Medicaid Efforts to Address Racial Health Disparities

Published: Jul 1, 2024

Racial and ethnic disparities in health remain persistent in the United States, driven by inequities in access to and utilization of health care and social and economic factors that drive health, often referred to as social determinants of health (SDOH), that are rooted in historic and ongoing racism and discrimination. As a major source of health coverage for people of color, Medicaid programs are an important potential mechanism to address racial health disparities. Recent coverage gains across racial and ethnic groups between 2019-2022 were largely driven by increases in Medicaid enrollment as disenrollments were paused for three years during the pandemic related continuous enrollment provision. However, unwinding of the continuous enrollment provision could have disproportionate effects on people of color.

The federal government and many states have identified advancing health equity and addressing health disparities as a key priority. This includes President Biden’s Executive Order 13985 that directs federal agencies to take steps to advance racial equity. Other key efforts including improving collection and reporting of race and ethnicity data and focusing on maternal and infant health. While some efforts are broad, a number of efforts are specific to Medicaid. Medicaid coverage and other initiatives can help to address racial health disparities, but broader efforts to address structural racism and inequities within and beyond the health care system will also be key for reducing health disparities.

This issue brief aims to provide greater insight into key ways in which Medicaid can be leveraged to help address racial health disparities, drawing primarily from health coverage data, the 2023 KFF Budget Survey, and analyses from the KFF 1115 waiver tracker. While this brief documents some activities that states are implementing, take up of these initiatives varies across states and additional data are needed to determine if these efforts are effective at reducing disparities. Beyond the topics covered in this brief, states are engaged in other efforts to address racial health disparities in Medicaid and more broadly, including improving the collection and reporting of race and ethnicity data, establishing infrastructure to prioritize health equity, engaging with community to inform policy, and enhancing workforce capacity to provide culturally and linguistically appropriate care. This brief examines three key questions:

  • How does Medicaid coverage vary by race and ethnicity?
  • How can Medicaid eligibility policies mitigate racial disparities in coverage?
  • What other Medicaid initiatives are states pursuing to address racial disparities in health and health care?

How does Medicaid coverage vary by race and ethnicity?

As a major source of coverage for people of color, the Medicaid program helps to ensure access to care and provide financial protection from health care costs. Research shows that uninsured people are far more likely than those with insurance to postpone health care or forgo it altogether. Being uninsured can also have financial consequences, with many unable to pay their medical bills, resulting in medical debt. Although employer-sponsored and other private coverage are primary sources of coverage across racial and ethnic groups, Medicaid helps to fill larger gaps in this coverage for many people of color, particularly children (Figure 1). Moreover, over time, gains in Medicaid coverage have helped to reduce racial disparities in coverage, particularly following the expansion to low-income adults under the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The continuous enrollment provision enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic contributed to additional Medicaid enrollment growth and uninsured rate reductions that further narrowed racial disparities in coverage.

Health Coverage of Nonelderly Population by Race and Ethnicity, 2022

The unwinding of the Medicaid continuous enrollment provision may have disproportionate effects on coverage for people of color. The unwinding of the continuous enrollment provision has resulted in millions of people being disenrolled from Medicaid, most often due to procedural or paperwork reasons, and net declines in Medicaid enrollments, with wide variation across states. While some individuals disenrolled from Medicaid may transition to other forms of health coverage, including Marketplace coverage, others may become uninsured or experience a gap in coverage before reenrolling in Medicaid. As Hispanic, Black, AIAN and NHPI people are more likely than their White counterparts to be covered by Medicaid, they are more likely to be affected by the unwinding. An early analysis of data from nine states reporting racial and ethnic data did not identify racial disparities in disenrollment rates. However, recent analysis of survey data found that Black and Hispanic adults who lost Medicaid coverage were about twice as likely as their White counterparts to report losing Medicaid coverage due to inability to complete the enrollment process. National survey data to assess changes in coverage by race and ethnicity during the unwinding period are lagged and will not be available for several years. The unwinding may also increase “churn,” in which enrollees disenroll and then re-enroll within a short period of time since continuous eligibility has been shown to reduce these coverage disruptions. There may be racial disparities in increases in churn rates. Analysis of earlier data found that churn rates increased among children across racial and ethnic groups following annual renewal, but Hispanic children had the largest increase, likely reflecting greater barriers to maintaining coverage.

How can Medicaid eligibility policies mitigate racial disparities in coverage?

Adoption of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion in the 10 non-expansion states could help close coverage disparities for people of color. As of 2014, the ACA expanded Medicaid to adults with incomes through 138% of the federal poverty level ($20,783 annually for an individual in 2024). Research suggests that Medicaid expansion is linked to increased access to care, improvements in some health outcomes, and has contributed to reductions in racial disparities in health coverage compared to non-expansion states. However, as of May 2024, 10 states have not yet adopted the Medicaid expansion. In these non-expansion states, 1.5 million uninsured people fall in a coverage gap, with incomes too high to qualify for Medicaid but too low to qualify for Marketplace subsidies. Nationally, over six in ten people in the coverage gap are people of color, higher than their share of nonelderly adults in non-expansion states (53%) and overall (46%) (Figure 2).

Race and Ethnicity of Nonelderly Adults in the Medicaid Coverage Gap Compared to Other Adults, 2022

Other expansions of Medicaid eligibility could also reduce racial disparities in coverage and access to care. Medicaid covers almost half of births nationally, including more than two-thirds among Black and American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) individuals, who have higher rates of pregnancy-related mortality and morbidity compared to White individuals. Historically, many people who qualify for Medicaid because they are pregnant lost that coverage after 60 days postpartum because Medicaid eligibility levels for parents are lower than for pregnant people, especially in non-expansion states, and postpartum Medicaid coverage was previously limited to 60 days. However, the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) included an option, made permanent in the Consolidated Appropriations Act, to allow states to extend postpartum coverage from 60 days to 12 months. As of May 2024, 49 states have implemented the extended the postpartum coverage period or plan to do so. In addition, beginning January 1, 2024, the Consolidated Appropriations Act required all states to implement 12-month continuous eligibility for all children in Medicaid and CHIP, and some states have applied for Section 1115 demonstration waivers that would extend multi-year continuous eligibility for children, which may reduce churn and coverage disparities.

Increased outreach as well as policy changes to make it easier for eligible people to enroll in and maintain Medicaid coverage may also help reduce coverage disparities. In 2022, nearly two-thirds of the 6.4 million uninsured people were eligible for Medicaid but not enrolled were people of color (Figure 3). As noted above, this number may increase with the unwinding of the continuous enrollment provision. During the unwinding, states implemented an array of strategies to expand outreach, increase ex parte renewal rates, and streamline renewal processes, and many strategies will remain in place in the post unwinding period. Sustained outreach and enrollment efforts through trusted members in the community also is key for facilitating enrollment of certain populations, including those with Limited English Proficiency.

Race and Ethnicity of People Under Age 65 Who are Uninsured and Eligible for Medicaid

What other Medicaid initiatives are states pursuing to address racial disparities in health and health care?

Most states that contract with managed care plans report leveraging MCO contracts to promote at least one strategy to address social determinants of health in FY 2023, which may help mitigate racial health disparities. Managed care is the dominant delivery system for Medicaid enrollees. As of 2021, 74% of Medicaid beneficiaries were enrolled in comprehensive managed care organizations (MCOs). States pay Medicaid managed care organizations a set per member per month payment for the Medicaid services specified in their contracts. According to KFF’s 2023 Medicaid budget survey, more than three-quarters of responding MCO states reported requiring MCOs to screen enrollees for behavioral health needs, provide referrals to social services, screen enrollees for social needs, and partner with community-based organizations (CBOs) (Figure 4). Fewer states reported requiring MCOs to track the outcomes of social service referrals or requiring MCO community reinvestment (i.e., directing plans to reinvest a portion of revenue or profits into the communities they serve) compared to other strategies.

MCO Contract Requirement Related to Social Determinants of Health Among MCO States

States also leverage managed care contracts in other ways to promote reducing health disparities. Some state MCO contracts incorporate requirements to advance health equity and states may also tie MCO financial quality incentives to reducing health disparities (Figure 5). Examples include:

  • MCO financial incentives. States may use financial incentives to improve quality including linking performance bonuses or penalties, capitation withholds, or value-based state-directed payments to quality measures. About one-quarter of responding MCO states reported at least one MCO financial incentive tied to reducing racial and ethnic disparities in place in FY 2023. States most often reported linking capitation withholds, pay for performance incentives, and/or state-directed provider payments to reductions in health disparities.
  • MCO contract requirements related to reducing disparities. In addition to financial incentives, states can leverage managed care contracts in other ways to promote reducing health disparities. For example, states can require MCOs to achieve national standards for culturally competent care, conduct staff training on health equity and implicit bias, develop new positions related to health equity, report data on racial and ethnic disparities, and incorporate enrollee feedback, among other requirements. According to KFF’s 2023 Medicaid budget survey, about half of responding states reported requiring MCOs to train staff on health equity and/or implicit bias and meet health disparities reporting requirements (Figure 5). Over one-third of states reported requiring MCOs to have a health equity plan in place and seek enrollee input or feedback to inform health equity initiatives. Fewer states reported requiring MCOs to have a health equity officer or achieve NCQA’s Multicultural Health Care (MHC) Distinction and/or Health Equity Accreditation.
  • MCO performance improvement Projects (PIPs). States must require MCOs to implement PIPs to examine access to and quality of care, and these projects often include a focus on reducing health disparities. In FY 2023, states reported a range of state-mandated PIP focus areas with an emphasis on reducing disparities including those related to maternal and child health, chronic diseases, and substance use disorder.
State Implementation of MCO Requirements Related to Reducing Disparities

States may pursue CMS approval of equity-related initiatives through Section 1115 waivers, which provide an avenue to test new strategies in Medicaid. The Biden Administration emphasized equity as a key goal of Section 1115 demonstration waivers. States may identify equity as an overarching demonstration goal that underlies all or most waiver provisions or may include specific equity-related provisions. States with an overarching demonstration focus on reducing health disparities or improving equity (e.g., California, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Washington) often have similar areas of focus including integrating care (physical, behavioral, and social care), connecting enrollees to community-based organizations, managing population health, bolstering data infrastructure and addressing needs of specific populations (e.g., people experiencing homelessness, justice-involved people, people with substance use disorder (SUD), children/youth, and pregnant/postpartum people). States may also use 1115 waivers to expand Medicaid eligibility, add or enhance benefits, or make delivery system changes to address disparities and advance equity. Building on guidance released in 2021, CMS announced new flexibility available through Section 1115 to expand opportunities for states to use Medicaid to address enrollee health-related social needs (HRSNs) in late 2022. In 2023, CMS released guidance encouraging states to apply for 1115 waivers to test transition-related strategies to support community reentry for people who are incarcerated. These new demonstration opportunities are discussed in more detail below along with other 1115 initiatives focused on reducing disparities and advancing equity.

  • HRSN waivers. As of June 2024, CMS has approved eight state HRSN waivers under the new HRSN 1115 framework. These waivers authorize evidence-based housing and nutrition services for specific populations with unmet social needs. CMS indicates broadening the availability of HRSN services is “expected to promote coverage and access to care, improve health outcomes, reduce health disparities, and create long-term, more cost-effective alternatives or supplements to traditional medical services.” States will be required to monitor and evaluate the impact of HRSN initiatives on utilization, cost, and health outcomes, including reporting on health equity metrics. A number of other states have approved 1115 waivers with SDOH-related provisions that pre-date the Biden administration HRSN framework. These waivers are generally narrower in scope (services and populations) or pilot programs focused on specific regions.
  • Reentry waivers. As of June 2024, four states have approval to provide pre-release services to certain incarcerated, Medicaid eligible individuals. An additional 19 states have reentry waiver requests pending at CMS. Pre-release services include case management, medication-assisted treatment (MAT) for substance use disorders, and prescription medication upon release. People who are incarcerated have higher rates of mental illness, substance use disorder, and chronic and physical health care needs than the general population and are at high risk for unmet health needs and poor health outcomes upon release. Racial disparities in incarceration also exacerbate health disparities. Reentry services aim to improve care transitions and increase continuity of health coverage, reduce disruptions in care, improve health outcomes, and reduce recidivism rates. States will be required to monitor and evaluate the impact of these waivers as well.
  • Delivery system reform and other equity investments. States may pursue other equity-related initiatives under 1115 including developing provider payment incentives tied to reducing disparities and/or obtaining “infrastructure” funding to support the implementation of HRSN waivers or build state or regional capacity to manage population health. For example, Arizona’s Targeted Investments 2.0 program provides funding that MCOs are directed to use to make incentive payments to providers with the goal of improving health equity for specified populations. As part of Massachusetts’ Hospital Quality and Equity Initiative, participating hospitals can earn performance-based incentive payments for meeting data collection requirements and improving health care quality and equity. New York’s Health Equity Regional Organization (HERO) is designed to develop regionally focused approaches to reduce health disparities, advance quality and health equity, and make recommendations to incorporate HRSN into value-based payment methodologies.

Expansions of Medicaid benefits may increase access to care for all enrollees, including the disproportionate share of people of color covered by Medicaid. KFF’s 2023 budget survey found many states reporting Medicaid benefit expansions, including benefits that may help reduce disparities. For example, to improve maternal and infant health outcomes and address racial and ethnic health disparities, states continue to expand and enhance pregnancy and postpartum services, including coverage of doula services, lactation services, and home visiting supports. Several states reported benefit changes to support access to culturally competent care, including coverage of community health workers. States also continue to report expansions of mental health and SUD services. Overall, rates of mental illness and SUD are lower for people of color compared to White people but may be underdiagnosed among people of color due to barriers in access to care. Additionally, people of color have experienced worsening mental health as well as increased rates of suicide and overdose deaths during the pandemic.

 

Poll Finding

Loneliness and Social Support Networks: Findings from the KFF Survey of Racism, Discrimination and Health 

Authors: Shannon Schumacher, Nirmita Panchal, Liz Hamel, Samantha Artiga, and Marley Presiado
Published: Jun 28, 2024

Findings

The issues of loneliness and social isolation gained more attention during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and continue to have relevance in the age of social media and artificial intelligence and in the context of an aging society. Loneliness and social isolation are associated with a number of poor mental and physical health conditions. For example, recent research suggests a causal relationship between loneliness and the onset of depression. Social isolation can also be linked to riskier substance use and is a risk factor for suicide and selfharm. In addition to mental health conditions, loneliness and social isolation are associated with cardiovascular disease and cognitive decline.

Several efforts have been underway to increase awareness of and address loneliness and isolation through policy. In 2023, the Surgeon General issued an advisory on loneliness that includes strategies to advance social connection. Also in 2023, the National Strategy for Social Connection Act was introduced, which would increase education, awareness, and research on social connection, and create an office to advise the President and federal agencies on the impact of loneliness and how to improve social infrastructure and community engagement. Other bills propose standardizing the definition and measurements of loneliness, and addressing loneliness among elderly adults. Several state and local-level initiatives have also been taken, and in 2024, San Mateo County in California became the first county to declare loneliness as a public health emergency. A common strategy across many of these efforts involves improving social connectedness. Social connectedness can mitigate loneliness and have a protective effect on mental health. However, strategies to address loneliness are generally tailored to elderly adults and may not effectively address loneliness among young individuals – a population that has increasingly experienced loneliness over time. At a time when social development is critical, young people are spending less time in-person with their peers, have high engagement with social media, and many work or attend school remotely.

This brief examines loneliness and social support networks by age, race, ethnicity, and other factors based on data from the 2023 KFF Racism, Discrimination and Health Survey, a large, nationally representative survey based on responses from over 6,000 adults. Key takeaways include:

One in six (15%) adults report feeling always or often lonely in the past year, rising to about three in ten (31%) among young adults ages 18-29. While at least one in five young adults say they are always or often lonely, the shares are higher among young Black adults (35%) and young White adults (33%) than they are among young Hispanic (24%) or young Asian adults (22%). About one in five or more women, low-income adults, and LGBT adults also report feeling frequently lonely in the past year.

Black, Hispanic, and Asian adults are somewhat less likely than White adults to report having a robust local support network. Just over four in ten Black adults (44%) and half of Hispanic and Asian adults (50% each) say they have at least a fair amount of friends and family nearby who they can ask for help or support compared to over half (56%) of White adults.

There is a strong relationship between feelings of loneliness, local support networks, and physical and mental health and well-being. Across racial and ethnic groups, adults who say they are always or often lonely are more likely to report fair or poor physical and mental health compared to those who report less frequent loneliness. Similarly, adults who say they have many friends or family nearby who they can ask for help or support when they need it are about half as likely as those with less robust support networks to report frequent loneliness as well as poor or fair mental or physical health status.

The Prevalence of Loneliness

One in six adults (15%) say they always or often felt lonely in the past year, including larger shares of LGBT adults (33%), adults under age 30 (31%), lower income adults (23% of those with household incomes under $40,000) and Black women (22%).1  Across racial and ethnic groups, adults ages 18-29 report loneliness at much higher rates than older adults. Overall, about three in ten(31%) adults under age 30 say they are always or often lonely, at least twice the share who report this among older age groups. While at least one in five young adults say they are always or often lonely, the shares are higher among young Black adults (35%) and young White adults (33%) than they are among young Hispanic (24%) or Asian adults (22%). Among adults of all ages, Black adults are somewhat more likely than White adults (19% vs. 14%) to report feeling frequently lonely in the past year.

Additionally, adults living in lower income households (less than $40,000 annually) are about three times as likely to report frequent loneliness as are those who live in higher income households ($90,000 or more) (23% vs. 7%). This difference is largely driven by higher rates of loneliness among low-income White and Black adults compared to their counterparts with higher incomes. Conversely, reports of feeling always or often lonely are similar across income among Asian and Hispanic adults.

