who tend to have much higher average spending than other Medicaid enrollees. New Hampshire added a new eligibility pathway for people using home care in the last year.
    • Between 2025 and 2026, there were few changes in states’ eligibility requirements for people who use long-term care, although 13 states increased the personal needs allowance for people using institutional care in 2025, with Washington reporting the largest increase (from $42 to $109).
All States Have Optional Pathways for Medicaid Eligibility as of March 2026 (Bar Chart)

What are the two required eligibility pathways for older adults and people with disabilities?

States are only required to cover two eligibility groups for older adults and people with disabilities in Medicaid, both of which require people to demonstrate having limited income and savings. Federal statutes generally require states to enroll people who receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI) in Medicaid and to enroll eligible Medicare beneficiaries in the Medicare Savings Programs:

  • SSI is a disability program that provides monthly income to people who are unable to work on account of a disability and who have limited income ($994 per month in 2026 for an individual) and financial resources below federal limits ($2,000 for an individual).
  • The Medicare Savings Programs provide Medicaid coverage of Medicare premiums and in most cases, cost sharing to Medicare beneficiaries who have limited income ($1,816 per month in 2026 for an individual) and financial resources below federal limits ($9,950 for an individual in 2026). People who are eligible for the Medicare Savings Programs, but not full Medicaid, receive help only with Medicare costs, and not full Medicaid benefits.

States may choose to expand eligibility for the Medicare Savings Programs beyond federally-required minimum levels. As was the case in 2025, 33 states use federal eligibility criteria for the Medicare Savings Programs, and the remaining 18 states expanded eligibility beyond those limits (Appendix Table 2).

In 2021, California passed legislation to increase and then eliminate entirely all asset tests for its Medicaid program, including the Medicare Savings Programs, starting January 2024. However, to address a state budget deficit, California reinstated an asset test for all non-MAGI enrollees starting January 1, 2026. The asset limits are $130,000 for an individual and $195,000 for a couple (or $65,000 for each additional family member, up to a maximum of ten people), well above the federally required minimum levels.

Which states offer optional Medicaid eligibility for low-income older adults and people with disabilities?

All states except for Alabama offer optional Medicaid eligibility for low-income older adults and people with disabilities. There are four types of optional Medicaid eligibility pathways based on income for people with disabilities which include:

  • Medicaid buy-in programs for working adults are available in 47 states in 2026, allowing working people with disabilities to “buy into” Medicaid by paying a premium when their earned income exceeds eligibility limits but falls below a percentage of the federal poverty level (FPL).
    • In 2026, the median income limit was 250% of FPL ($3,325 per month in 2026) and median asset limit was $10,000 for an individual and $15,000 for a couple (Appendix Table 3).
    • Although the median asset limits didn’t change much between 2025 and 2026, several states reported significant increases in their asset limits. Asset limits for individuals increased from $10,000 to $20,000 in Connecticut, from $10,000 to $25,000 in Louisiana, and from $13,000 to $24,000 for couples in Iowa.
    • Almost two-thirds of states (30) have an age limit for these buy-in programs, typically ages 16-64.
    • Most states (33 of 46 responding) reported premiums for buy-in enrollees. Premiums vary with family income and the median premium started at $25 per month for families with an income of 150% FPL.
  • Medically needy coverage is available in 34 states in 2026, allowing people to qualify for Medicaid if their income or assets are higher than permitted under another pathway but below the medically needy limit after accounting for their health care expenses.
    • Most income limits are low—usually below 50% of FPL and many states limit enrollees’ assets to $2,000 (Appendix Table 4).
    • Unlike income limits for other eligibility pathways, medically needy limits are generally established as a dollar amount. The median income limit increased from $511 in 2025 to $563 in 2026. In a departure from that norm, Kansas updated its medically needy income limit to align with SSI ($994 per month in 2026), which means that income limit will update annually moving forward.
  • Poverty level coverage is available in 28 states, allowing low-income older adults and people with disabilities to qualify for Medicaid when their income exceeds the SSI limits. States with this type of coverage generally establish income eligibility as a percentage of the SSI benefit rate or federal poverty level ($1,330 per month for an individual in 2026). Among the states that have expanded eligibility above SSI levels:
    • 8 states have eligibility above SSI but below FPL,
    • 18 states have eligibility at FPL, and
    • 2 states have eligibility above FPL (Appendix Table 5).
  • Coverage through the Family Opportunity Act, available in 9 states, allows families with incomes up to 300% of FPL to purchase Medicaid for their children under age 19 (Appendix Table 3). Parents who are eligible for coverage through an employer are required to pay premiums for private coverage too as a condition of Medicaid eligibility. In such cases, Medicaid covers the services children with disabilities need which are often not covered by private coverage.
    • In 2026, the median income limit was about 272% of FPL ($3,619 per month) and 7 states had no limit on assets.
    • Family Opportunity Act coverage is another type of “buy in,” with 5 states charging premiums in 2026. Premiums vary with family income and the median premium started at $20 per month for families with an income of 151% FPL.