There are also differences by gender and LGBT identity when it comes to loneliness. Overall, women (18%) are more likely than men (13%) to say they have felt always or often lonely in the past year. Across women, Black women (22%) are more likely to report loneliness than are White (17%), Hispanic (16%), or Asian (15%) women. Across racial and ethnic groups, LGBT adults are about twice as likely as non-LGBT adults to say they felt always or often lonely in the past year. For more on LGBT adults’ experiences with discrimination and health care disparities, see KFF’s previous report.

LGBT Adults, Younger Adults, Women, and Adults with Lower Incomes More Likely to Say They Have "Always" or "Often" Felt Lonely in the Past Year

Social Support Networks

Most adults say they are at least somewhat satisfied with the number of meaningful connections they have with other people. While few adults (14%) say they are dissatisfied with their connections, similar to patterns of loneliness, shares are higher among lower income adults (17%), adults with fair or poor physical health (22%), adults younger than 30 (19%), and LGBT (19%) adults.

Large Majorities of Adults Report Satisfaction with the Number of Meaningful Connections They Have

Black, Hispanic, and Asian adults are somewhat less likely than White adults to report having a robust local support network. Overall, about half (53%) of adults say they have a lot or a fair amount of friends and family members living nearby who they can ask for help or support, while the other half (47%) say they have just a few or no friends or family in their nearby support network. Black (44%), Hispanic (50%), and Asian (50%) adults are somewhat less likely than White (56%) adults to say they have at least a fair amount of people in their local support network. Among Asian and Hispanic adults, support networks do not vary much by age. In contrast, among Black adults, support networks increase with age, while among White adults, they decrease with age.

Among White and Hispanic adults, those with higher household incomes are more likely to say they have more local support than those with lower household incomes. However, racial differences in support networks are also evident among adults with higher incomes, as Black adults with household incomes of $90,000 or more annually (47%) are less likely White (66%) adults at that income level to say they have a strong social support network.

Among Black, Hispanic, and White adults, living in a racially concordant neighborhood (one where people say at least half or more of the people living there share their racial/ethnic background) is not associated with having a stronger local support network.

Black, Hispanic, and Asian Adults Somewhat Less Likely Than White Adults to Have a Robust Local Support Network

Loneliness, Social Support Networks, and Mental and Physical Health are Strongly Associated

There is a strong association between feelings of loneliness and self-reported mental and physical health status. Across racial and ethnic groups, adults who say they are always or often lonely are more likely to report fair or poor physical and mental health compared to those who report less frequent loneliness. About half (54%) of adults who say they are frequently lonely report fair or poor mental health status compared to about one in ten (11%) who say they are not often lonely. Similarly, adults who say they are frequently lonely are about twice as likely to report fair or poor physical health compared to those who are less frequently lonely (33% vs. 17%), a pattern that holds across racial and ethnic groups.

Adults Who Are “Always” or “Often” Lonely Report Worse Mental and Physical Health Than Those Who Are Less Frequently Lonely

Adults who say they have a limited local support network are about twice as likely as those with stronger support networks to report frequent feelings of loneliness as well as fair or poor mental and physical health. Adults who say they have just a few or no close friends or family nearby who they can ask for help or support are more likely than those with at least a fair amount of support nearby to report feeling always or often lonely in the past year (21% vs. 10%). About one in four adults (24%) with just a few or no family or friends nearby report fair or poor mental health compared to about one in ten (11%) adults with a fair amount or a lot of local support, a pattern that persists across racial and ethnic groups. A similar pattern exists when it comes to physical health status.

Adults With Limited Local Support Networks Twice as Likely to Report Loneliness and Fair or Poor Mental and Physical Health

Methodology

The Survey on Racism, Discrimination, and Health was designed and analyzed by researchers at KFF. The survey was conducted June 6 – August 14, 2023, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 6,292 U.S. adults in English (5,706), Spanish (520), Chinese (37), Korean (16), and Vietnamese (13).

The sample includes 5,073 adults who were reached through an address-based sample (ABS) and completed the survey online (4,529) or over the phone (544). An additional 1,219 adults were reached through a random digit dial telephone (RDD) sample of prepaid (pay-as-you-go) cell phone numbers. Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) provided both the ABS and RDD sample. All fieldwork was managed by SSRS of Glen Mills, PA; sampling design and weighting was done in collaboration with KFF.

Sampling strategy:

The project was designed to reach a large sample of Black adults, Hispanic adults, and Asian adults. To accomplish this, the sampling strategy included increased efforts to reach geographic areas with larger shares of the population having less than a college education and larger shares of households with a Hispanic, Black, and/or Asian resident within the ABS sample, and geographic areas with larger shares of Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black adults within the RDD sample.

The ABS was divided into areas (strata) based on the share of households with a Hispanic, Black, and/or Asian resident, as well as the share of the population with a college degree within each Census block group. To increase the likelihood of reaching the populations of interest, strata with higher incidence of Hispanic, Black, and Asian households, and with lower educational attainment, were oversampled in the ABS design. The RDD sample of prepaid (pay-as-you-go) cell phone numbers was disproportionately stratified to reach Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents based on incidence of these populations at the county level.

Incentives:

Respondents received a $10 incentive for their participation, with interviews completed by phone receiving a mailed check and web respondents receiving a $10 electronic gift card incentive to their choice of six companies, a Visa gift card, or a CharityChoice donation.

Community and expert input:

Input from organizations and individuals that directly serve or have expertise in issues facing historically underserved or marginalized populations helped shape the questionnaire and reporting. These community representatives were offered a modest honorarium for their time and effort to provide input, attend meetings, and offer their expertise on dissemination of findings.

Translation:

After the content of the questionnaire was largely finalized, SSRS conducted a telephone pretest in English and adjustments were made to the questionnaire. Following the English pretest, Cetra Language Solutions translated the survey instrument from English into the four languages outlined above and checked the CATI and web programming to ensure translations were properly overlayed. Additionally, phone interviewing supervisors fluent in each language reviewed the final programmed survey to ensure all translations were accurate and reflected the same meaning as the English version of the survey.

Data quality check:

A series of data quality checks were run on the final data. The online questionnaire included two questions designed to establish that respondents were paying attention and cases were monitored for data quality including item non-response, mean length, and straight lining. Cases were removed from the data if they failed two or more of these quality checks. Based on this criterion, 4 cases were removed.

Weighting:

The combined cell phone and ABS samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. adult population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS). The combined sample was divided into five groups based on race or ethnicity (White alone, non-Hispanic; Hispanic; Black alone, non-Hispanic; Asian alone, non-Hispanic; and other race or multi-racial, non-Hispanic) and each group was weighted separately. Within each group, the weighting parameters included sex, age, education, nativity, citizenship, census region, urbanicity, and household tenure. For the Hispanic and Asian groups, English language proficiency and country of origin were also included in the weighting adjustment. The general population weight combines the five groups and weights them proportionally to their population size.

A separate weight was created for the American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) sample using data from the Census Bureau’s 2022 American Community Survey (ACS). The weighting parameters for this group included sex, education, race and ethnicity, region, nativity, and citizenship. For more information on the AIAN sample including some limitations, adjustments made to make the sample more representative, and considerations for data interpretation, see Appendix 2.

All weights also take into account differences in the probability of selection for each sample type (ABS and prepaid cell phone). This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the samples, and within household probability of selection.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 2 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. Appendix 1 provides more detail on how race and ethnicity was measured in this survey and the coding of the analysis groups. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. All tests of statistical significance account for the design effect due to weighting. Dependent t-tests were used to test for statistical significance across the overlapping groups.

Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. KFF public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

 

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total6,292± 2 percentage points
Race/Ethnicity
White, non-Hispanic (alone)1,725± 3 percentage points
Black (alone or in combination)1,991± 3 percentage points
Hispanic1,775± 3 percentage points
Asian (alone or in combination)693± 5 percentage points
American Indian and Alaska Native (alone or in combination)267± 8 percentage points

Endnotes

  1. Survey respondents were asked how often they felt lonely in the past 12 months, based on a 5-point response scale: always, often, sometimes, rarely, or never. ↩︎

Emergency Abortion Care to Preserve the Health of Pregnant People: SCOTUS, EMTALA, and Beyond

Authors: Laurie Sobel, Mabel Felix, Usha Ranji, and Alina Salganicoff
Published: Jun 27, 2024

After much anticipation, SCOTUS has dismissed the second abortion-related case it heard this term, Moyle v. United States (consolidated with United States v. Idaho). A majority of the justices decided that the Court should not have taken the case at this time and, because of that, there is no ruling on the core questions presented and the case returns to lower courts for further proceedings. The decision also reinstates a District Court’s order blocking enforcement of the Idaho abortion ban where it conflicts with EMTALA, the federal law requiring hospitals to provide stabilizing treatment to patients who present to their emergency rooms. Idaho – like 5 other states – has an abortion ban that includes an exception to save the life of the pregnant person, but no exception for preserving health. Today’s decision does not affect enforcement of bans in any other states. This decision means the Court did not rule on the merits on any of the abortion-related cases this term, a topic of high significance to many voters ahead of the 2024 presidential elections.

How did the Court Rule?

The Supreme Court’s June 27 per curiam decision does not have a majority opinion. Instead, the decision is constituted by a series of concurring and dissenting opinions. Collectively, a 5-4 majority agrees the case should be dismissed as improvidently granted, meaning the Court should not have taken it in the first place, and a 6-3 majority holds that the preliminary injunction blocking enforcement of the Idaho ban where it conflicts with EMTALA should be reinstated.

However, this ruling does not necessarily mean that the 6-Justice block agrees about whether EMTALA preempts state law. Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson wrote in their concurring opinion that EMTALA requires hospitals to provide abortion care when needed to stabilize the health of the pregnant patient and because Idaho’s abortion ban does not make an exception in cases where the health of the pregnant person is at risk, it is preempted. Justices Barrett, Kavanaugh, and Roberts, on the other hand, stated there is a textual disagreement between the two laws, but did not indicate whether they believe EMTALA preempts Idaho’s abortion ban. The three dissenting Justices (Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch) wrote that EMTALA does not preempt Idaho’s law because EMTALA requires hospitals to protect the health of the fetus at every stage and does not require the provision of emergency abortion care. Justices Alito and Thomas went as far as to indicate in their dissent that they believe states can prioritize the health of the fetus over that of the pregnant person. They state that the lack of health exception in the state’s ban is a “balance reflect[ing] Idaho’s judgment about a difficult and important moral question” and Idaho is allowed to strike its own balance.

What Happens Next?

The Supreme Court’s decision returns the case to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals for further proceedings and reinstates a District Court’s order blocking enforcement of the Idaho ban where it conflicts with EMTALA. The District Court order had been affirmed by the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals but put on pause by the Supreme Court when it agreed to hear this case. This order allows Idaho physicians to provide abortion care when needed to stabilize the health of pregnant patients in hospital emergency rooms, and it will continue to do so until the case ends. This case may return to the Supreme Court after the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals issues a final ruling.

However, in a different case, Texas v. Becerra, the federal government has asked the Court to answer the same question of whether EMTALA preempts state abortion bans. In this latter case, the state of Texas sued the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), arguing that EMTALA does not authorize the federal government to “compel” clinicians to provide abortion care. A federal district court in Texas issued an order permanently blocking HHS from enforcing EMTALA as requiring abortion care when Texas law prohibits it, and the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld this order in January 2024. The Supreme Court has not yet announced if it will take the case. It may decide as it did in United States v. Idaho and order for proceedings to continue in the lower courts before it hears the case. Depending on how the cases proceed, the Court may consider arguments about EMTALA again in either the Texas or Idaho case.

Nevertheless, whether the Supreme Court considers this issue in the near future may be affected by the outcome of this year’s Presidential election. Since EMTALA is a federal law, the federal government must choose to continue litigating the cases regarding the law for either of them to proceed and eventually come before the Supreme Court again. The Biden administration has defended in court its guidance stating that, per EMTALA, hospitals must provide emergency abortion care if it is necessary to stabilize a patient’s condition and has prioritized and expanded enforcement efforts in this area. Should Donald Trump win the election, his Administration could issue guidance stating that it does not interpret EMTALA to require hospitals to provide abortion care when it is necessary to stabilize a pregnant patient’s condition and dismiss the Texas and Idaho EMTALA cases. Project 2025 – a series of proposals for a new administration from a broad coalition of conservative organizations and widely seen as a blueprint for a next Trump administration – specifically calls for rescinding the Biden Administration’s EMTALA guidance and ending federal investigations into cases of alleged refusals to perform abortions. Trump himself has not publicly stated how he views EMTALA preemption of state abortion bans in emergency cases. KFF polling finds that the vast majority of the public (86%), across party lines, supports protecting access to abortions for people experiencing pregnancy-related emergencies.

What are the Implications of the Ruling?

For the provision of emergency abortion care

The reinstatement of the district court’s order blocking enforcement of Idaho’s abortion ban where it conflicts with EMTALA – in situations that jeopardize the health of the pregnant person – means pregnant people in Idaho may again be able to receive emergency abortion care to preserve their health. In her concurring opinion, Justice Kagan highlighted the consequences of the lack of health exception in Idaho during the time the district court’s preliminary injunction was on pause, noting that “[t]o ensure appropriate medical care, the State’s largest provider of emergency services had to airlift pregnant women out of Idaho roughly every other week, compared to once in all of the prior year (when the injunction was in effect).”

6 States with Abortion Bans or Early Gestational Limits Have No Health Exception

However, this ruling has no effect on the approximately 8,597,200 women of reproductive age living in the five other states (Arkansas, Mississippi, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Texas) that have abortion bans without a health exception. In these other states, pregnant patients needing an emergency abortion to preserve their health will be denied that care until their conditions deteriorate to the point that an abortion is necessary to prevent their death.

Women of Reproductive Age Living in States with Abortion Bans with No Health Exception and No Court Order Protecting Provision of Emergency Abortion Care

Of note, even in states with abortion bans that include a health exception, pregnant people may not be able to receive emergency abortion care, because these exceptions are often narrow and do not defer to the doctor’s medical judgment that an abortion qualifies for an exception under state law, which has made clinicians hesitant to provide care that could later be prosecuted and reviewed by a court. In a KFF national survey, the majority of OBGYNs practicing in states where abortion is banned said that the Dobbs ruling has worsened their decision-making autonomy (60%) and ability to practice within the standards of care (55%). In these states, this chilling effect will persist, discouraging physicians from providing evidence-based emergency medical care, even in situations where they cannot ultimately prevent the loss of the pregnancy. This means pregnant patients from states with abortion bans have had to leave their states to receive emergency abortion care – just as many did when the preliminary injunction was blocked in Idaho – and this trend will most likely continue.

For other cases

There are other cases underway arguing that the US Constitution and state constitutions include protections for people needing emergency abortion care, which are not affected by the Court’s decision today, since they do not rely on EMTALA. In May 2024, an Idaho physician filed another challenge to the exceptions in Idaho’s abortion laws in federal court, Seyb v. Members of the Idaho Board of Medicine. In this case, the physician contends that Idaho’s abortion laws violate the due process and equal protection clauses of the 14th Amendment of the US Constitution by criminalizing abortion care for many medically indicated circumstances and conditions. This case may also reach the Supreme Court to determine whether the US Constitution provides any protections for people needing emergency abortion care.

There are also three cases in state courts (Idaho, Indiana, & Tennessee) challenging the narrowness of the exceptions in state bans, arguing that the laws violate their respective state constitutions. There was a similar case in Texas, but the Texas State Supreme Court recently held that there are no state constitutional protections that confer a right to abortion beyond the life exception the law outlines. The outcome of these cases may affect the provision of abortion care in cases of pregnancy-related emergencies, but the reach of this will be limited to their own state lines.

Looking ahead

At the core of this case, Idaho was asking the court to allow the state to recognize and protect the rights of a fetus over the health of the pregnant person. The statements in Justice Alito’s dissent indicating that states can strike their own “balance” when the health or life of a pregnant person is threatened – and therefore, prioritize the rights of a fetus over the health of the pregnant person – may open the door to future cases further recognizing the rights of embryos or fetuses. Justices Barrett, Roberts, and Kavanaugh did not indicate whether they believe states can ban abortion in cases that threaten the health of the pregnant person, failing to rule out that they may be amenable to such an argument. While states have focused on restricting abortion care, this could have broader implications for a pregnant person’s right to make decisions about how they want to manage their own pregnancy, including the right to preserve their own health, and clinicians’ autonomy to manage pregnancy-related medical emergencies based on accepted standards of care.

VOLUME 2

Supreme Court Cases on Content Moderation and Mifepristone Access

This is Irving Washington and Hagere Yilma. We direct KFF’s Health Misinformation and Trust Initiative and on behalf of all of our colleagues across KFF who work on misinformation and trust we are pleased to bring you this edition of our bi-weekly Monitor. 

This issue of the Monitor focuses on recent Supreme Court decisions impacting health misinformation. We examine cases balancing free speech and platform regulation, the Court’s ruling on mifepristone access and public perceptions of social media moderation. We also explore COVID-19 narratives after Dr. Fauci’s congressional testimony and AI developments in predicting misinformation trends during pandemics.


Recent Developments

Mitigating Misinformation on Social Media: Content Moderation versus First Amendment Rights

A photograph of the United State Supreme Court building
Rudy Sulgan/Getty Images

The Supreme Court will soon rule on three cases that will have significant impact on misinformation and content moderation. These rulings will balance free speech, government influence, and social media companies’ right to moderate content. In Murthy v. Missouri, Missouri and Louisiana, along with private groups, sued the Biden administration, claiming they pressured social media companies to censor conservative viewpoints on topics like COVID-19 and election fraud. The government argued that it only requested, not demanded, the removal of misinformation. In July 2023, a district court issued a temporary injunction halting these communications, and the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals later agreed, citing potential volitation of the First Amendment. The Supreme Court will now decide whether the states and other defendants in the case had the right to sue, if the government’s actions violated the First Amendment, and if the temporary injunction was appropriate.

The Supreme Court is also considering social media content moderation in two other cases: NetChoice v. Paxton and Moody v. NetChoice. These cases focus on the editorial discretion of social media companies. Both cases question whether 2021 laws in Texas and Florida violate the First Amendment rights of social media companies to make editorial decisions about the publication and distribution of speech. Moody v. NetChoice challenges a Florida law that prevents social media platforms from censoring political candidates and certain journalistic outlets, moderating harmful misinformation and adding labels that direct users to verified information. NetChoice v. Paxton challenges a broader Texas law that prevents popular websites from enforcing viewpoint-based community standards. In both cases, NetChoice sought preliminary injunctions and lower courts initially stopped the laws from taking effect, suggesting they might violate the First Amendment. However, appeals courts later made different decisions in each case. The Court heard arguments in both cases in February and is expected to issue its decisions in late June or early July.

KFF Polling Insights:

The March KFF Health Misinformation Tracking Poll examined public attitudes about content moderation to combat health misinformation on social media. When asked about potential action by the U.S. government to require social media companies to restrict false health information, the poll found the public is somewhat divided. About six in ten adults overall (57%) say, “The U.S. government should require social media companies to take steps to restrict false health information, even if it limits people from freely publishing or accessing information,” while about four in ten (42%) say, “People’s freedom to publish and access health information should be protected, even if it means false information can also be published.” (Figure 1) There is a stark partisan divide, with a majority of Democrats (73%) and independents (60%) supportive of government intervention on this issue. Republicans (38%) are much less likely to say the U.S. government should intervene in this way.

Majorities of Democrats and Independents Say the U.S. Government Should Require Social Media Companies To Restrict False Health Information, Six in Ten Republicans Prioritize the Freedom To Publish Information 

Faulty Science and Misinformation Impacts Knowledge About and Access to Abortion Pills and Contraceptives

A photograph of a person holding a glass of water and two pills
MementoJpeg/Getty Images 

Mifepristone, a drug used for safe and effective medication abortion, has faced hurdles due to the spread of false information about its safety. The Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, a newly-formed group of anti-abortion doctors and organizations sued the FDA in November of 2022, challenging mifepristone’s safety and wider access. Their claims were bolstered by flawed studies that were subsequently discredited. In February, Sage Journals, a publisher of peer-reviewed research, retracted three abortion studies citing methodological problems and conflicts of interest. Researchers around the world then called for the retraction of other flawed studies. The Supreme Court reviewed the case this year, and in June, the Court unanimously dismissed the lawsuit, ruling that the defendants did not have standing to challenge the FDA’s regulatory actions regarding mifepristone. However, the Court’s decision leaves room for future challenges to access and distribution of mifepristone based on safety concerns. A KFF Policy Watch explains the results of the case in more detail. Despite ongoing efforts to debunk false claims about the safety of medication abortion pills, access to these pills is still restricted, as all types of abortion, including medication abortion, is banned in 14 states. Most recently, Louisiana became the first state to classify mifepristone as a controlled substance.

KFF Polling Insights:

Medication abortion accounts for nearly two-thirds of abortion in the US and has been safely used by millions of women since it was approved by the FDA in 2000. The March KFF Health Tracking Poll examined the public’s knowledge and attitudes about medication abortion pills. The poll found that a slim majority (54%) of the public has heard of mifepristone, the medication abortion pill and that the legality and use of the medication continues to be misunderstood across the public.

About four in ten women (43%) are “unsure” whether medication abortion is legal in the state they live in, including 38% of women ages 18-49. Nationally, at least four in ten U.S. adults say they are not sure whether the medication is legal where they live regardless of whether they live in a state where abortion is limited (54% say they are unsure), banned (44%), or available (41%; Figure 2). In addition, about one in eight adults (13%), including a similar share (11%) of women, living in states where abortion is currently banned, incorrectly believe medication abortion is legal in their state (Figure 1). Notably, women without a college degree are more likely than those with a degree to say they are “unsure” about the legality of medication abortion in their state (50% vs. 32%).

Adults Are Confused About The Legality of Medication Abortion, Especially in States Where Abortion is Limited or Banned

Misinformation about reproductive health extends beyond mifepristone, affecting access to various birth control methods such as IUDs and emergency contraceptive pills. A KFF issue brief highlights how these misconceptions about contraceptives can influence legal interpretations under recent Supreme Court decisions and state laws. It also discusses state and federal efforts to protect contraceptive rights, including proposed legislation, state-level constitutional amendments, and executive orders promoting access to contraceptive services. Similarly, a Washington Post article details far-right strategies to limit access to birth control by spreading misinformation. In Missouri, for example, Republicans blocked a bill to expand access to birth control by falsely linking contraceptive pills to abortions.

Misleading Headlines About COVID-19 Guidelines After Fauci’s Testimony

A photograph of Dr. Anthony Fauci testifying before the U.S. Congress
 Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

On June 3, 2024, Dr. Anthony Fauci, former director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, testified before the Select Subcommittee of the House Oversight and Accountability Committee. This was his first public appearance on Capitol Hill since leaving government office. During the hearing, Fauci denied allegations that he influenced research on the origins of the COVID-19 virus and that he used a private email for official business. Prior to the hearing, the Washington Post reported that the Trump administration’s former assistant secretary for mental health and substance use questioned the CDC’s policy of six feet of social distance during the pandemic, claiming that the policy lacked concrete data to support it. After the hearing, misleading headlines continued to appear, suggesting that Fauci had admitted that the COVID-19 guidelines were “made up”. However, fact-checking by Poynter clarified that Fauci’s decisions were based on available data, not controlled trials, and that there are conflicting studies on these guidelines. Poynter also notes that Fauci emphasized the CDC’s role in shaping guidelines based on empirical judgment and past research, rather than personally inventing rules.


Emerging Misinformation Narratives

Debunking COVID-19 Vaccine Misinformation: False Claims About CKM Syndrome

A photograph of vials containing the COVID-19 vaccine
Freelanceimages/Getty Images

In May, two articles published on conspiracy websites used a 2023 scientific paper on cardiovascular-kidney-metabolic (CKM) syndrome to falsely claim that CKM is caused by COVID-19 vaccines, even though the paper never mentions COVID-19 vaccines. Both articles were shared widely on social media. On May 23, the American Heart Association issued a warning debunking the false claims, stating, “These false articles and accompanying social media posts are misleading and make connections that cannot be attributed to the American Heart Association or its scientific statement…The Association supports COVID-19 vaccinations as safe and effective.”

False and misleading claims linking COVID-19 vaccines to heart problems have been circulating since the vaccines were first developed. The recent false claim that “90 percent of the vaccinated population now suffers from [CKM] caused by the COVID-19 vaccines” appeared in two articles published on the conspiracy websites the People’s Voice and Natural News on May 17 and May 21 respectively. Within days of publication, social media posts about both articles spread across multiple platforms—primarily on X—in English and in Spanish. As of June 14, social media posts about the People’s Voice article garnered 4,900 engagements (likes, comments, and shares), and social media posts about the Natural News article garnered 150 engagements.

The most popular post sharing the People’s Voice article was published on May 20 on X, where it received 1,125 shares and 1,198 likes as of June 14. The majority of comments on the post echoed the post’s false claims that COVID-19 vaccines are dangerous. One comment criticized the post’s false claims noting, “Anyone who thinks so is a flat-earther anti-vaxxer murderer” (quote translated from Spanish). Although the articles prompted the American Heart Association to directly debunk the false claims, social media posts discussing the articles do not represent an abnormally high spike in false claims that COVID-19 vaccines cause heart problems. In fact, the number of social media posts mentioning COVID-19 vaccines and heart problems has remained relatively consistent over the past six months and is currently declining. However, it’s expected that vaccine opponents will continue misrepresenting studies to promote false claims about COVID-19 vaccine safety.

Health Discussions to Watch

COVID-19 Origins and Guidance: Media monitoring and social listening research shows that social media posts about Dr. Fauci skyrocketed across multiple social media platforms following his testimony about the government’s COVID-19 response on June 3rd. In the last 30 days, social media posts spreading false claims about Fauci, COVID-19, and COVID-19 vaccines increased by 426 percent compared to the previous 30 days. Many posts falsely claimed that COVID-19 is a “bioweapon,” that the government covered up the alleged dangers of COVID-19 vaccines, and that Fauci “made up” social distancing guidelines. Some posts criticized committee members for promoting COVID-19 conspiracy theories.

Medication Abortion: Media monitoring research found that news of the Supreme Court’s ruling on mifepristone led to an uptick in social media posts, primarily on Facebook, falsely claiming that mifepristone is unsafe. Politicians were the leading authors of these false claims. One senator wrote, “Mifepristone is a dangerous abortion pill that is harmful to both women and babies.” By June 14, the day after the Court’s decision, the post received 116 reactions and 125 comments. However, most of the comments on the senator’s post criticized or debunked the false claim.


Research Updates

Rethinking the Impact of Misinformation on Social Media

A perspective article in Nature questions common beliefs about online misinformation, explaining that exposure to false content is not as widespread as people think and mainly affects extreme user groups. The article suggests that social media platforms should track exposure in these groups, address the reasons why people want misinformation, share more data with researchers, and do more research globally, especially in areas where there’s not much information. It also criticizes simple explanations that blame social media for big problems, saying that what users want plays a big role. The article ultimately calls for increased research to improve our understanding of the effects of social media.

Source: Budak, C., Nyhan, B., Rothschild, D. M., Thorson, E., & Watts, D. J. (2024). Misunderstanding the harms of online misinformation. Nature, 630(8015), 45-53.

Advertising’s Role in Financing Online Misinformation and Proposed Transparency Interventions

A study examined how online misinformation is funded by advertising, leading to inflated mass shooting statistics and misinformation about firearm-related deaths being attributed to gang or drug violence. The research highlighted the widespread use of advertising on misinformation websites and the negative consumer backlash faced by companies that advertise on such platforms. The study proposed interventions to reduce the funding of online misinformation, including providing advertisers with data on where their ads appear and increasing transparency for consumers about companies advertising on misinformation outlets. These interventions aim to empower consumers and advertisers with information to make informed decisions and could be incorporated into existing legislation to improve transparency in digital advertising.

Source: Ahmad, W., Sen, A., Eesley, C., & Brynjolfsson, E. (2024). Companies inadvertently fund online misinformation despite consumer backlash. Nature, 630(8015), 123-131.

Impact of Misinformation and Vaccine-Skeptical Content on COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in the US

New research examined the impact of misinformation and vaccine-skeptic content on COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in the United States. The researchers found that while flagged misinformation contributed to lower vaccine intentions when seen, its overall impact was limited due to low exposure rates. On the other hand, vaccine-skeptical content, including articles from credible mainstream sources, had a significantly greater impact on reducing vaccination rates, even though they were not flagged by fact-checkers. The study emphasizes the importance of addressing not only blatant misinformation, but also content that raises questions about vaccines without containing falsehoods, as this can also lead to vaccine refusal.

Source: Allen, J., Watts, D. J., & Rand, D. G. (2024). Quantifying the impact of misinformation and vaccine-skeptical content on Facebook. Science, 384(6699), eadk3451.


AI & Emerging Technologies

AI Technique Links Anti-Vaccine Language on Reddit to Increased COVID Hospitalizations and Deaths

An illustration showing a lightbulb on top of a computer circuit board
Olemedia/Getty Images

An article in Scientific American discusses a new AI-based technique that has the potential to predict the real-world impact of online health misinformation. Using Reddit as a data source, researchers discovered correlations between language used in anti-vaccine posts and increased COVID hospitalizations and deaths. This analytical framework combines concepts from social psychology, such as “fuzzy trace theory,” with machine learning to measure how language influences behavior. The approach shows potential for predicting health outcomes during pandemics and informing content moderation strategies on social media platforms. However, it may not work as well for studying specific health issues or ephemeral events due to the nature of causal relationships in social media rhetoric.

About The Health Information and Trust Initiative: the Health Information and Trust Initiative is a KFF program aimed at tracking health misinformation in the U.S., analyzing its impact on the American people, and mobilizing media to address the problem. Our goal is to be of service to everyone working on health misinformation, strengthen efforts to counter misinformation, and build trust. 


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Support for the Health Information and Trust initiative is provided by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF). The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of RWJF and KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities. The Public Good Projects (PGP) provides media monitoring data KFF uses in producing the Monitor.


Poll Finding

Polling Insight: 4 Takeaways About Suburban Women Voters

Published: Jun 25, 2024

Suburban women have long been a coveted voting bloc for both Democratic and Republican candidates. Decades ago, this group was largely described as white suburban mothers, but the demographics of suburban women voters are changing and now the group is more akin to a microcosm of the U.S. as they shift younger, and more racially and ethnically diverse – which had led to a strong Democratic advantage in the past two presidential elections. For example, Democratic candidates gained ground among suburban voters from 2016 to 2020. But in 2022, suburban voters were divided between Democratic and Republican candidates and now analysts are wondering which candidate has the advantage in 2024 among this key voting group.

The KFF Survey of Women Voters finds that suburban women still lean Democratic and nearly half say they plan on voting for President Biden in November. Yet for many, inflation is top of mind – an issue that four in ten say neither political party does a better job of addressing. On the key issue of abortion, suburban women align most closely with the Democratic Party in terms of the policies they support.

The analysis is based on a survey of more than 3,000 women nationally including 636 suburban women nationally and 275 suburban women voters in Arizona. The entire project is available on the KFF Survey of Women Voters Dashboard, which includes more data from the survey, as well as the topline and methodology.

Alongside these changing demographics, suburban women hold very similar views on abortion as women nationally. While about half of suburban women voters (47%) say they are Democrats or lean Democratic (more than one-third identify as Republican or Republican-leaning and one in five are independents), more than two-thirds of suburban women voters (69%) say they identify as “pro-choice” (compared to 67% of women voters, nationally) and about three-fourths say they think abortion should be legal in all or most cases (compared to 74% of women, nationally). The views of suburban women on abortion more closely align with urban women rather than women living in rural areas who are more likely to identify as pro-life (40%) and want abortion to be illegal in all or most cases (36%).

Suburban Women Voters Are Older, Lean Democratic, More Likely to Identify as Pro-Choice and Say Abortion Should Be Legal in Most Cases

Most Republican Suburban Women Identify as Pro-life but Half Support Some Abortion Access, One in Four Think Republican Party Has Gone Too Far

Women voters living in the suburbs who are Republican or lean Republican are more supportive of broader abortion access than their rural counterparts, even though more than half of suburban Republican women (58%) identify as pro-life (which is similar to the share of rural Republican women who say the same). Half of Republican suburban women say they think abortion should be legal in all or most cases, and one in four (26%) say the Republican Party has done too much to restrict access to reproductive health services. This is twice the share of rural Republican women voters who say the same (13%). In addition, one in four Republican women in the suburbs are worried they or someone close to them will need an abortion during a medical emergency and be unable to get it (similar to share of urban Republican women who say the same, but half the share of Democrats who say the same, regardless of where they live). Most suburban women voters, regardless of partisanship, say they know someone (including themselves) who has ended a pregnancy by abortion (56% of suburban Republican women and 66% of suburban Democratic women). It is also important to note that one-fourth of Republican women voters in the suburbs say they prefer another Republican nominee for president other than former President Trump.

Half of Republican Women Voters From Suburban Areas Say Abortion Should Be Legal, One in Four Say Their Party Has Done Too Much to Restrict Access to Reproductive Health Services

#2: Suburban Women Largely Favor Policies Protecting Access to Abortion

Across all partisans, women voters living in the suburbs support laws protecting access to abortions in some instances including for patients who are experiencing pregnancy-related emergencies, or in cases of rape or incest in all states where abortion is banned. Large majorities of Democratic women in the suburbs (91%) and independent women in the suburbs (80%) support a law guaranteeing a nationwide right to abortion, as do nearly half of suburban Republican women (46%). Majorities of Republican women voters in the suburbs also support leaving it up to the states to decide whether abortion is legal (62%) as well as a law establishing a 15-week abortion ban nationwide (60%).

Most Suburban Women Support Laws Protecting Access to Abortion, Including About Half of Suburban Republicans Who Support a Nationwide Right

Consistent with what the national KFF Survey of Women Voters shows in other states with abortion-related ballot measures, majorities of suburban women support ballot measures enshrining abortion access. In Arizona, a battleground state in which voters will likely be voting on an abortion-related ballot initiative, a large majority of suburban women as well majorities of urban and rural women say they plan on voting in support of this initiative. Half (49%) of suburban women voters in Arizona say that if this initiative appears on the ballot in their state, they will be more motivated to vote, while half (48%) say it will not impact their decision to vote.

#3: Suburban Women Say Inflation Is Top Voting Issue, Say Neither Party Does Better at Handling Rising Costs

Part of President Biden’s appeal to suburban women has been on the issue of abortion and the overturning of Roe v. Wade, yet inflation is the top voting issue for more than a third (36%) of suburban women voters followed by threats to democracy (25%). Abortion ranks third, alongside immigration, with both cited as the most important voting issue by 12% of suburban women voters.

Similar shares of urban, suburban, and rural women say abortion is their most important voting issue (10%, 12%, and 7%, respectively); and while inflation is the top issue across geographic areas, the issue is most important for a larger share of rural voters (46%) than suburban voters (36%). Suburban women are more likely to cite threats to democracy as the most important voting issue than their rural counterparts (25% compared to 17%).

Inflation Is the Top Issue Across Urban, Rural, and Suburban Women

With inflation top of mind for suburban women, it is striking that neither party has the advantage among this group on the key issue of addressing the cost of household expenses. Four in ten suburban women (41%) say neither party does a better job of addressing the cost of household expenses, even as suburban women give the Democratic Party the advantage on all other issues asked about including cost of health care and childcare.