Although the optional income-based eligibility pathways are not tied to SSI receipt, all states report using the Social Security Administration (SSA) definition of disability to determine eligibility. The SSA defines disability for adults as the inability to engage in any “substantial gainful activity” because of one or more medically determinable physical or mental disabilities that are either expected to result in death or have lasted or are expected to last for a continuous period of at least 12 months. Substantial gainful activity describes a level of work that involves doing significant physical or mental activities or a combination of both. Because disability is defined as an inability to work, few people who qualify for Medicaid through disability-related pathways are able to maintain employment. This is a key reason for low employment in the Medicaid Buy-In programs despite widespread state adoption. For children to qualify as disabled, they must be under 18 and have one or more physical or mental impairments which result in marked and severe functional limitations and the impairment must have lasted or be expected to last for at least 12 months or be expected to result in death.

The challenges associated with meeting the SSA definition of disability are one reason why many people with disabilities may qualify for Medicaid through MAGI eligibility groups. SSA disability determinations may take months, if not years, which is one reason that most Medicaid enrollees with disabilities qualify for Medicaid through a pathway that is not linked to receiving SSI.

Which states offer optional Medicaid eligibility for people who use long-term care?

All states except for Montana offer optional Medicaid eligibility for people who use long-term care. Recognizing the high costs of long-term care, eligibility for people who use long-term care is almost always 300% of the SSI limit ($2,982 per month per individual in 2026), and most states limit enrollees’ assets to $2,000 per person (Appendix Table 6). The pathways include:

  • Katie Beckett coverage is available in 43 states, allowing children under 20 with significant disabilities who require an institutional level of care to receive Medicaid while living at home. Only the child’s income and assets are considered for eligibility purposes, which allows some children of higher-income families to qualify. Like Family Opportunity Act coverage, children with Katie Beckett coverage may also have private health insurance, and 5 states charge families premiums for Medicaid.
  • The special income rule allows states to extend Medicaid eligibility to people who require an institutional level of care and live in institutions or in home and community settings.  Both pathways are available in 41 states, and an additional state, Massachusetts, offers coverage only for people using home care.
    • States define an institutional level of care differently from one another, and in some cases, use different definitions for institutional settings and home and community settings. Most states that responded to both questions referenced institutional levels of need for recipients of home and community care even if they did not use an identical definition for both programs.  

Most Medicaid enrollees who qualify because of long-term care are subject to limits on their home equity and must contribute to the cost of their care each month. In 2026, federal rules specified that limits on home equity must be between $752,000 and $1,130,000, and most states set the 2026 limit at $752,000 (Appendix Table 7). In all states, there are circumstances in which the home is exempt from limits, and other circumstances in which the home is counted as an asset when determining eligibility. California is the only state that does not have a home equity limit. The 2025 reconciliation law reduced the maximum home equity limit to $1 million regardless of inflation starting January 1, 2028. At that time, home equity limits will decrease in the 11 states that currently use the federal maximum and be reinstated in California. Once eligible for Medicaid, enrollees who use long-term care must generally contribute nearly all monthly income to the cost of their care except for a small “personal needs allowance.” In 2026, the median personal needs allowance is $70 for institutional care and $2,982 for home care. Those limits were similar to the limits in 2025, although 13 states increased the personal needs allowance for institutional care in 2026, with Washington reporting the largest increase (from $42 to $109).