Democratic Party Has the Advantage on Key Issues Among Suburban Women, but Many Say Neither Party Does a Better Job Addressing Household Costs and Childcare

About three-fourths of suburban women voters report worrying about affording the cost of health care for them and their family (73%), or their food or groceries (72%). In addition, nearly two-thirds say they worry about being able to afford their monthly utilities (63%), and more than half of suburban women (56%) worry a lot or some about being able to afford their rent or mortgage (similar to the share of rural women who say the same).

#4: Suburban Women Feel Frustrated About Upcoming Presidential Election, Largely Dissatisfied with Candidates

With suburban women citing many issues as important to their vote, it is notable that 12% say they don’t plan on voting in the upcoming presidential election or that they will vote for a third-party candidate. This includes similar shares of Democratic suburban women (8%) and Republican suburban women (9%) and three in ten independent suburban women. This may reflect their overall feelings toward the two frontrunner party candidates. Three-fourths of suburban women voters say they feel frustrated about the upcoming presidential election including 76% of Democratic suburban women, 74% of Republican suburban women, and 72% of independent suburban women.

In addition, six in ten are not satisfied with their choices for president, including a third who say they are “not at all satisfied.” When asked why they are not satisfied with their choices for president, suburban women offered a multitude of responses related to the candidates’ age, temperament, and their stances on key issues.

What is the main reason why you aren’t satisfied with Joe Biden as the Democratic nominee for president?

“We need a young fresh perspective on fixing America’s issues. These old white men do not represent our diverse nation.” – 52 year old Democratic multi-racial woman from suburban Nevada

“He supports Israel and is funding the terroristic side of the war.” – 18 year old Democratic Hispanic woman from suburban Georgia

“I would like him to be stronger on liberal issues” – 36 year old Democratic White woman from suburban Maryland

What is the main reason why you aren’t satisfied with Donald Trump as the Republican nominee for president?

“He lacks leadership and encourages divisiveness within our country” – 60 year old Republican White woman from suburban Florida

“The economy, the wars abroad, climate change, and women’s rights regarding abortion.” – 57 year old Republican White woman from suburban Pennsylvania

“I am concerned he will be impeached or not be able to run if he’s convicted of felonies” – 41 year old Republican White woman from suburban North Carolina

All signs point to an exceptionally tight presidential election where even slight advantages could tip the electoral balance in favor of either candidate. Suburban women are not voting as a monolith and have competing priorities driving their voting decisions this fall, including whether they decide to turn out or stay home. While various factors influence voters, the candidates’ stances on abortion and their handling of inflation could serve as crucial benchmarks for many suburban women when casting their ballots.

News Release

Election 2024: Side-by-Side Comparison Tool Highlights President Biden’s and former President Trump’s Records and Positions on Health Issues

In a Companion Column, KFF President and CEO Drew Altman Analyzes Why the Election Represents a Fork in the Road for the Federal Government’s Role in Health Care

Published: Jun 24, 2024

KFF today launched a new side-by-side comparison tool of the records and policy positions of President Biden and former President Trump across a range of key health policy issues. In a related “Beyond the Data” column, KFF President and CEO Drew Altman examines why the election represents a “fork in the road” on the federal government’s role in health care.

While this is not an election like in the past where health care reform is a central issue being debated, health care is an important issue for voters, and the parties’ presumptive nominees have sharply divergent records and positions, detailed in the new side-by-side comparison tool.The tool provides a quick overview of the candidates’ records as president, positions, public statements, and proposed policies on 15 health care topics: the Affordable Care Act, Medicaid, abortion, contraception, LGBQ health, gun violence, public health, prescription drug prices, Medicare, health care costs, mental health, opioid use, long-term care, global health, and immigrant health coverage.The tool will be continuously updated throughout the campaign as new information and policy details emerge. 

In Altman’s accompanying column, Unraveling the Mysteries of Biden vs Trump on Health Care, he writes that comparing the candidates on health care “was an especially tricky assignment” this time.

“With a president running for re-election whose policies are already set, and a former president who shuns policy details, both camps are skipping over the usual policy planning process, and the routine job of describing the differences between the two candidates on health issues is a thousand-piece puzzle,” Altman writes.Beyond the specifics of the candidates’ records and positions on health issues, Altman writes, “the differences are bigger, amounting to a fork in the road in direction on the role of the federal government in health and federal health spending.” Trump, in particular, “avoids policy and policy details” so “the directions he might take have to be deduced from remarks he has made here and there, positions he took when he was president, and most of all, from the policy positions conservative Republican organizations have taken.”

News Release

States Adopted Changes to Expand Medicaid Eligibility and Streamline Renewal Processes That Will Continue Beyond the Unwinding, Though Challenges Remain

Annual 50-State Surveys Examine Medicaid Eligibility, Enrollment, and Renewal Policies

Published: Jun 20, 2024

The unwinding of pandemic enrollment protections in Medicaid helped accelerate states’ expansion of eligibility for key groups and adoption of policy and system changes to streamline renewal processes for enrollees, according to findings from a new KFF survey of state Medicaid officials. These changes mean that the return to “routine” operations when the unwinding period ends will not be a return to pre-pandemic operations in many states.

The survey examined actions states have taken to enhance systems, processes, and communications, as well as key state Medicaid eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies and procedures in place for children and most non-elderly adults as of May 2024.

States report changes in the following key areas:

Coverage for children and pregnant individuals: Several states are taking steps to expand coverage for children and pregnant individuals. In 2024, five states increased eligibility levels for children and/or pregnancy coverage and eight states extended coverage to certain immigrant children and/or pregnant individuals. Eighteen states have eligibility levels above the median for both children (255% FPL) and pregnancy (210% FPL). Building on the experience of continuous enrollment during the pandemic, 13 states are seeking to keep children continuously enrolled in Medicaid for more than a year.

Automated renewal processes: All states reported taking actions to increase automated renewal rates during the unwinding. Through automated renewals, also called “ex parte” renewals, Medicaid eligibility workers use reliable data to verify enrollees’ eligibility at renewal. This approach decreases paperwork for enrollees and states as well as gaps in coverage. Forty-two states adopted waiver flexibilities to increase automated renewal rates, such as allowing automated renewals for people without income or using eligibility for other income-based assistance programs to confirm Medicaid eligibility.

Other changes: In addition to improving automated processes, ten states say they simplified renewal forms, and seven states extended the time enrollees have to respond to renewal notices. States have also boosted direct outreach to enrollees through multiple modes, including text, email, and automated calls, and 37 states plan to maintain the enhanced outreach.

Despite these changes, states encountered numerous obstacles to simplifying renewals for enrollees during the unwinding period, including workforce issues and problems with their eligibility systems. Most states (41) reported frontline eligibility staff vacancies, and 32 of these states identified the impact of the vacancies as significant or moderate.

A companion KFF Medicaid survey examining eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies for seniors and people with disabilities found eligibility policies for these populations vary across states, but states made similarly wide-ranging changes to streamline renewal processes for these enrollees. Other key takeaways include:

  • Application processes for seniors and people with disabilities: Most states (38) now use the same processes to determine income eligibility for all Medicaid enrollees, but the need to document assets may make applications more onerous for seniors and people with disabilities. All states but California require many in this group to demonstrate that their assets are below Medicaid eligibility limits, and asset eligibility processes are often more cumbersome than the process for income.
  • Renewal policies for seniors and people with disabilities: Renewal policies for seniors and people with disabilities increasingly resemble those for other populations. All responding states only renew eligibility annually for seniors and people with disabilities, and 47 states provide enrollees with 30 days to return renewal information and a 90-day reconsideration period following a procedural disenrollment.

The 22nd annual survey of state Medicaid and CHIP programs officials was conducted by KFF and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families in March 2024. The KFF Survey of Medicaid Financial Eligibility & Enrollment Policies for Seniors & People with Disabilities was also conducted in March 2024 by KFF and Watts Health Policy Consulting. Overall, 49 states and the District of Columbia responded to both surveys, although response rates for specific questions varied. (Florida was the only state that did not respond.)

10 Things to Know About Abortion Access Since the Dobbs Decision

Authors: Ivette Gomez, Karen Diep, Mabel Felix, and Alina Salganicoff
Published: Jun 20, 2024

June 24, 2024 marks the second anniversary of the Dobbs decision which overturned Roe v. Wade, the case that for almost 50 years protected the constitutional right to abortion in the United States. States can now set their own policies protecting or banning abortion without any federal standard protecting access to abortion and this has led to drastic changes in the landscape of abortion access across the U.S. This policy watch presents 10 key facts to know about abortion access two years after the Dobbs decision.

  1. Since June 24, 2022, 14 states have banned abortion across the United States, largely concentrated in the South. An additional 6 states have early gestational limits between 6 and 15 weeks LMP (last menstrual period). To access abortion services, people living in states where abortion is banned or severely restricted either have to travel out of state—often incurring additional costs related to travel and loss of wages—or obtain medication abortion drugs from companies who ship the pills without requiring a clinician visit or from providers in states with shield-laws..
    Status of Abortion Bans in the United States as of May 23, 2024
  2. While all 20 states with abortion bans or early gestational limits have exceptions for when the pregnant person’s life is in danger, six states do not have exceptions for when the pregnant person’s health is at risk, 10 states have no rape/incest exceptions, and 13 states have no fatal fetal anomaly exceptions. In practice, health exceptions to bans have often proven to be unworkable, except in the most extreme circumstances, and have sometimes prevented physicians from practicing evidence-based medicine. The federal government has sued the state of Idaho over its abortion ban, which includes an exception to save the life – but not the health – of the pregnant person, contending that the ban was in violation of the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA), a law that requires that hospitals provide stabilizing treatment, including abortion, to patients who present in the emergency room with an emergency medical condition. The Supreme Court is set to rule on this case in June 2024..
    Exceptions to State Abortion Bans and Early Gestational Limits in Effect, as of June 18, 2024
  3. Paradoxically, the total number of abortions in the U.S. appears to have increased slightly following Dobbs. This rise could be due to increased interstate travel for abortion access, expanded in-person and virtual/telehealth capacity to see patients, increased measures to protect and cover abortion care for residents and out-of-state patients, and the broader availability of low-cost abortion medication. However, these aggregated trends mask the sharp decline in abortions provided in states with total bans or severe restrictions as well as the hardships that many pregnant people experience in accessing abortion care..
    While the Overall Number of Abortions Increased in the 18 Months After Dobbs, There is Great Variation Between States That Permit and Ban Abortion
  4. One in five (19%) abortions were provided via telehealth in December 2023 according to Society for Family Planning’s #WeCount Project. These telehealth abortions were provided by virtual clinicians (48%), brick-and-mortar clinics (5%), and providers that prescribe medication abortion pills in states with shield laws to patients in other states with bans (36%) or telehealth restrictions (12%). States with shield laws aim to protect clinicians and minimize the legal risks associated with providing abortion care in states where abortion or telehealth abortion are banned or restricted. In a unanimous decision, the Supreme Court of the United States rejected a legal challenge to the abortion pill, mifepristone, allowing the pill to remain available for medication abortion in both clinical and telehealth settings where state law permits.
  5. Six in ten Black (60%) and American Indian or Alaska Native (59%) women ages 18-49 live in states with abortion bans or gestational restrictions. Over half (53%) of White women ages 18-49 live in states with bans or restrictions, while less than half of Hispanic (45%) and about three in ten Asian (28%) and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (29%) women ages 18-49 live in these states. People of color residing in states where abortion is banned or severely restricted may face disproportionately greater challenges accessing abortions due to longstanding underlying social and economic inequities, which could exacerbate existing disparities in maternal and infant health..
    State Abortion Policies by Race and Ethnicity Among Women Ages 18-49, 2022
  6. Since the Dobbs decision, abortion providers and advocates in 23 states have challenged the legality of state abortion bans and limits, and their exceptions, contending that these laws violate the state constitution or state law. Since June 2022, the Supreme Courts of 5 states – Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Oklahoma, and South Carolina – have ruled that the state constitution does not protect the right to abortion, allowing their respective state’s abortion bans or limits to stand. Challenges to abortion bans and limits, or their exceptions, are ongoing in 15 states..
    Status of Abortion Litigation in State Courts, as of June 10, 2024
  7. National polls have consistently found that the majority of the public did not want to see Roe v. Wade overturned and that most people feel that abortion is a personal medical decision. Most of the public now supports access to abortions for patients who are experiencing pregnancy-related emergencies (86%), a patient’s right to travel for abortion care (79%) and protecting doctors who perform abortions from legal penalties (67%). About one third (32%) support laws banning the use of mifepristone, also known as medication abortion..
    Majority of Public Supports Laws Protecting Patients' Rights to Access Abortions in Emergencies, Travel for Abortion Care
  8. Voters in six states have weighed in on constitutional amendments regarding abortion, and in each state since the Dobbs decision the side favoring abortion access has prevailed. This November, up to 11 states could have abortion measures on their ballots, seeking either to affirm that their state constitution protects the right to abortion or that nothing in the state constitution provides that right. As of June 20, 2024, 4 states—Colorado, Florida, Maryland and South Dakota—have confirmed they will have measures on their ballots for the November 2024 election. Over half (53%) of Democratic women voters living in states with confirmed or potential abortion-related ballot initiatives say that they are more motivated to vote during this year’s election compared to 43% of Democratic women in states without abortion-related ballot initiatives..
    Abortion-Related State Constitutional Amendment Measures that Are Confirmed or Under Consideration for the 2024 Ballot, as of June 7, 2024
  9. 1 in 7 (14%) women of reproductive age (18 to 49) report that they or someone they know has had difficulty accessing abortion services since Roe was overturned due to restrictions in their state, according to KFF polling. This includes 1 in 5 (21%) women ages 18-49 living in states where abortion is banned, and about one in ten women of reproductive age living in states where abortion is limited (9%) or legal (12%)..
    One in Seven Women in States With Abortion Bans Know Someone Who Has Had Difficulty Accessing an Abortion Post-Dobbs
  10. The Dobbs decision brought increased attention at the state and federal levels to protect the legal right to contraception, in part due to Justice Thomas’ concurring opinion that, in future cases, the Court should overturn Griswold v. Connecticut, the Court’s 1965 landmark decision recognizing the right to obtain contraceptives. Soon after, the Right to Contraception Act was introduced in Congress, and while it quickly passed in the then Democrat-led House, it did not garner enough support to end the filibuster in the Senate. The bill was reintroduced in the current congressional session but has yet to garner enough support to pass in either chamber of Congress. At the state level, 6 states and D.C. have passed laws or constitutional amendments to secure the right to contraception for their residents since Dobbs, bringing the total number of states that protect this right to 14..
    14 States and DC Have Legal Protections for the Right to Contraception as of June 2024

KFF Abortion Resources:

Medicaid Eligibility and Enrollment Policies for Seniors and People with Disabilities (Non-MAGI) During the Unwinding

Authors: Alice Burns, Maiss Mohamed, Molly O’Malley Watts, and Bradley Corallo
Published: Jun 20, 2024

Issue Brief

Medicaid is an important source of health and long-term care coverage for low-income people ages 65 and older and those with disabilities. Seniors and people with disabilities account for less than one in four Medicaid enrollees but over half of Medicaid spending. The Medicaid pathways in which eligibility is based on old age or disability are known as “non-MAGI” pathways because they do not use the Modified Adjusted Gross Income (MAGI) financial methodology that applies to children, pregnant individuals, parents, and other non-elderly adults with low incomes. In addition to considering income and age or disability status, non-MAGI eligibility pathways usually require people to demonstrate that they have limited savings and other financial resources (e.g., assets). Medicaid enrollees who use long-term services and supports (LTSS) must also meet requirements related to their functional needs which are generally measured in terms of the ability to perform activities of daily living such as eating and bathing. Because nearly all non-MAGI pathways are optional, eligibility levels vary substantially across states.

Between March 2020 and March 2023, there was a three-year pause on disenrollments, resulting in the largest ever number of enrollees in Medicaid and the lowest ever uninsured rate. Starting in April 2023, states began renewing eligibility for all enrollees as the COVID-related Medicaid continuous enrollment period ended (referred to as the “unwinding”), resulting in 23 million disenrollments as of June 2024. KFF’s recent survey of people who had lost coverage revealed that one quarter of those who were disenrolled remained uninsured, and many reported disruptions in their access to health care.

Even though seniors and people with disabilities often live on fixed incomes and are unlikely to experience eligibility changes, more cumbersome eligibility requirements relative to other groups could result in more people losing coverage. Loss of Medicaid coverage poses unique challenges for seniors and people with disabilities, people who are likely to have high health care spending and rely on Medicaid for coverage of LTSS. Civil rights complaints alleging discrimination against people with disabilities for failure to prioritize their special needs during unwinding have been filed in Colorado, Texas, and Washington D.C.

In this context, KFF’s Survey of Medicaid Financial Eligibility & Enrollment Policies for Seniors & People with Disabilities was conducted in March 2024 by KFF and Watts Health Policy Consulting. The survey sheds light on states’ eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies for seniors and people with disabilities as of June 2024. Overall, 49 states and the District of Columbia (hereafter referred to as a state) responded to the survey, though response rates to specific questions varied (Florida was the only state that did not respond). Responses were supplemented with publicly available information and information from KFF’s 2022 survey when available. The Appendix tables contain detailed state-level data.

Key takeaways include:

Eligibility policies. The only mandatory eligibility pathway for seniors and people with disabilities is for people who receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI), which limits people to $943 per month in income and no more than $2,000 in savings and other financial assets.