How have states simplified application and renewal processes for non-MAGI enrollees?

One source of the 2025 reconciliation law’s Medicaid cuts is a 10-year moratorium on implementation or enforcement of certain provisions in two rules finalized by the Biden administration that would have reduced administrative burdens to make it easier for people to enroll in and maintain Medicaid and CHIP coverage. Many of those changes were intended to streamline Medicaid eligibility and renewal processes for non-MAGI enrollees. Some of the provisions in the rules were excluded from the delay, including those that have already taken effect. While the law prohibits the Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) from implementing or enforcing provisions subject to the delay until October 1, 2034, it does not prohibit states from implementing the changes. In some cases, states have already made the changes required by the rules, either in anticipation of implementation of the new requirements or as part of other efforts to streamline or simplify processes. It is unknown whether states will maintain the changes now that federal requirements have been delayed or whether additional states will adopt similar changes before the requirements take effect.

The law pauses implementation of provisions that align application and renewal policies for individuals eligible through MAGI and non-MAGI pathways. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) created consistent, streamlined application and renewal policies for individuals who qualify for Medicaid based on modified adjusted gross income (MAGI), but those policies were not extended to people eligible for Medicaid through non-MAGI pathways. Provisions of the delayed rule would require states to extend some of the streamlined MAGI procedures to non-MAGI processes. These include eliminating in-person interviews as part of eligibility determinations, requiring states to renew coverage no more frequently than every 12 months, requiring that non-MAGI applications and forms be accepted through the same modalities as MAGI applications and forms, and requiring states to send pre-populated renewal forms to non-MAGI enrollees whose ongoing eligibility cannot be confirmed through available data sources.

Many of the application renewal policies for non-MAGI eligibility pathways have already been implemented by nearly all states despite the pause in the federal rule (Figure 2). All responding states align at least some renewal policies for non-MAGI populations with those for most MAGI populations (Appendix Table 8). The most widely adopted changes include renewing eligibility only once every 12 months (all responding states), no longer requiring in-person interviews (all responding states), and providing enrollees with at least 30 days to sign and return required paperwork for renewals (all responding states except for Minnesota). The least widely adopted changes include providing a reconsideration period of at least 90 days after a procedural disenrollment (all responding states except for Alaska, New Mexico, and Washington) and using pre-populated renewal forms (37 states).

Most States Have Aligned Non-MAGI Renewal Policies with MAGI Renewal Policies as of March 2026 (Stacked Bars)

The law delays several provisions that facilitate enrollment in the Medicare Savings Programs, but those changes have already been implemented by over half of states (Figure 3). Specifically, the delayed rule aimed to facilitate enrollment into the Medicare Savings Programs using information from the Medicare Part D Low-Income Subsidy (LIS) data and encourage states to use the Medicare Part D LIS definitions of financial eligibility. The Medicare Part D Low-Income Subsidy (LIS) is a program that helps Medicare beneficiaries pay for prescription drugs. A larger number of Medicare beneficiaries are enrolled in the Medicare Part D LIS than in the Medicare Savings Programs. Fewer states responded to these survey questions than is the case for other survey questions, and several states reported that they did not know the answer to questions about aligning definitions of financial resources. Even so, most responding states reported using the LIS data to enroll people into the Medicare Savings Programs without a separate application, and over half of states reported using the same definitions of specific types of financial resources (Appendix Table 9). The District of Columbia noted it was in the process of implementing LIS data to initiate Medicare Savings Program applications, but the 2025 budget reconciliation law halted those efforts.