  • Unlike Medicaid enrollees who qualify through MAGI pathways, most non-MAGI enrollees must document limited assets. All non-MAGI enrollees under age 65 must also establish that they have a qualifying disability, high health care spending, or need for LTSS.
  • Just over half of states offer coverage for seniors and people with disabilities to people with incomes above the SSI limit (Figure 1).
  • States are more likely to expand eligibility for people who use long-term services and supports (LTSS). People who are eligible for Medicaid LTSS must also demonstrate that they meet functional requirements for eligibility, which generally require attestation from a medical provider about people’s ability to perform the activities of daily living. Most states offer coverage under the Katie Beckett pathway for children with significant disabilities (adopted by 43 states) and the Special Income Rule for people with LTSS needs with incomes up to 300% of SSI (adopted by 42 states).
  • Medicaid enrollees using institutional LTSS must generally contribute nearly all monthly income to the cost of their care, except for a small “personal needs allowance” to cover expenses such as soap, toothbrushes, clothing, and discretionary spending. There are 24 states with personal needs allowances up to $50, 20 states between $50 and $100, and only 7 states with personal needs allowances greater than $100.

Enrollment policies. Most states (38) now use the same processes to determine income eligibility for all Medicaid enrollees regardless of what pathway they are applying through, but the need to document assets when applying for non-MAGI Medicaid may make non-MAGI applications more onerous (Figure 1).

  • In states where income eligibility requirements for non-MAGI pathways differ from those of MAGI pathways, non-MAGI pathways tend to be more cumbersome.
  • All states but California require many seniors and people with disabilities to demonstrate that their assets are below Medicaid eligibility limits, and asset eligibility processes are often more cumbersome. For example, when self-reported levels of income and assets differ from electronic sources, 25 states require paper documentation of income levels, and 32 states require paper documentation of assets. California eliminated the asset test beginning this year.

Renewal policies. To prepare for and simplify the unwinding process, states made wide-ranging changes to their renewal processes, many of which may be retained and may help states comply with requirements in the April 2024 final eligibility rule.

  • All responding states reported that they only renew eligibility annually for non-MAGI populations and that in-person interviews are no-longer required (Figure 1).
  • Nearly all states (47) provide enrollees with 30 days to return renewal information and a 90-day reconsideration period when information is returned following a procedural disenrollment; and 46 states have made changes to increase the rate of ex parte renewals for non-MAGI enrollees. (With ex parte renewals, states automatically renew eligibility using electronic data sources.)

10 Key Characteristics of Medicaid Eligibility, Enrollment, and Renewal Policies for Seniors and People with Disabilities

Enrollment and Renewal Policies for Seniors and People with Disabilities

Within broad federal rules, states have discretion when establishing Medicaid application and enrollment policies, which tend to be more complicated for seniors and people with disabilities. Medicaid eligibility through the MAGI pathways is generally based only on income, age, and pregnancy/ family status, but seniors and people with disabilities applying for Medicaid through one of the “non-MAGI” pathways must usually also meet requirements related to financial assets, disability status, and often, their need for long-term services and supports (LTSS) or health care spending. Beyond setting the eligibility criteria, states make a host of other decisions about the application and enrollment process. For example, states decide whether to verify self-reported income and asset limits before enrollment or to issue conditional enrollment and then verify the income and asset amounts afterwards. States have discretion in how to respond when self-reported income and assets differ from the amounts shown in electronic data sources and in what type of documentation they require from applicants. After applicants are determined eligible, they must periodically renew their eligibility, and states have discretion in developing renewal policies.

States’ policies for enrolling people in Medicaid and renewing their coverage have been a focus of policymaker attention given pressures on eligibility workers stemming from the unwinding. The unwinding of continuous enrollment led to an unprecedented volume of eligibility work that came at a time when most states were experiencing workforce shortages and a lack of experience among newly hired staff. To support states encountering significant operational challenges and to protect eligible enrollees from inappropriate coverage losses, CMS provided states with technical assistance and a range of strategies aimed at streamlining the renewal process including allowing states to use section 1902(e)(14)(A) waiver authority. Some strategies are broad, but some are targeted specifically for non-MAGI populations. Beyond changes stemming from the unwinding, states are also updating enrollment and renewal processes to meet new requirements in a April 2024 final eligibility rule, many of which aim to streamline non-MAGI enrollment and renewal policies.

At enrollment, most states (38) use the same processes to determine income eligibility for Medicaid enrollees regardless of whether they are applying through MAGI or non-MAGI pathways (Figure 2). As part of the Medicaid application, all states require applicants to report their estimated income and then, applicants’ self-reported income is compared with income from electronic sources such as the Social Security Administration and Federal Data Services hub. Where state policies vary is in what happens when self-reported (or self-attested) income levels differ from the amounts returned from electronic data sources (Table 1). Federal rules specify that states must accept self-reported values if they are “reasonably compatible” with values from the data source (e.g., if reported income and the state’s electronic data source are both below, at, or above the income eligibility limit). With approval from CMS, states may elect an expanded “reasonable compatibility standard,” such as a percentage or dollar amount. For example, if a state elected a 10% reasonable compatibility standard, if an applicant’s self-reported income is below the eligibility threshold and the data source is above the threshold, but within 10% of the self-reported amount, the data are considered reasonably compatible, and the applicant is determined eligible for Medicaid.

Among the 12 states in which processes differ between MAGI and non-MAGI pathways, states generally have more cumbersome requirements for non-MAGI applicants. For example, 7 states reported that they have a “reasonable compatibility standard” between 10% and 50% for MAGI applicants but no similar standard for non-MAGI applicants; and 5 states reported that MAGI applicants may submit a reasonable explanation of differences, but non-MAGI applicants must submit paper documentation when the income estimates differ.

Income Verification Procedures for MAGI and Non-MAGI Pathways as of June 2024

In all states but California, many seniors and people with disabilities must demonstrate that their assets are below Medicaid eligibility limits, and asset eligibility processes are sometimes administratively more cumbersome than income eligibility processes (Table 1). As of January 1, 2024, California eliminated asset tests for all Medicaid applicants, in part to reduce the administrative burden on applicants and the state. All states must verify income and asset eligibility, but they may do so either before or after enrollment. Most states verify income and asset eligibility before enrollment, but 9 states conditionally enroll applicants based on self-reported income prior to verification whereas only 5 states conditionally enroll applicants based on self-reported assets. Similarly, more states have expanded the reasonable compatibility standards for income purposes (32 states) than asset purposes (6 states). Regulations finalized in April 2024 clarify that reasonable compatibility standards apply to both income and assets, which may reduce those differences in future years. When self-reported data are not compatible with electronic data sources, 25 states require paper documentation of applicants’ income, but 32 states require paper documentation for applicants’ assets. Non-MAGI individuals can submit documents through the following modes: mail (49), local office (49), fax (48), online portal (44), email (37), and mobile devices (18), and 12 states allow individuals to submit documents through any of the six modes listed above.

Few states permit health care providers or other entities to determine non-MAGI eligibility prior to a formal application and approval, a practice known as “presumptive eligibility” (Table 1). Including Florida’s answer to the 2022 survey, there are 10 states that allow hospitals and 3 states allowing a different type of entity to do presumptive eligibility for non-MAGI populations, including the Department of Health in Tennessee, Division of Public Health in Delaware, and local health departments in Georgia. No states reported that providers such as pharmacies, nursing facilities, or home health care providers could do presumptive eligibility.

Many changes to streamline enrollment and renewals expedite the unwinding process and conform with new requirements in the April 2024 final eligibility rule (Figure 3, Table 2). The new rule prohibits states from requiring applicants or enrollees to do in-person interviews and from renewing coverage more frequently than once per year, two practices that had historically been applied to non-MAGI applicants and enrollees. All responding states now report that they do not require in-person interviews and that they only renew coverage for non-MAGI populations on an annual basis. All states also reported adopting one or more of the following practices that will be required under the new rule in 2027.

  • 49 states provide a reconsideration period of 90-days or longer if information is returned after a procedural disenrollment.
  • 48 states provide enrollees with at least 30 days to return signed forms and required information.
  • 38 states send pre-populated renewal forms and Georgia sends pre-populated renewal forms when requested.

State Adoption of Procedures to Streamline Renewals for Pathways Based on Old Age or Disability as of June 2024

To streamline the unwinding process, 39 states reported that 1902(e)(14)(A) Medicaid waivers had helped increase the number of “ex parte” renewals for non-MAGI enrollees, in which states automatically renew eligibility using electronic data sources before requiring the enrollee to submit forms or documents (Figure 4, Table 3). Ex parte renewals reduce administrative burdens for enrollees and state agencies. Prior to the unwinding, most states reported a higher percentage of renewals being completed for MAGI enrollees than for non-MAGI enrollees, likely on account of the greater administrative requirements associated with non-MAGI eligibility. The 1902(e)(14)(A) waiver option allows states to waive various federal requirements for renewal processes. When asked which waivers had been the most helpful in increasing ex parte renewals, the highest number of states (21) reported waivers to renew eligibility when no information is available about enrollees’ assets from the state’s electronic system. (North Carolina reported adopting that waiver but has not yet implemented it.) Smaller numbers of states reported that the most helpful waivers allowed them to renew eligibility based on eligibility for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (16 states), renew coverage without regard to asset limits (12 states), and renew coverage for enrollees with stable incomes without checking data sources (11 states). A small number of states reported that the most helpful waivers permitted renewing coverage for people automatically if they had no income or assets in electronic data sources (Alaska and Indiana) or if their incomes were below the federal poverty level (FPL), which is $1,255 for an individual in 2024 (California and Minnesota).

1902(e)(14)(A) Waivers That Have Been the Most Helpful in Increasing Ex Parte Rates as of June 2024

Nearly all states reported considering or planning to continue renewal policies that had been implemented to facilitate renewals during the unwinding and nearly half of states (24) reported planning to continue more than 5 changes (Figure 5, Table 4). The most common changes were efforts to increase ex parte renewals (46 states), followed by increased direct outreach (40 states), new ways for enrollees to update their contact information (30 states), and engagement with community-based organizations (30 states). Over half of states (28) engaged managed care organizations to help with the renewal process and 27 states enhanced online functionalities in their enrollment systems. Other changes states reported include engaging organizations other than managed care or community-based organizations (Connecticut), implementing strategies for returned mail (Minnesota), providing more information about what is required for renewals (Vermont), and sending text messages to remind enrollees of renewals (Washington and Wisconsin).

Renewal Process Changes Made During the Unwinding that States Are Considering or Plan to Continue as of June 2024

Primary Medicaid Eligibility Pathways for Seniors and People with Disabilities

The only non-MAGI pathway that states are required to cover is people receiving supplemental security income (SSI), but there is a wide array of additional groups that can be covered at state option (Box 1). Beyond SSI, the main non-MAGI pathways to full Medicaid eligibility include state options to expand coverage to low-income people with disabilities; medically needy individuals who “spend down” by deducting incurred medical expenses from their income; Katie Beckett children with significant disabilities living at home; and adults who use long-term services and supports (LTSS). Each group has different rules about income and assets, making eligibility complex.

Box 1: Primary Medicaid eligibility pathways based on old age and disability

There are many eligibility pathways for people who are ages 65 and older or who have disabilities, but all of them other than SSI are optional for states. In this survey, KFF asked states about the five pathways that constitute the largest sources of Medicaid enrollment among seniors and people with disabilities.

Supplemental Security Income (SSI) Enrollees. States must generally provide Medicaid to people who receive federal SSI benefits. This is the only pathway where eligibility is based on old age or disability that states must include in their Medicaid programs. To be eligible for SSI, people must have low incomes, limited assets, and an impaired ability to work because of old age or significant disability. The maximum SSI federal benefit rate is $943 per month for an individual and $1,415 for a couple in 2024, which is 75 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL). The effective SSI income limit may be somewhat higher than 75% FPL in some states, due to state supplemental payments and/or additional income disregards. SSI enrollees also are subject to an asset limit of $2,000 for an individual and $3,000 for a couple.

Katie Beckett Children with Disabilities. The “Katie Beckett” option allows states to extend coverage to children up to age 19 who meet the SSI medical disability criteria and qualify for an institutional level of care but are living at home. States may target different populations based on the type of institutional care that would be required (hospital, skilled nursing facility, or intermediate care facility for people with mental disease or intellectual/ developmental disabilities). Under the Katie Beckett pathway, only the child’s income and assets are considered for eligibility purposes.

Special Income Rule. States can elect the “special income rule” pathway to cover people with incomes up to 300% of the SSI benefit rate ($2,829 in 2024) and functional needs qualifying them for an institutional level of care. Most states limit enrollees to $2,000 in assets for an individual or $3,000 for a couple and offer the pathway to people regardless of whether they are using LTSS in an institutional or community setting.

Medically Needy Coverage. States use medically needy pathways to extend coverage to people who would be eligible through another pathway but have income or assets that exceed the limit for that pathway. People may qualify through a medically needy pathway if their income is higher than permitted under a different pathway but lower than the medically needy limit, or if they “spend down” to the medically needy limit by deducting health care expenses from their income. For people who spend down to eligibility, states select a budget period between one and six months during which the individual must incur enough expenses to decrease their income below the limit.

Seniors and People with Disabilities up to 100% FPL. States can choose to extend Medicaid to seniors and people with disabilities whose income exceeds the SSI limit but is below the federal poverty level (FPL, $1,255 for an individual in 2024). States can also choose to apply an asset limit to this pathway, usually $2,000 for an individual.

In 2024, the most common optional non-MAGI eligibility pathways were those for people who use LTSS and required an institutional level of care (Figure 6, Table 5). The two primary eligibility pathways for people who use LTSS include Katie Beckett coverage for children who have significant disabilities and require an institutional level of care but are living at home (43 states) and the special income rule, which covers other people who require an institutional level of care and have incomes up to 300% of the SSI benefit rate (42 states). There are 34 states offering medically needy coverage and 28 states that have extended eligibility for seniors and people with disabilities who have income above the SSI eligibility thresholds.

State Adoption of Key Medicaid Eligibility Pathways Based on Old Age or Disability as of June 2024

All states provide Medicaid to people with SSI, and just over half (28) of states expand coverage for people with income above SSI limits (Figure 7 and Table 6). The maximum SSI federal benefit amount is $943 per month for an individual and $1,415 for a couple in 2024, which is 75% of the federal poverty level (FPL), but over half of states now cover people with incomes greater than the SSI rate, including 18 states with coverage at the FPL and 9 states with coverage between 75% and 100% of the FPL. With eligibility at 138% FPL, California is the only state to offer coverage to people with incomes greater than the FPL ($1,732 for an individual). Most states set asset limits at $2,000 for an individual and $3,000 for a couple, although several states have established higher limits, and California and Arizona reported not having asset limits.

There are two mechanisms states can use to increase eligibility levels for seniors and disabilities: First, some states supplement the federal SSI benefit with additional payments, which increases the total SSI benefit and results in higher income limits for Medicaid enrollees. Second, states may adopt the 100% FPL coverage group to cover people with incomes greater than the SSI limit but lower than the poverty level. Louisiana reported adopting the 100% FPL coverage pathway but sets eligibility for that pathway at SSI levels.

In terms of enrollment, there are three ways that states elect to enroll SSI recipients into Medicaid. In 35 states, the Social Security Administration determines eligibility for Medicaid when establishing SSI eligibility. There are 8 Section 209(b) states which use financial or functional eligibility criteria that are more restrictive than the federal SSI rules, but no more restrictive than the rules the state had in place in 1972 when SSI was established. The remaining 7 states use SSI criteria to determine eligibility but do not auto-enroll recipients into Medicaid. When asked why they did not use auto-enrollment, states reported that the process is too cumbersome to implement or they have requirements beyond SSI eligibility such as an application and/or interview.

Medicaid Eligibility for SSI Enrollees and Optional Seniors & People with Disabilities Up To 100% FPL as of June 2024

More than half (34) of states have medically needy pathways to Medicaid eligibility, but most income eligibility levels are low—usually below 50% of the FPL (Figure 8 and Table 7). If states offer medically needy coverage, they must offer it to pregnant women and children, so all 34 states offer medically needy coverage to pregnant women and children, 32 states offer it to seniors and people with disabilities, and 21 offer it to low-income parents. Income limits for medically needy coverage are low because the income limits often reflect income after payment of medical expenses and because when states created their medically needy programs, most states linked income eligibility to the income limits for cash assistance programs. Among states with medically needy programs, 15 states use a dollar threshold to determine income eligibility, 12 states use a percentage of the FPL, and 6 states use another basis. The median income limit is $504 or 40% of the FPL, and many states limit enrollees to $2,000 in assets.

Medicaid Eligibility for Medically Needy Populations as of June 2024

Unlike other Medicaid eligibility pathways, states are not required to cover mandatory benefits in their medically needy programs, and they require enrollees to re-establish eligibility as frequently as once per month (Table 7). For most Medicaid eligibility groups, there are benefits that states are required to offer to all enrollees, but states may choose which benefits to cover in the medically needy programs. Among the 34 states that offer medically needy programs, 25 states reported covering nursing facility services. In other states, nursing facility services would not be covered and people’s spending on nursing facility care would not count as health care spending for the purposes of establishing eligibility. Given the high costs of nursing facility care, the exclusion of nursing facility coverage may have a significant impact on people’s ability to qualify through this pathway, but individuals that need nursing facility care may be eligible for Medicaid through another LTSS pathway. Medically needy coverage also requires individuals to periodically reestablish eligibility by incurring sufficient medical and LTSS expenses to reduce their countable income to the state’s medically needy income level. The timeframe for these “budget periods” ranges from 1 month (9 states) to 1 year (2 states). The most common budget period is 6 months (12 states).

Most states adopt the Katie Beckett option to cover children with significant disabilities who live in the community or provide coverage through a comparable waiver program (Figure 9 and Table 8). In 2024, 43 states reported offering Katie Beckett coverage, with Washington currently pursuing coverage through an 1115 waiver, which will bring the total number of states with coverage back to 44 as was the case in 2022. Among those states, 17 states offer coverage through the state plan, 21 states offer coverage through a waiver, and 5 states have both waiver and state plan options. The most common income limit is $2,829 (used by 31 states), which equals 300% of the SSI benefit rate or 225% of the FPL. All states except for Massachusetts update income limits annually. Most states limit individuals to $2,000 in assets but 7 states have no limits (California, Hawaii, Illinois, Kansas, Minnesota, North Dakota, and Wisconsin).

Medicaid Eligibility for Katie Beckett Children with Significant Disabilities as of June 2024

Most states (42) adopt the special income rule and offer Medicaid coverage to people with incomes up to 300% of the SSI benefit rate ($2,829 per month for an individual in 2024) for people who need LTSS (Table 8). When adopting the special income rule, states may determine whether to adopt it for people using institutional LTSS, such as nursing facility care, and separately, whether to adopt it for people using home- and community-based services (HCBS), such as personal care. In 2021, KFF estimated that over 5.6 million people used Medicaid LTSS, and that most of them received HCBS. Among the 42 states that extend Medicaid to people who use LTSS, 41 states adopt the special income rule for institutional LTSS and 41 states adopt the rule for HCBS. As in 2022, Massachusetts was the only state to report adopting the special income rule for HCBS but not institutional care and New Hampshire was the only state to report adopting the rule for institutional care but not HCBS. Delaware is the only state that adopts the special income rule but sets income eligibility limits below 300% SSI, setting eligibility at 250% of the federal poverty level instead instead ($2,358 in 2024). (In all states, institutionalized individuals are treated as single-person households after eligibility has been established.)

For Medicaid enrollees who are eligible for Medicaid because they use LTSS, most states (37) limit the value of applicants’ homes to the federal minimum level ($713,000 in 2024), but all states disregard some home equity when calculating the home’s value (Table 9). In 2024, federal rules specified that if states place limits on applicants’ home values, those limits must be between $713,00 and $1,071,000. There are 11 states that set the home equity limit at the maximum level and 2 states that use a limit in between the federal minimum and maximum. Those amounts are updated annually based on changes in SSI benefit rates and the consumer price index. California has no home equity limit on principal residence. When estimating the value of the home, all states disregard some home equity for LTSS eligibility. When and how limits on home equity apply, is often complicated. For example, if the Medicaid enrollee has a spouse or child who is under 21, blind, or disabled living in the home, it is exempt from home equity limits and does not count towards the limit of people’s assets. In other circumstances—notably, when an enrollee is living in a nursing facility and does not intend to return home—the home may instead be counted as an asset for determining financial eligibility.

Once eligible for Medicaid, individuals using institutional care generally must contribute nearly all monthly income to the cost of their care, except for a small “personal needs allowance,” which was $55 in the typical state in 2024 (Figure 10, Table 9). Personal needs allowances are intended to cover costs that Medicaid does not pay for, ranging from personal hygiene supplies such as soap and toothbrushes to clothing to self-care such as haircuts. Any discretionary spending—such as purchasing gifts for loved ones or travel—would also come from the personal needs allowance. In 2024, the median monthly personal needs allowance for a Medicaid enrollee residing in an institution is $55, up from $50 in 2022. There are 24 states with personal needs allowances up to $50, 20 states between $50 and $100, and only 7 states with personal needs allowances greater than $100. Such limited personal needs allowances leave nursing facility residents with few resources for purchasing necessities, and generally, no income to cover discretionary expenses.

Personal needs allowances are generally higher for individuals receiving HCBS in recognition that enrollees living in their homes continue to incur costs such as rent, electricity, and food. The median monthly allowance for individuals receiving HCBS waiver services is $2,829 in 2024, which equals 300% of the SSI benefit rate and was reported by 20 states. There were 20 states that reported personal needs allowances below that rate and 2 states that reported allowances above that rate. (In some states, personal needs allowances differ across the HCBS waivers. KFF asked states to report the allowance associated with the waiver that had the highest enrollment.)

Personal Needs Allowances for Medicaid Enrollees Using LTSS as of June 2024

Appendix

Selected Policies for Enrollment as of June 2024
State Adoption of Procedures to Streamline Renewals for Pathways Based on Old Age or Disability as of June 2024
1902(e)(14)(A) Waivers That Have Been the Most Helpful in Increasing Ex Parte Rates as of June 2024
Renewal Process Changes Made During the Unwinding that States Are Considering or Plan to Continue as of June 2024
State Adoption of Key Medicaid Eligibility Pathways Based on Old Age or Disability as of June 2024
Medicaid Eligibility for SSI Enrollees and Optional Seniors & People with Disabilities Up To 100% FPL as of June 2024
Medicaid Eligibility for Medically Needy Populations as of June 2024
Medicaid Eligibility for Katie Beckett Children with Significant Disabilities and Special Income Rule as of June 2024
State Home Equity Disregards for LTSS Eligibility and Personal Needs Allowances as of June 2024

A Look at Medicaid and CHIP Eligibility, Enrollment, and Renewal Policies During the Unwinding of Continuous Enrollment and Beyond

Authors: Tricia Brooks, Jennifer Tolbert, Allexa Gardner, Bradley Corallo, Sophia Moreno, and Anna Mudumala
Published: Jun 20, 2024

Executive Summary

In early 2023, states began final preparations for the end of the pandemic-related Medicaid continuous enrollment provision following passage of the Consolidated Appropriations Act (CAA) of 2023, which lifted the requirement effective March 31, 2023. During the three-year pause on Medicaid disenrollments, Medicaid and CHIP enrollment grew by 32% from 71.3 million to 94.1 million, resulting in the largest ever number of enrollees in Medicaid, which, along with enhanced subsidies in the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplaces, contributed to the lowest ever uninsured rate. The CAA also extended and phased out the enhanced federal Medicaid matching funds that states received during the pandemic through the end of 2023. All states were expected to initiate their first month of renewals no later than April 2023, although some states did not process their first disenrollments until June or July.

The 22nd annual survey of state Medicaid and CHIP programs officials conducted by KFF and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families in March 2024 presents a snapshot of actions states have taken to improve systems, processes, and communications during the unwinding, as well as key state Medicaid eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies and procedures in place as of May 2024. The report focuses on policies for children, pregnant individuals, parents, and other non-elderly adults whose eligibility is based on Modified Adjusted Gross Income (MAGI) financial eligibility rules (information on policies for populations that qualify for Medicaid on the basis of age or disability—non-MAGI populations—is captured in a separate brief). Overall, 49 states and the District of Columbia responded to the survey, although response rates for specific questions varied (Florida was the only state that did not respond). For purposes of this report, the District of Columbia is counted as a state.

Key Takeaways

  • All states report taking action to improve automated, also known as ex parte, renewal rates during the unwinding and plan to continue these strategies post unwinding. Forty-two states adopted 1902(e)(14)(A) waiver flexibilities to increase ex parte renewal rates for MAGI populations, while 39 states improved system rules and 22 states expanded the number of data sources they use to conduct ex parte reviews. In addition, 35 states process ex parte renewals on a mostly automated basis, which required system upgrades in some states. Among the 42 states that adopted 1902(e)(14)(A) waivers to increase ex parte rates for MAGI populations, allowing ex parte renewals for individuals with $0 income and with low income in some circumstances and using SNAP or TANF eligibility to confirm ongoing Medicaid eligibility were cited as the most useful waivers, and many states would like to make these permanent. CMS has extended the 1902(e)(14)(A) waivers through June 2025.
  • All states made changes to simplify or streamline the renewal process and they want to keep many of the changes in place after the unwinding period ends. In addition to improving ex parte processes, some states also made more targeted changes to revise renewal notices (22 states), simplify the renewal form (10 states), and extend the time to respond to renewal notices (7 states) that should make it easier for enrollees to complete the renewal process in the future.
  • States cite outreach to enrollees and engagement of health plans and community groups among the strategies that improved unwinding outcomes. States boosted direct outreach to enrollees through multiple modes, including text, email, and automated calls, and 37 states plan to maintain the enhanced outreach post unwinding. Additionally, over two-thirds (34) of states expect to continue engaging health plans and/or community-based organizations in the renewal process. States also note that these organizations played an important role in amplifying outreach and providing community-based assistance.
  • Several states are taking steps to improve coverage for children and pregnancy, including by increasing eligibility levels, providing continuous eligibility, and eliminating premiums for children’s coverage. In 2024, two states increased eligibility levels for children and/or pregnancy coverage and eight states extended coverage to certain immigrant children and/or pregnant individuals, and three states did both. Eighteen states have eligibility levels above the median for both children (255% FPL) and pregnancy (210% FPL). Building on the experience of continuous enrollment, several states have adopted or are pursuing multi-year continuous eligibility for young children, and there has been widespread adoption of 12-month postpartum coverage. And since 2020, ten states have eliminated or are poised to eliminate premiums for children’s coverage.

As the unwinding comes to an end, there is a lot to learn from state experiences during the past year. States made numerous policy and systems changes to improve the renewal process and they plan to maintain many of those changes. Additionally, the Eligibility and Enrollment final rule CMS issued earlier this year simplifies many eligibility and enrollment processes for Medicaid and CHIP by eliminating certain enrollment barriers in CHIP; facilitating transitions between coverage programs; and aligning enrollment and renewal requirements for most individuals in Medicaid. It makes some temporary policy changes permanent and will require additional changes over the next 36 months. CMS has also extended 1902(e)(14)(A) waivers through June 2025 while it continues to assess whether any waivers can be made permanent under other authority. Collectively, these changes to renewal and ex parte processes as well as eligibility expansions mean that the return to “routine” operations will not mean return to pre-pandemic operations. The impact these changes may have on continuity of coverage and churn and on overall Medicaid enrollment will be seen over the coming years.

Key Medicaid Ex Parte, Renewal Simplification, Communication, and Eligibility Strategies and Policies to Promote Continuity of Coverage

Detailed Summary

The Unwinding and Post-Unwinding

The timeline for completing all unwinding-related renewals has been extended beyond June 2024 in at least ten states. On May 31, 2024, CMS released preliminary estimates of when states will complete unwinding renewals. While most states are expected to complete renewals by June, Illinois, Kentucky, Michigan, New Jersey, and Wisconsin will finish in July while Alaska, District of Columbia, Hawaii, North Carolina, and South Carolina will finish in August or later. New York’s completion month is still under development. Although it had been expected that all states would complete the unwinding by June 2024, some states voluntarily pushed out the deadline for returning renewals by a month or more to conduct targeted outreach and give enrollees more time to return renewal forms. Other states were required to pause disenrollments to correct a system glitch or address another issue that was uncovered during the unwinding.

Most states (41) have frontline eligibility staff vacancies while somewhat fewer states (32) report call center staff vacancies. Workforce challenges in most states have had a significant or moderate impact on the states’ ability to manage application and renewal workloads. Approximately two-thirds of states report moderate to significant impacts related to eligibility staff vacancies, recruitment, training, and retention. However, states report that the impact of workforce issues on call centers has been more modest.

All but four states are interested in maintaining flexibilities that have been most useful to simplifying renewal processes. Nearly all states adopted at least one 1902(e)(14)(A) waiver and most states would like to make some of the waivers permanent. Topping the list were two waivers CMS has already made permanent through the recently finalized Eligibility and Enrollment Rule – accepting updated contact information from Medicaid health plans, the USPS National Change of Address Database (NCOA) and/or mail returned with an in-state forwarding address from the USPS without further verification. States are also interested in continuing to enroll or renew individuals based on SNAP and/or TANF eligibility (25 states) and to renew coverage when no income data is reported (29 states) or reported income is below the poverty level (17 states). Given the positive impact some strategies have had on renewal outcomes, CMS has extended their use through June 2025 while the agency determines which can be implemented on a longstanding basis under other authorities. Additionally, certain 1902(e)(14)(A) waivers will need to be maintained as mitigation strategies in states with processes that do not fully comply with federal renewal requirements.

Most states (41) report they plan to continue improved communication with enrollees and/or engagement of health plans and community groups. States cite communications and the involvement of health community organizations as strategies that improved unwinding outcomes, including increased outreach to enrollees (37 states) and engaging health plans in the renewal process (31 states). Half of the states cited providing new ways for enrollees to update contact information (27 states); engaging community-based organizations in the renewal process (26 states); and maintaining enhanced online account functionality (26 states) as changes they intend to keep.

Data reporting has been important for monitoring the unwinding, and while half of states were uncertain about continuing to post renewal data or had planned to stop reporting, new guidance from CMS continues state monthly renewal outcome reporting. The CAA requires states to report renewal data and requires CMS to make the data public but only through June 2024. While data posted by CMS lag by 2-to-3 months, most states (42) post their own renewal-related data on a timelier basis. At the time of the survey, 15 states confirmed that they will continue reporting these data after the unwinding period ends, while 22 states were uncertain, and five states responded that they would not continue posting the data. However, on May 30, 2024, CMS issued new guidance stating that states are expected to continue reporting renewal monthly outcome data and encouraging states to maintain data dashboards or other timelier posting of data.

One-third of states (16) plan to resume periodic data checks that can lead to churn for low-wage earners. With continuous eligibility no longer in effect (except for children and pregnancy coverage), states may opt to conduct periodic data checks to identify potential changes in income or circumstances that could affect eligibility. Periodic data checks can exacerbate churn since low-income wage earners experience frequent fluctuations in income during the year. And, although states have the option to push out renewal dates for 12 months if ongoing eligibility is confirmed through a mid-year data check, only 3 of the 16 states plan to do so. Additionally, 7 of the 16 states provide only ten days for enrollees to respond to a request for information following a periodic data check although known delays in mail delivery can make it challenging for enrollees to submit information before coverage is terminated. Beginning in June 2027, in accordance with the Eligibility and Enrollment rule, states will be required to provide 30 days for enrollees to respond to requests for information, which aligns with the current rule for renewals.

Lessons Learned

States cited changing or unclear federal guidance, workforce issues, and the sheer volume of work as the top three challenges they faced during the unwinding. Other challenges centered on systems issues—the need to make systems changes and/or upgrades quickly to respond to the changing landscape or to implement new renewal flexibilities and fix limitations or problems with existing systems that hindered states’ ability to process renewals efficiently. States also noted difficulties engaging enrollees in the renewal process and communicating effectively about the renewal requirements and process.

Despite the challenges states faced, they made many changes to simplify and improve the renewal process, including improved outreach and enrollee communication, improved engagement with stakeholders and community organizations, and increased ex parte renewal rates. States also noted improved systems automation and building the infrastructure for data reporting and transparency as significant accomplishments in addition to streamlined renewal processes.

Systems and Online Tools

Most system improvements have been focused on increasing state ex parte renewal processes. Using reliable data to verify ongoing eligibility at renewal, known as ex parte or automated renewals, decreases the paperwork burden on states and enrollees while reducing gaps in coverage and extra work associated with re-enrollment of eligible people losing coverage for procedural reasons. All states have taken steps in the past two years to increase ex parte rates that include expanding data sources used for ex parte reviews and improving other system rules. In addition, 42 states reported adopting one or more 1902(e)(14)(A) waivers to improve ex parte rates for MAGI populations. Flexibilities allowed during the unwinding have helped states increase ex parte renewals rates and improve overall renewal outcomes.

Nearly all states (49) have online accounts with similar features but there are differences in requirements for setting up accounts and resetting passwords. Online accounts are a first step in applying for coverage since no state offers the ability to apply online without an account. Most online accounts provide a range of features for individuals, including checking their application status, viewing notices, reporting changes, renewing coverage, and uploading scanned or electronic verification documents. These accounts must be secure to protect personal information, and more than half of states (29) require new users to go through an identity verification process before setting up an account. In the 28 states that require multi-factor authentication, this security measure is required to set up an account in 25 states, to reset the password in 22 states, and every time the account is accessed in 13 states. The process for resetting the account password varies as well; users can reset passwords online by answering security questions (32 states) or through a link sent via email or text (33 states). In 29 states, users may contact the Medicaid call center to reset the password.

Eligibility and Enrollment Policies

Several states have expanded eligibility for children and pregnancy coverage, and two states newly adopted the Medicaid expansion in 2023. Arizona, Maine, and North Dakota expanded child eligibility levels over the past year while the median eligibility level remained unchanged. The median income eligibility for pregnancy coverage rose from 207% to 210% FPL with expansions in North Dakota, Nevada, and Tennessee. Several states newly waived the five-year waiting period for Medicaid and CHIP coverage for lawfully residing immigrant children and pregnant people (Georgia and New Hampshire) and for just pregnant people (North Dakota, Nevada, and Rhode Island). Adults with income up to 138% FPL are now eligible for Medicaid expansion in North Carolina and South Dakota.

Several states have made changes to children’s Medicaid and CHIP coverage. As of January 2024, all states are now required to keep children continuously enrolled for a full year with limited exceptions. However, 13 states are seeking to provide continuous eligibility beyond 12 months for young children. Additionally, since 2020, eight states (California, Colorado, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, New Jersey, North Carolina) have eliminated their premiums or enrollment fees for children; Utah will eliminate premiums in July and Delaware has a pending request with CMS to eliminate premiums in its CHIP program. In the Eligibility and Enrollment regulation CMS made several changes to CHIP, including prohibiting new waiting and lock-out periods and requiring states with existing waiting and lock-out periods to eliminate them by June 2025.

Report

Introduction

The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2023 (CAA), enacted in December 2022, ended the pandemic-era Medicaid continuous enrollment policy effective March 31, 2023, setting in motion final planning and preparations for the unwinding by state agencies and CMS. The CAA also phased down the enhanced FMAP through December 2023. To be eligible, states needed to meet specific maintenance of effort requirements including complying with federal renewal requirements, maintaining eligibility and enrollment procedures, taking actions to update contact information and address returned mail, and reporting specific data. During the three-year pause in Medicaid disenrollments, Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) enrollment grew by 32% from 71.3 million to 94.1 million, resulting in the largest ever number of enrollees. The unwinding of continuous enrollment and the unprecedented volume of eligibility work required coordination across federal and state governments, health plans, providers, and community-based organizations; careful planning; close monitoring; and rapid response to try to mitigate loss of Medicaid coverage among individuals remaining eligible.