Over Half of Responding States Reported Some Alignment between Applications for the Medicare Savings Programs (MSP) and for Medicare’s Part D Low-Income Subsidy Program (LIS) as of March 2026 (Stacked Bars)

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Appendix

Table 1: Adoption of Key Eligibility Pathways  

State Adoption of Key Medicaid Eligibility Pathways Based on Old Age or Disability as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 2: Medicare Savings Programs

Eligibility for Medicare Savings Programs as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 3: Medicaid Buy-In and Family Opportunity Act

Medicaid Eligibility for Buy-In Programs for Working People with Disabilities and the Family Opportunity Act as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 4: Medically Needy Coverage

Medicaid Eligibility for Medically Needy Populations as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 5: SSI and Poverty-Level Coverage

Medicaid Eligibility for SSI Enrollees and Optional Older Adults & People with Disabilities Up To 100% FPL as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 6: Special Income Rule and Katie Beckett

Medicaid Eligibility for Katie Beckett Children with Significant Disabilities and Special Income Rule as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 7: Home Equity and Personal Needs Allowances

State Home Equity Disregards for LTC Eligibility and Personal Needs Allowances as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 8: Alignment with MAGI Renewal Policies

Adoption of Procedures to Align Renewal Policies for Most Non-MAGI Populations with Renewal Policies for MAGI Populations as of March 2026 (Table)

Table 9: Alignment of MSP Applications to Medicare Part D

Alignment Between Applications for Medicare Savings Programs (MSP) and Applications for Medicare’s Part D Low-Income Subsidy Program (LIS) as of March 2026 (Table)

A Closer Look at Rural Nursing Homes

Published: Apr 29, 2026

As of July 2025, about 1.2 million people live in nursing facilities (referred to as nursing homes) and about one in five are in a nursing home in a rural area. This is similar to the share of the total U.S. population that lives in rural areas (20%) and slightly lower than the share of all adults 65 or older living in rural areas (24%). Nursing homes provide medical and personal care services for older adults and younger people with disabilities.Rural populations are older than urban populations and rural residents have a higher level of disability than their urban counterparts. The older demographic and higher rates of disability among rural populations contribute to a greater need for nursing homes and other long-term care services in rural communities. 

Medicaid is the primary payer for nursing home care in the US. The 2025 reconciliation law, signed into law on July 4th, 2025, is projected to reduce federal Medicaid spending by $911 billion over ten years, according to the Congressional Budget Office, resulting in an estimated reduction of $137 billion in federal Medicaid spending in rural areas, according to KFF analysis. The law also includes $50 billion in funding for a new “rural health transformation program”, though these funds are unlikely to offset the Medicaid cuts to rural areas and few states have included proposals for nursing homes in rural areas in their applications. The reconciliation law also delayed implementation of a Biden-era rule intended to help address long-standing concerns about staffing shortages and the quality of care in nursing homes until 2034. A Texas judge overturned key requirements from the rule in April 2025; and the Trump Administration rescinded the rule in December 2025. Some of the changes to Medicaid financing could also have implications for nursing homes.

This analysis compares the characteristics of nursing homes in rural areas with those in urban areas. This brief uses data from Nursing Home Compare, a publicly available dataset that provides a snapshot of information on quality of care in each nursing home. This analysis categorizes nursing homes as remote rural, rural adjacent to metro areas (or “other rural”), and urban based on 2024 Urban Influence Codes from the USDA. See methods for more information on how rural categories were calculated. State-level data are also available on State Health Facts, KFF’s data repository with downloadable health indicators. Key takeaways from the analysis include:

  • Over one in four (27%) Medicaid and/or Medicare certified nursing facilities (referred to as nursing homes) are in a rural area and one in five (20%) residents live in a nursing home in a rural area (Figure 1). To be certified to serve Medicare or Medicaid patients, nursing homes are inspected regularly by state survey agencies in accordance with the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) guidance.
  • Between 2015 and 2025, the number of nursing homes in rural areas decreased faster than nursing homes in urban areas (Figure 2).
  • A smaller share of nursing homes in rural areas are for-profit when compared to nursing homes in urban areas (Figure 3).
  • Nursing homes in rural areas and nursing homes in urban areas have similar staffing levels and similar rates of deficiencies that cause actual harm or immediate jeopardy to residents.