In this context and with most states still conducting unwinding renewals, the 22nd annual survey of state Medicaid and CHIP program officials conducted by KFF and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families in March 2024 presents a snapshot of actions states have taken to improve systems, processes, and communications during the unwinding, as well as key state Medicaid eligibility, enrollment, and renewal policies and procedures in place as of May 2024. The report focuses on policies for children, pregnant individuals, parents, and other non-elderly adults whose eligibility is based on Modified Adjusted Gross Income (MAGI) financial eligibility rules. Overall, 49 states and the District of Columbia responded to the survey, although response rates for specific questions varied (Florida was the only state that did not respond).(Back to top)

The Unwinding and Post-Unwinding

While the unwinding period was expected to end for all states by June 2024, in ten states, the timeline for completing renewals has been extended beyond June 2024. With all states initiating their first monthly batch of renewals no later than April 2023, it was expected that the unwinding would be complete by June 2024. However, due to concerns over high rates of procedural disenrollments, 15 states voluntarily pushed out the deadline for returning renewals by a month or more to conduct targeted outreach and give enrollees more time to complete and return renewal forms. Other states were required to pause procedural disenrollments and/or implement CMS-approved mitigation strategies as a temporary tactic to address areas of non-compliance with federal renewal requirements or other issues discovered during the unwinding. On May 31, 2024, CMS released preliminary estimates of when states will complete unwinding renewals. While most states are expected to complete renewals by June, Illinois, Kentucky, Michigan, New Jersey, and Wisconsin will finish in July while Alaska, District of Columbia, Hawaii, North Carolina, and South Carolina will finish in August or later. New York’s completion month is still under development.

Most states (41) have frontline eligibility staff vacancies while somewhat fewer states (32) report call center staff vacancies. States experienced a significant or moderate impact because of eligibility staff vacancies (32 states), the need to recruit frontline eligibility staff (29 states), retaining staff (29 states), and training new workers (27 states) (Figure 2). Fewer states reported significant or moderate impacts from call center vacancies (17 states), recruiting additional call center personnel (17 states), retaining call center staff (18 states), and training new personnel (13 states).

Number of States Reporting Staffing Challenges on the Ability to Manage Application and Renewal Processing Workload

Over the past two years, all states have taken at least one action to improve ex parte renewal rates. Forty-two states adopted waiver flexibilities, while 39 states updated system rules and 22 states expanded the number of data sources they use to conduct ex parte reviews (Figure 3). A dozen states changed the order in which the state accesses various data sources to increase the number of reviews that produce a data match, and nine states revised limits on the age of data used to improve ex parte renewal rates. Among the 42 states that adopted 1902(e)(14)(A) waivers to increase ex parte rates for MAGI populations, nearly all (37) states reported that the flexibility allowing for ex parte renewals for individuals with $0 income in some circumstances was among the most helpful waivers. Other waivers that states said were most helpful were using SNAP eligibility to confirm ongoing Medicaid eligibility (26 states) and allowing ex parte renewals for individuals with low-income (23 states).

Strategies States Adopted to Increase Ex Parte Renewal Rates

The unwinding has accelerated state efforts to automate ex parte renewals, with 48 states reporting that most or some renewals are conducted by the system, including 35 states that have mostly automated ex parte renewals (Figure 4). Only two states (Delaware and Pennsylvania) report largely manual ex parte processes. However, fewer states report mostly automated processing of applications. While 48 states are able to determine eligibility in real-time at application (defined as 24 hours or less), only 37 states indicate that most or some real-time determinations of new applications are processed automatically by the eligibility system. The remaining 11 states report manual processes for real-time determinations at application, which generally only occur when an individual applies in person or by phone and the eligibility worker can verify eligibility immediately.

How Ex Parte Renewals Are Processed, May 2024

Although not required to do so, 22 of the 28 reporting states that operate separate CHIP programs transition a child enrolled in Medicaid to CHIP if the state has reliable data through the ex parte process that verifies the child’s eligibility for CHIP (Figure 5). In contrast, seven states do not transfer children from Medicaid to the state’s separate CHIP program if the family does not return the Medicaid renewal form. Automatically transferring an eligible child from Medicaid to the separate CHIP can help promote continuity of coverage for children. The recently finalized Eligibility and Enrollment Rule requires states to ensure seamless transitions between Medicaid and CHIP effective June 4, 2024.

Automated Transfer to Separate CHIP Program When Medicaid Ex Parte Review Confirms CHIP Eligibility, May 2024
Streamlining the Medicaid, Children’s Health Insurance Program and Basic Health Program Application, Eligibility Determination, Enrollment, and Renewal Processes Final Rule

On April 2, 2024, the CMS published the second part of a two-part final rule that simplifies the eligibility and enrollment processes for Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), and the Basic Health Program (BHP). The first part was finalized earlier and addresses enrollment barriers in the Medicare Savings Program (MSP), a non-MAGI coverage group, which allows states to cover the cost of Medicare premiums for low-income seniors and people with disabilities. The second part of the rule addresses several eligibility and enrollment requirements affecting both MAGI and non-MAGI groups.

Post-Unwinding

Most states (42) are interested in maintaining 1902(e)(14)(A) waiver flexibilities that have been most useful to streamlining renewal processes and outcomes (Figure 6). The waiver strategies cited by the largest numbers of states – accepting updated contact information as verified from USPS sources (reported by 34 states) and health plans (reported by 29 states) – have already been made permanent through the Eligibility and Enrollment Rule. CMS currently is reviewing all other waiver strategies to determine which can be implemented on a longstanding basis under other authorities. In the meantime, these temporary strategies have been extended through June 2025 to protect enrollees from inappropriate terminations as states complete their unwinding periods and address any backlogs in processing new applications and re-enrollments. Other waiver strategies that states are interested in continuing include enrolling or renewing individuals based on SNAP and/or TANF eligibility (25 states) and renewing coverage when no income data is reported from state data sources (29 states) or reported income is below the poverty level (17 states).

All states boosted communications and/or engagement with community groups, and most are considering or plan to continue many of these changes beyond the unwinding period. Topping the list of strategies to maintain are increased outreach to enrollees (37 states) and engaging health plans in the renewal process (31 states). Half of the states (27) said they plan to maintain new ways for enrollees to update contact information; 26 states plan to both continue engaging community-based organizations in the renewal process and maintain enhanced online account functionality (Figure 6).

Changes Made to the Renewal Process During the Unwinding That States Are Considering or Plan to Continue

Data reporting has been important for monitoring the unwinding, and while half of states were uncertain about continuing to post renewal data or had planned to stop reporting, new guidance from CMS continues monthly renewal outcome reporting. The CAA requires states to report renewal data and for CMS to make the data public but only through June 2024. While these data help CMS quickly pinpoint concerning trends, the 2- to 3-month lag in public posting by CMS makes it less useful for rapid response by Medicaid stakeholders. Nonetheless, this is the first time that comparable renewal data for all states have been publicly available. Medicaid stakeholders can access the state’s unwinding data on a timelier basis in 42 states that post their own data. At the time the survey was fielded, only 15 of those states confirmed that they were planning to continue posting these data after the unwinding period ends while 22 states were uncertain, and five states responded that they would not continue posting the data. However, on May 30, 2024, CMS released additional guidance stating that states are expected to continue reporting monthly renewal outcomes data to CMS, along with other metrics related to applications and fair hearings. CMS also encouraged states to maintain public dashboards and timelier posting of data after the unwinding period ends.

About a third of states (17) report that enhanced efforts to update enrollee contact information helped reduce returned mail rates while most states (30) did not have data to confirm. The CAA required states to update enrollee contact information and make a good faith effort to address returned mail; similar requirements will become permanent in December 2025 under the Eligibility and Enrollment Rule. States must implement (or retain) processes to regularly obtain information and to update contact information from reliable sources without further verification. If information is received from a reliable source, the state must accept the information as reliable, update the case record, and notify the enrollee of the change. The rule establishes that reliable data sources include mail returned by the United States Postal Service (USPS) with an in-state forwarding address; the USPS National Change of Address (NCOA) database; contracted managed care organizations, prepaid health plans, and primary care case management entities (PCCM); and other data sources identified by the agency and approved by the Secretary.

Lessons Learned

States cited changing or unclear federal guidance, workforce challenges, and the sheer volume of work as the top three challenges they faced during the unwinding (Figure 7). Other challenges centered on systems issues—the need to make systems changes and/or upgrades quickly to respond to the changing landscape or to implement new renewal flexibilities and limitations or problems with their existing system that hindered states’ ability to process renewals efficiently. States also noted challenges with engaging enrollees in the renewal process and communicating effectively about the renewal requirements and process.

Despite the challenges states faced, they made many changes to simplify and improve the renewal process, including improved outreach and enrollee communication, improved engagement with stakeholders and community organizations, and increased ex parte renewal rates (Figure 7). States also noted Improved systems automation and building the infrastructure for data reporting and transparency as significant accomplishments as well as streamlined renewal processes.

State-reported Lessons Learned During the Unwinding Period

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Systems and Enrollment Processes

Eligibility System Integration and Administration

Twenty-two states operate their own State-Based Marketplaces (SBM) but only ten of those states have integrated Medicaid and CHIP into their SBM eligibility systems (Figure 8). Nine SBM states operate an SBM eligibility system that is separate from the MAGI-Medicaid system and three SBM states (Arkansas, Georgia, and Oregon) use the Federally-Facilitated Marketplace (FFM) system – Healthcare.gov – along with the 29 states that rely solely on the federal marketplace. Of the 32 states that use the FFM, nine states (Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, North Carolina, West Virginia, and Wyoming) accept a Medicaid determination from the FFM based on the state’s eligibility rules (though Missouri is only temporarily accepting determinations from the FFM). The remaining states allow the FFM to assess Medicaid eligibility and process an account transfer from the FFM as a new application.

Integration of Marketplace And MAGI-Medicaid/CHIP Eligibility Systems in States With a State-Based Marketplace (SBM), May 2024

Progress in integrating non-MAGI and non-health programs into the Medicaid and CHIP eligibility system took a back seat to unwinding system changes. In preparing for the unwinding, system changes to facilitate renewals became the highest priority for states. An integrated system makes it easier for individuals to apply for multiple benefits and increases administrative efficiency by aligning eligibility tasks and sharing data. Most states delinked those programs in building new MAGI-based systems required by the ACA but had been making steady progress in re-integrating non-MAGI and non-health programs into their new MAGI-based Medicaid systems. With the priority on system changes needed to manage the unwinding, the count of states with other program eligibility integrated in state MAGI-based eligibility systems remained steady: non-MAGI Medicaid in 36 states; SNAP and TANF in 28 states, and childcare subsidies in 15 states (Figure 9). Of the ten states with an integrated Marketplace and MAGI-based Medicaid system, only Kentucky and Rhode Island have integrated non-MAGI Medicaid and non-health programs into their SBM systems.

Number of States That Have Integrated Non-MAGI Medicaid And Non-Health Programs Into the System That Determines MAGI-Medicaid Eligibility, May 2024

The agency and staff responsible for Medicaid determinations vary across states. While Medicaid agencies can delegate eligibility determinations to another government agency that maintains personnel standards on a merit basis, the Medicaid agency remains responsible for oversight and adherence to federal rules. In 25 states, the Medicaid agency is responsible for processing applications and renewals, while the state’s sister Human Services agency does so in 20 states. In two states (Illinois and Virginia), the responsibility is shared between the two agencies, while the SBM administers Medicaid and CHIP eligibility in Maryland and New York. In 37 states, only state workers process both applications and renewals while a smaller number of states use only county workers for processing applications (6 states) and renewals (4 states). Both state and county workers process Medicaid applications in seven states and renewals in nine states. States may use contractors to assist with administrative tasks related to processing Medicaid applications and renewals but may not delegate determinations to external contractors. With the volume of work during the unwinding period, 29 states reported they currently use contractors to provide administrative support to Medicaid eligibility staff and 21 said they will continue to use contractors when the unwinding period ends.

In 2023, Maine and North Carolina transitioned all child enrollees from the state’s separate CHIP program to a CHIP-funded Medicaid expansion program, bringing the total number of M-CHIP states to 21. Since 2020, a total of five states, including Illinois, Kentucky (which was approved in July 2023 retroactive to July 2022), and Wyoming have transitioned from a separate CHIP to M-CHIP. Rules governing administration of and eligibility processing in separate CHIP programs differ from Medicaid. States may choose to cover all uninsured children eligible for CHIP in Medicaid (known as M-CHIP), through a separate CHIP program only (2 states), or through a combination of a separate CHIP and M-CHIP (28 states). Covering CHIP children in Medicaid streamlines administration and provides all children with child-focused EPSDT Medicaid benefits and other Medicaid protections, including limitations on cost-sharing, while operating a separate CHIP allows states to alter benefit packages and delivery systems and provides more flexibility to impose premiums and cost sharing. Although separate CHIP programs have more flexibility in benefit design, half of the 30 states with separate CHIP programs provide EPSDT benefits to all children.

Income Verification

States use a variety of data sources to determine income eligibility; these sources are critical to processing real-time applications and ex parte renewals. States have flexibility in choosing the data sources and age of the data that are used to comply with ACA requirements in first attempting to determine eligibility using reliable data available to the state before requiring paper documentation from the individual. Most states use the state unemployment database (44 states) or the state wage database (42 states), while 38 use commercial databases (e.g., TALX or the Work Number) and 37 states access SNAP data (Figure 10). Fewer states use IRS data (19 states) or state tax department data (6 states). State limitations on the age of the data vary by source. In most states, the age of data is restricted to less than 12 months but can be less than three months, which may lessen the state’s ability to determine eligibility in real-time (less than 24 hours) or renew coverage on an ex parte basis.

Number of Data Sources That States Use to Verify Income, May 2024

Most states (39) verify income eligibility before determining eligibility at application. All states must verify income eligibility but may opt to do so either prior to or post enrollment. Eleven states base a preliminary determination on the applicant’s attestation of income and verify post-enrollment.

Most states (39) also apply a reasonable compatibility standard to account for differences in reported income and data sources. If reported income and the state’s electronic data source are both below, at, or above the income eligibility limit, the state must accept the finding without reconciling the difference. Additionally, with approval from CMS, states may set a reasonable compatibility standard – that is an acceptable level of variance, as either a percentage of income or a specific dollar amount to account for any difference between the individual’s income attestation and the income data source. For example, in a state with a 10% reasonable compatibility standard, if an applicant’s attestation of income is below the eligibility threshold and the data source is above the threshold, but within 10% of the attestation, the attestation and data source are considered reasonably compatible, and the applicant is determined eligible.

Two-thirds of states (39) apply reasonable compatibility standards when the individual’s attestation is below the income eligibility limit and the data source is above the threshold. When data are not reasonably compatible, states have the option to accept a reasonable explanation (such as I lost my job), which 28 states do, while 22 states require documentation. Eleven states do not apply a reasonable compatibility standard but ask for explanation or require documentation if attested income differs from the data source. When the income attestation is above the eligibility limit and the data source is below, most states (38) accept the individual’s attestation, determine the individual ineligible, and transfer the account to the Marketplace.

Applications, Online Accounts, and Community-Assister Portals

In most states, online MAGI Medicaid applications also allow individuals to apply for non-MAGI Medicaid, as well as other benefits and/or Marketplace subsidies. In 41 states, individuals can apply for both MAGI and non-MAGI-based Medicaid using the same online application portal. Nearly one-third of states have integrated SNAP (31 states) and TANF (29 states) in their online Medicaid applications while 18 states also use their multi-benefit applications to enable families to apply for child care assistance. Of the 19 SBM states with their own SBM eligibility systems, 15 allow applicants to use the same application for Marketplace premium tax credits. That leaves just two states with an online application that is limited to MAGI-based Medicaid. While all states, except Colorado, allow individuals to apply with an electronic signature through a smartphone or tablet, 40 states have taken steps to ensure that applications are mobile-friendly, up from 31 states in 2023.

States offer a variety of ways to submit documentation when eligibility cannot be confirmed through data sources. All states accept documents through the mail; other mechanisms include dropping off at a local office (49 states), through the online account (47 states), via fax (48 states), through email (36 states) or through the state’s mobile app (12 states).

States are maximizing the features of online accounts to assist new applicants and enrollees in monitoring and managing their coverage. To apply online, applicants must first set up an online account as no state offers an online application that is separate from online account management. Beyond allowing enrollees to apply, the 49 states with online accounts offer a range of features including renewing coverage (48 states), reviewing application status (47 states), viewing notices (47 states), reporting changes (45 states), uploading documents (44 states), and authorizing third party access (31 states) (Figure 11). Seventeen states have integrated a Chatbot feature in their online accounts. In the 47 states that allow users to view notices through their online accounts, 34 states report that notices are available indefinitely while 12 states indicate that notices are time-limited, generally available for one to four years, though three states allow notices to only be viewed for less than a year. In the 42 states that permit enrollees to submit renewal documents after a procedural termination, 28 allow individuals to submit renewal information at least 90 days after being procedurally disenrolled, which aligns with the 90-day reconsideration period during which an individual who was procedurally disenrolled may submit needed information without completing a new application.

Number of States with Selected Features for Online Accounts, May 2024

The 49 states with online accounts have similar features but there are differences in requirements for setting up accounts and resetting passwords. Online accounts must be secure to protect personal information, though security features can create barriers to accessing accounts for some enrollees. More than half of states (29) require new users to go through an identity verification process before setting up an account. In addition, in the 28 states that require multi-factor authentication, this security measure is required to set up an account in 25 states, to reset the password in 22 states, and every time the account is accessed in 13 states (Figure 12). The process for resetting the account password varies as well with many states (32) offering more than one way; users can reset passwords online by answering security questions in 32 states, through a link sent via email or text in 33 states, or by contacting the Medicaid call center in 29 states.