Over one in four nursing homes are in a rural area and one in five residents live in a nursing home in a rural area (Figure 1). There are about 4,000 nursing homes in rural areas that are home to over 250,000 nursing home residents. These nursing homes account for about 27% of all nursing homes, with 10% in remote rural areas and 17% in rural areas adjacent to urban areas (or “other rural”). While over one-quarter of nursing homes are in rural areas, a smaller share of residents (20%) lives in these nursing homes because the average nursing home in a rural area is smaller than the average nursing home in an urban area (85 beds vs. 115 beds, data not shown). About 7% of nursing home residents live in nursing homes in remote rural areas and the other 14% live in nursing homes in other rural areas (totals do not add to 20% due to rounding). In eight states, at least half of nursing home residents live in nursing homes in rural areas (VT, WY, SD, MS, MT, IA, NE, and ND).

Over One in Four Nursing Homes Are in a Rural Area and One in Five Nursing Home Residents Live in a Nursing Home in a Rural Area (Small multiple donut chart)

Between 2015 and 2025, the number of nursing homes in rural areas declined more quickly than those in urban areas (Figure 2). Between 2015 and 2025, the total number of nursing homes in the US dropped by 6%, from 15,643 to 14,742. Half of the decline occurred in rural areas (447 out of 901 nursing homes). The number of nursing homes in remote rural areas decreased the fastest (13% decline) when compared to nursing homes in other rural areas (8% decline) or urban areas (4% decline). These declines reflect the net number of nursing homes, which accounts for closures and openings.

During this time, the number of residents declined even more quickly. There was a 19% decline in nursing home residents living in remote rural areas; a 12% decline among those living in other rural areas; and an 8% decline among those living in urban areas. It is not clear what contributed to the decline in nursing homes and residents, but Medicaid as a whole has been providing home care to more people and spending on home care has increased more quickly than spending on institutional care.

Between 2015 and 2025, The Number of Nursing Homes in Rural Areas Declined More Quickly Than Those in Urban Areas (Stacked Bars)

A smaller share of nursing homes in rural areas are for-profit than nursing homes in urban areas (Figure 3). A smaller share of nursing homes in remote rural areas are for-profit (59%) than those in other rural areas (71%) or urban areas (76%). Additionally, a larger share of nursing homes in remote rural areas are non-profit (26%) than those in other rural areas (20%) or urban areas (19%). Similarly, a larger share of nursing homes in remote rural areas are government-owned (15%) than those in other rural areas (9%) or urban areas (5%).

A Smaller Share of Nursing Homes in Rural Areas Are For-Profit Than Nursing Homes in Urban Areas (Stacked Bars)

In many other ways, nursing homes in rural areas are similar to nursing homes in urban areas.

  • Nursing homes in rural areas and nursing homes in urban areas have relatively similar payer distributions. Nursing homes in rural areas report that 66% of residents have Medicaid as their primary payer and nursing homes in urban areas report that 63% of residents have Medicaid as their primary payer. Similarly, 10% of residents in nursing homes in rural areas have Medicare as their primary payer and 15% of those living in nursing homes in urban areas have Medicare as their primary payer. (Medicare does not generally cover long-term care services but does cover up to 100 days of skilled nursing facility care following a qualifying hospital stay.) Nursing homes in rural areas report that 24% of their residents have another primary payer (such as private insurance or out-of-pocket) and nursing homes in urban areas report that 23% of residents have another primary payer.
  • Similarly, nursing homes in rural areas and nursing homes in urban areas report similar shares of nursing homes with deficiencies that cause actual harm or immediate jeopardy to residents (27% vs. 29%).
  • Staffing levels in nursing homes in rural areas and nursing homes in urban areas are similar as well: 58% of nursing homes in rural areas and 64% of nursing homes in urban areas report an average of at least 3.5 total nursing hours per resident per day. This is consistent with prior research that found that similar shares of nursing homes in rural areas (20%) and nursing homes in urban areas (18%) would have met the requirements in the now-rescinded Biden-era staffing rule intended to help address long-standing concerns about staffing shortages and the quality of care in nursing homes.

Methods

Nursing Home Compare: Nursing Home Compare is a publicly available dataset that provides a snapshot of information on quality of care and key characteristics for approximately 14,900 Medicare and/or Medicaid-certified nursing homes.The data in this analysis is from July 2025.

Defining Rurality in Nursing Home Compare: Nursing homes in urban areas are defined as those in a metropolitan area, while nursing homes in rural areas are defined as those in nonmetropolitan areas. A metropolitan area is a county or group of counties that contains at least one urban area with a population of 50,000 or more people. Nonmetropolitan areas include micropolitan areas—which are counties or groups of counties that contain at least one urban area with a population of at least 10,000 but less than 50,000—and noncore areas (areas that are neither metropolitan nor micropolitan). This brief also breaks rural areas into those that are adjacent to metropolitan areas (defined as “other rural” in this brief) and those that are not adjacent to metropolitan counties (defined as “remote rural” areas in this brief).

This analysis categorized counties and county equivalents based on 2024 Urban Influence Codes from the USDA, as follows:

Urban

  • 1: Large metro (in a metro area with at least 1 million residents)
  • 4: Small metro (in a metro area with fewer than 1 million residents)

Rural, adjacent to a metro area (“other rural”)

  • 2: Micropolitan, adjacent to a large metro area
  • 3: Noncore, adjacent to a large metro area
  • 5: Micropolitan, adjacent to a small metro area
  • 6: Noncore, adjacent to a small metro area

Rural, not adjacent to a metro area (“rural remote”)

  • 7: Micropolitan, not adjacent to a metro area
  • 8: Noncore, not adjacent to a metro area and contains a town of at least 5,000 residents
  • 9: Noncore, not adjacent to a metro area and does not contain a town of at least 5,000 residents

Deficiencies in Nursing Homes: Health care deficiencies in nursing homes are evaluated on two elements:

  1. The scope of the deficiency (such as whether the deficiency was isolated to one person or was widespread across the nursing home)
  2. The severity of the deficiency (such as whether an individual suffered actual harm or immediate jeopardy)

Deficiencies are assigned a Scope/Severity score ranging from letters A through L, with each letter corresponding to a unique combination of scope and severity. This analysis looks at only at deficiencies that cause actual harm or immediate jeopardy, which corresponds with values G through L. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services defines "actual harm" as a "deficiency that results in a negative outcome that has negatively affected the resident's ability to achieve the individual's highest functional status. "Immediate jeopardy" is defined as a deficiency that "has caused (or is likely to cause) serious injury, harm, impairment, or death to a resident receiving care in the nursing home." CMS’ definition of “serious” deficiencies varies slightly from the definition in this analysis. CMS excludes deficiencies with score “G” and includes deficiencies with score “F” for certain deficiencies that represent a “substandard quality of care.”

This work was supported in part by The John A. Hartford Foundation. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

News Release

Poll: The Cost of Health Care Remains at the Top of the Public’s List of Economic Concerns, Even as Concerns About Gas Prices Climb

Majorities Say Health Costs Will Influence Their Vote and Voters Favor Democrats on the Issue, with Republicans Holding an Advantage on Addressing Fraud and Abuse

Published: Apr 29, 2026

Health care costs continue to top the public’s list of economic anxieties, even as fuel prices and economic uncertainty rose following the start of the Iran war, a new KFF Health Tracking poll finds. Nearly two-thirds (64%) of U.S. adults are worried about being able to afford health care costs, including three in ten who say they are “very worried.” The same share (64%) are worried about gasoline or other transportation costs, up from about half (52%) in January.

Underscoring these concerns, nearly half of insured adults (46%) say that lowering out-of-pocket costs is their most-wanted change to their health insurance. Additionally, majorities of voters say health care costs will have a “major impact” on their decision to vote (55%) and which party’s candidate they support (61%).

While the poll finds that voters trust Democrats more than Republicans to address both health care costs (37% vs. 26%) and prescription drug costs (33% vs. 26%), voters are more likely to trust Republicans on the issue of fraud and waste in government health care programs (34% vs. 26%)—an issue on which the Trump administration has been particularly engaged.