Number of States With Selected Features for Ongoing Management of Online Accounts, May 2024

Half of the states (26) have a portal for assisters and community groups to submit facilitated applications (Figure 13). These portals are available to a range of entities depending on the state, including federal and state navigators and application assisters, community health centers, hospitals and other providers, managed care organizations, and community-based organizations that help those in need of assistance with applying for and renewing Medicaid and CHIP coverage. All 26 states with a separate community assistance portal allow assisters to submit applications and most states allow assisters to review application status (23 states) and upload documents (21 states), but other features are more limited. Assisters are permitted to submit renewal information through the portal in 18 states; report changes in circumstances or update mailing addresses in 17 states; and view notices, actions required by the enrollee, and view renewal dates in 15 states. Secure assister portals create administrative efficiencies by allowing assisters to perform tasks that facilitate enrollment and renewal and providing a mechanism for states to monitor assister performance.

States with Online Portals for Community Assisters, May 2024

Renewal Processes and Changes in Circumstances

Nearly all states (45) initiate ex parte data processes at least 60 days prior to the end of an individual’s renewal period. States are required to provide MAGI-based enrollees with at least 30 days to return renewal forms or provide needed information. Thus, ex parte processes need to be initiated with sufficient time to check available data sources, determine which renewals can be automatically redetermined, and generate notices or print and mail renewal forms to enrollees whose ongoing eligibility cannot be redetermined automatically. About a quarter of states (13) initiate the ex parte process 90 days in advance of the end of the renewal period, 9 states initiate between 60 and 90 days, nearly half of the states (23) initiate ex parte data matches 60 days in advance while 3 states do so between 45 and 60 days.

Almost all states send out pre-populated renewal notices with enough lead time to ensure that enrollees have 30 or more days to respond. In some states, renewal forms and notices are generated automatically after the system has attempted an ex parte review. Three-quarters of states send out notices from 40 to 60 days (41 states) in advance, and 5 states send out forms from roughly 75 to 90 days in advance. Three states send out renewal notices 30 days before the renewal is due, which is the federal minimum requirement. Due to potential mail delays, sending forms further in advance may give enrollees more time to respond.

States offer several ways for enrollees to check their renewal dates, and provide renewal date information to health plans, providers, and navigators or other assisters to increase outreach about renewals. During the unwinding knowing one’s renewal date became important since many enrollees were not required to complete a renewal during the 3-year pause on disenrollments. In 44 states, enrollees can access their renewal date by contacting the call center, and in 43 states, enrollees can find the date in their online account. Enrollees can find their renewal date in their mobile app in 12 states. Nearly half of the states (24) use text messages to remind enrollees of their renewal date, and 11 states provide other mechanisms including mail or through the managed care plan or a local office. Minnesota and Rhode Island created an online renewal lookup tool to facilitate access to renewal dates. States also provide access to information that includes enrollees’ renewal dates to health plans (36 states), federally qualified health centers (15 states), pharmacists (9 states), other Medicaid providers (17 states), and navigators and/or assisters (18) states. These entities may share renewal information with members, patients, and clients of upcoming renewal dates to encourage them to complete and return the form.

One-third of the states (16) plan to conduct periodic data matches between renewals to identify changes in circumstances (Figure 14). States may only conduct renewals once a year for MAGI enrollees, but without continuous eligibility, states are required to act on reported changes in circumstances that affect eligibility, most often relating to income. States may opt to conduct periodic data checks to identify changes, which are more likely to impact low-income wage earners who experience frequent income fluctuations during the year. In these cases, enrollees may churn off and back onto coverage, creating gaps in access and continuity of care, as well as creating additional work for eligibility staff. If ongoing eligibility is confirmed through a mid-year data check, states have the option to push out renewal dates for 12 months but only 3 of the 16 states that conduct periodic data matches do this even if the state has all the information needed to do so. Additionally, nearly half of these states (7) provide only ten days for enrollees to respond to a request for information although known delays in mail delivery can make it challenging for enrollees to submit information before coverage is terminated. The Eligibility and Enrollment rule will require states to provide 30 days for enrollees to respond to requests for information beginning in June 2027, which aligns with the current rules for renewals.

States Conducting Routine Electronic Data Matches Between Annual Renewal Periods to Identify Changes in Income Post-Unwinding

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Medicaid and CHIP Eligibility

Child eligibility remains the highest for all MAGI eligibility groups, with the median children’s upper eligibility level holding steady at 255% FPL. Three states expanded children’s eligibility levels–Arizona increased eligibility from 205% FPL to 230% FPL in its separate CHIP program, Maine raised eligibility from 213% FPL to 305% FPL, while North Dakota expanded child eligibility to 205% FPL, up from 175% FPL. With the increased eligibility in North Dakota, Idaho now has the lowest eligibility level for children at 190% FPL and is the only state with a child eligibility level below 200% FPL. New York still has the highest child eligibility level at 405% FPL. As of May 2024, 20 states cover children at or above 300% FPL (Figure 15).

Income Eligibility Limits for Children in Medicaid/CHIP, May 2024

The median eligibility limit for pregnancy coverage in Medicaid and CHIP increased to 210% FPL with eligibility expansions in three states. Nevada, North Dakota, and Tennessee all increased eligibility levels for pregnancy coverage; Tennessee implemented the most significant change, increasing the pregnancy eligibility level from 200% FPL to 255% FPL. As of May 2024, 36 states provide pregnancy coverage to individuals with income at or above 200% FPL. Eligibility levels range from 138% FPL in Idaho and South Dakota to 380% FPL in Iowa. However, Iowa recently passed legislation that will reduce eligibility for pregnancy and infant coverage in Medicaid, lowering the eligibility levels to 215% FPL effective January 1, 2025 (infants will be covered up to 307% FPL in the state’s separate CHIP program). The CAA made permanent the option for states to extend Medicaid postpartum coverage to 12 months. As of June 2024, 47 states have implemented the 12-month extension.

North Carolina and South Dakota newly implemented the Medicaid expansion and now cover adults with incomes up to 138% percent FPL, leaving ten states without Medicaid expansion. South Dakota voters passed a ballot initiative in 2022 and the state implemented coverage in July 2023. In May 2023, North Carolina passed legislation to adopt Medicaid expansion and coverage began in December 2023, making it the first state to implement Medicaid expansion via legislative action, rather than a ballot initiative, since Virginia in 2018. As of May 2024, parents and adults without dependent children with incomes at or below 138% FPL ($20,783 per year for an individual; $35,632 for a family of three in 2024) are covered in 41 states.

In states that have not implemented Medicaid expansion, median eligibility for parents decreased to 34% FPL. Five of the remaining non-expansion states (Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Texas, and Wyoming) use fixed dollar thresholds to determine income eligibility for parents and caretaker relatives (Tennessee recently received CMS approval to set parent eligibility at 105% FPL rather than base eligibility on a fixed dollar amount). Dollar thresholds are not routinely updated so the equivalent federal poverty level eligibility threshold decreases over time as the federal poverty level increases to account for inflation. In 2024, Mississippi was the only state to adjust its dollar threshold, from $480 per month to $492 for a family of three. Eligibility for parents and caretaker relatives ranges from a low of 15% FPL in Texas to 105% FPL in Tennessee and 100% in Wisconsin, with median eligibility at 34% FPL for the ten non-expansion states (Figure 16). Of the ten states that have not implemented Medicaid expansion, Wisconsin is the only one that provides coverage to adults without dependent children based on income eligibility, setting eligibility at the same level as parents (100% FPL) through a section 1115 waiver. In September 2023, Georgia implemented a waiver to cover parents who do not qualify for section 1931 parent/caretaker eligibility and childless adults with incomes up to 100% FPL if they meet a work and premium requirement as conditions of initial and continued eligibility.

Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits for Adults in States That Have Not Implemented the Medicaid Expansion, May 2024

Non-expansion states have lower median eligibility levels for all MAGI Medicaid groups. Although no non-expansion state covers adults without dependent children, these states also have lower median eligibility levels for children (234% FPL compared to 266% FPL in expansion states), for pregnancy coverage (203% FPL compared to 213% FPL), and for parents (34% FPL compared to 138% FPL) (Figure 17).

Median Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits Based on Implementation of Medicaid Expansion, May 2024

As of May 2024, 45 states have adopted federally funded options to extend coverage to some immigrant children and/or pregnant individuals (Figure 18). Most lawfully residing immigrants must wait five years after they obtain qualified status before they can enroll in Medicaid or CHIP. However, states have the option to waive the five-year waiting period for lawfully residing children and pregnant people. As of May 2024, 37 states have adopted this option for children and 31 states have taken up the option for pregnant people in Medicaid, as have six of the seven states using CHIP to cover pregnant adults. All states covering recent lawful residents during pregnancy, except North Dakota and Wyoming, have adopted the option for children as well. Michigan is planning to eliminate the waiting period for children and pregnant individuals in August and Indiana plans to do so in 2025. In addition, states can provide pregnancy coverage regardless of immigration status through the From Conception to the End of Pregnancy (FCEP) option in CHIP. Twenty-four states provide this coverage, including two states (Maryland and New York) and the District of Columbia that newly adopted the FCEP option in 2023 and early 2024. Almost a dozen states (11) are also providing 12 months of postpartum coverage for FCEP enrollees using CHIP health services initiative funds or state funds, and one state (Maryland) is providing four months of postpartum coverage.

Federally-Funded Coverage of Lawfully Residing Immigrant Children and Pregnant People Without a 5-Year Waiting Period, May 2024

States are increasingly using state-only funds to extend coverage or limited benefits to some immigrant children, pregnant individuals, and other adults who do not have federal pathways to coverage. Thirteen states now cover all income-eligible children regardless of immigration status using state funds, although Connecticut only covers children under age 13 and Utah, which newly implemented this coverage, caps the number of children who can be enrolled. Vermont and New Jersey also provide state-funded coverage to pregnant people who do not qualify for federal funding, although New Jersey’s coverage is limited to pre-natal care. As of May 2024, ten states use state-only funds to cover other immigrant adults who are otherwise ineligible, including three states (California, District of Columbia, and Oregon) that cover all income-eligible adults regardless of immigration status.

Two states, Illinois and Michigan, newly implemented family planning expansion programs, increasing the median eligibility level for these programs to 210% FPL. Thirty-three states now use federal funds through a state plan option or waiver to cover family planning only services. Oklahoma also expanded eligibility for its family planning program from 138% FPL to 210% FPL, which aligns with eligibility levels for pregnancy coverage in the state. As of May 2024, eligibility levels ranged from 138% FPL in Louisiana to 306% FPL in Wisconsin.

Most states suspend Medicaid coverage for adults (45 states) during incarceration (Figure 19). Federal law provides that incarceration status does not preclude eligibility for Medicaid. However, Medicaid benefits are limited to inpatient services requiring at least a 24-hour stay in a medical institution. Since passage of the ACA, more individuals entering and leaving carceral settings are eligible for Medicaid. In response, more states have opted to suspend rather than terminate coverage for adults to facilitate reinstatement of coverage upon release. New rules that went into effect on October 24, 2019 prohibit states from terminating coverage for eligible juveniles. The CAA requires states to suspend rather than terminate Medicaid coverage for all individuals who are incarcerated starting January 1, 2026.

Medicaid Coverage for Adults Entering the Justice System, May 2024

All children in Medicaid and CHIP are now protected from mid-year churn with mandatory 12-month continuous eligibility while 13 states are taking additional steps to provide multi-year continuous eligibility for children. Twelve-month continuous eligibility was a longstanding state option for children although only about half the states had adopted the policy in Medicaid. As of January 2024, all states are now required to keep children continuously enrolled for a full year with limited exceptions for moving out of state or requesting voluntary disenrollment. However, 13 states are seeking to provide continuous eligibility beyond 12 months for young children, which promotes continuity of coverage and access to care during the early development period. New Mexico, Oregon, and Washington have federal approval to cover eligible children continuously from birth to age six, while ten other states have submitted section 1115 waivers or are in the process of developing waivers to implement multi-year continuous eligibility for young children (Table 2). Oregon has also received federal approval to cover children over the age of six and all adults for two continuous years. Nine other states also cover or are proposing to cover targeted adult groups for continuous periods, including three states that provide multi-year continuous eligibility and six states that provide 12-month continuous eligibility to all or some adults (Massachusetts provides both 12-month continuous eligibility for all adults and 24-month continuous eligibility to adults experiencing homelessness).

States Providing Multi-Year Continuous Eligibility

Nine states have retained waiting periods before an uninsured child is eligible for CHIP, down from 38 states a decade ago. CHIP waiting periods are a mechanism to discourage families from dropping group insurance to enroll in CHIP. Citing little evidence of substitution of coverage and temporary coverage options available to CHIP-eligible children during a waiting period, the Eligibility and Enrollment final rule eliminates CHIP waiting periods effective June 2025.

Premiums and Non-Payment Policies for Children

Twenty-one states charge premiums for children (Figure 20). States cannot impose premiums in Medicaid or M-CHIP for children with income below 150% FPL but are permitted to charge premiums in their separate CHIP programs with family incomes as low as 133% FPL. Under federal rules, the maximum out-of-pocket costs for all enrolled members of families can be required to pay is limited to no more than 5% of total family income, which states must track to ensure families do not pay more than the cap. During the COVID-19 public health emergency, most states that charged premiums suspended or waived them for some or all enrollees. As of May 2024, premiums remain suspended in four states (Arizona, Delaware, Georgia, and Vermont). California, Colorado, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, New Jersey, and North Carolina all removed CHIP premiums since 2020, and Utah will eliminate premiums in July but will increase other cost-sharing requirements at the same time. Delaware is awaiting CMS approval to discontinue premiums entirely and Vermont has suspended premiums indefinitely.

Premiums for Children in Medicaid and CHIP, May 2024

Premium amounts and periodicity vary by state. States may impose premiums on a monthly, quarterly, or annual (also known as an enrollment fee) basis. Most states (17) that charge premiums do so monthly while one state charges quarterly premiums (NV) and 2 states (AL and TX) require an annual enrollment fee. Premiums can be family-based (7 states) or charged per child, either with a family maximum that limits the amount of premiums a household pays (10 states) or without a family cap (3 states). As of May 2024, the maximum premium or enrollment fee for one child ranges from $15 in Idaho to $159 in Missouri. The premium amount often varies by income level. Six states charge premiums to children with family incomes below 150% FPL. New York eliminated premiums for the lowest income band in 2022, so premiums now begin at 222% FPL instead of 160% FPL.

New federal rules will affect states’ current policies for non-payment of premiums, including for the nine states that have lockout periods. As part of the CAA, 12-month continuous eligibility for children in Medicaid and CHIP became mandatory for all states. With this change which went into effect January 1, 2024, states are no longer allowed to disenroll individuals for non-payment of premiums after initial enrollment. In the Eligibility and Enrollment regulation CMS made several changes to CHIP, including prohibiting states from locking enrollees out of coverage as a penalty for non-payment of premiums. While new lockout periods cannot be established in states that do not have them, states that currently impose a lockout have until June 2025 to eliminate the policy. As of May 2024, eight states have a lock-out period, with seven imposing the maximum allowable lock-out period of 90 days (Indiana, Kansas, Louisiana, Missouri, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Washington). Since 2020, Massachusetts and Wisconsin have eliminated lock-out periods in CHIP.(Back to top)

Appendix Tables

Income Eligibility Limits for Children's Health Coverage as a Percent Of The Federal Poverty Level, May 2024

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Selected Policy Options in CHIP, May 2024

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 Medicaid and CHIP Coverage for Pregnant Individuals and Medicaid Family Planning Coverage, May 2024

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State Adoption of Options to Cover Immigrant Populations, May 2024

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Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits for Adults as a Percent of the Federal Poverty Level and Coverage for Adults Entering Justice System, May 2024

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Integration of MAGI-Medicaid Eligibility Systems with Marketplace Systems, Non-MAGI Medicaid, and Non-Health Programs, May 2024

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Agency and Staff Responsible for Processing Applications and Renewals in Medicaid and CHIP, May 2024

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Real-Time Eligibility Determinations at Application and Ex Parte Renewal Processing, May 2024

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Data Sources Used to Verify Income for MAGI Medicaid Applications, May 2024

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Income Verification Procedures, May 2024

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Features of Online Medicaid Applications, May 2024

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Features of Online Medicaid Accounts, May 2024

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Security Features of Online Medicaid Accounts, May 2024

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Viewing Notices and Submitting Renewal Information Through Online Accounts, May 2024

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Modes to Submit Verification Documentation at Application and Renewal, May 2024

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Features of Online Portals for Community Assisters, May 2024

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Timing of Ex Parte Processes and Sending Renewal Forms to Enrollees, May 2024

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Enrollee and Entity Ability to Access Enrollees' Renewal Dates, May 2024

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Use of Periodic Data Matches Between Renewals and Response Time for a Change in Circumstances, May 2024

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Premiums and Enrollment Fees for Children, May 2024

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State Actions to Improve Ex Parte Renewal Rates, May 2024

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1902(e)(14)(A) Waivers Identified by States as 'Most Helpful' for Increasing Ex Parte Renewal Rates, May 2024

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Renewal Process Changes Made During the Unwinding that States Are Considering or Plan to Continue After Unwinding Ends, May 2024

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Impact of Frontline Eligibility Workforce Challenges on Ability to Manage Application and Renewal Processing Workload, May 2024

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Impact of Call Center Workforce Challenges on Managing Call Center Volume, May 2024

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Anticipated Unwinding End Dates, Plans to Continue Reporting Unwinding Data, and Results of Actions to Reduce Returned Mail Rates, May 2024

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