The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of U.S. Global Tuberculosis Efforts

Published: Oct 16, 2025

 Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump issued several executive actions that have fundamentally changed foreign assistance. These included: an executive order which called for a 90-day review of foreign aid; a subsequent “stop-work order” that froze all payments and services for work already underway; the dissolution of USAID, including the reduction of most staff and contractors; and the cancellation of most foreign assistance awards. Although a waiver to allow life-saving humanitarian assistance was issued, it has been limited to certain services only and difficult for program implementers to obtain. In addition, while there have been several legal challenges to these actions, there has been limited legal remedy to date. As a result, U.S. global health programs have been disrupted and, in some cases, ended. Changes to the Department of Health and Human Services, including proposed cuts and reorganization, are also likely to affect these programs. This fact sheet is part of a series on the status of U.S. global health programs.

Background on U.S. Global Tuberculosis (TB) Efforts

  • The U.S. government has been involved in global TB activities for decades and began ramping up its efforts in the late 1990s when a global TB program was created at USAID.
  • TB, an infectious disease caused by bacteria, causes more deaths than any other infectious agent worldwide, including 1.25 million people who died in 2023, and is among the 10 leading causes of death worldwide. TB is the leading cause of death among people with HIV.
  • U.S. government efforts have contributed significantly to improving TB health outcomes, including contributing to a 29% decline in TB incidence and 47% decline in TB mortality in USAID TB priority countries since 2000.  
  • The FY 2025 Continuing Resolution that passed in March included level funding for bilateral TB activities at USAID and CDC of $406 million (as well as level funding for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria). The U.S. has been the top donor government to TB efforts, through its bilateral funding and contributions to the Global Fund. The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes $178 million for TB, a decrease of $228 million (final appropriation levels are determined by Congress).
  • USAID had served as the lead implementing agency for U.S. TB efforts, focusing on 24 priority countries – with activities in 50 (including at least 20 of the 30 high burden countries) – to support prevention, detection, and treatment of TB, including drug-resistant TB. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) also carries out global TB efforts and the State Department’s Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD), which oversees PEPFAR, leads U.S. efforts to address TB-HIV co-infection.

Current Status of U.S. Global TB Efforts

The following administration actions have had a significant impact on TB program operations:

  • Funding freeze/stop-work order: The stop-work order initially froze all bilateral TB programming and services, halting existing work in the field. Because it halted payments, many implementers had to let go of thousands of staff and end some services.
  • Limited waiver: Some TB activities were included in a limited waiver issued by the State Department on February 4 allowing “life-saving services” to continue, which are defined as “Essential screening, testing, and treatment for tuberculosis (TB) and drug resistant TB (DR-TB) including provision and monitoring of laboratory services, drug susceptibility testing, clinical visits, dispensing of essential medicines to avert near-term mortality and spread of infection.” HIV/TB activities were also allowed under PEPFAR’s limited waiver. Even with the waivers, services remain disrupted and implementers faced challenges in getting permission to resume programming and difficulties in getting paid.
  • Dissolution of USAID: As the main government implementer of TB efforts, the dissolution of USAID and loss of most staff have significantly affected TB program implementation capacity and operations. In addition, announcements of reductions at CDC could further affect global TB efforts.
  • Canceled awards: In early 2025 it was reported that the administration canceled 86% of all USAID awards. KFF analysis found that of the 770 global health awards identified, 162 included TB activities, 79% of which were terminated.
  • Legal actions: In response to two lawsuits filed against the administration’s actions, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction ordering the government to pay for work completed by February 13, 2025, although not all payments have been made and the court has not stopped the government from canceling awards. On August 13, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit overturned the district judge’s preliminary injunction, ruling that plaintiffs lacked legal standing to challenge the administration’s termination of funding. While a District Court subsequently found that the plaintiffs could seek relief through another legal avenue and granted a preliminary injunction ordering the government to obligate expiring funds, the Supreme Court ultimately ruled that the government could withhold these funds.
  • Reorganization: The administration notified Congress on March 28, 2025 of its intent to permanently dissolve USAID and that any remaining USAID operations would be absorbed by the State Department with remaining global health activities to be integrated into its Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD) which oversees PEPFAR. On May 29, 2025, the State Department further notified Congress of its proposed reorganization plan and programs moved in July.
  • New Global Health Strategy: In September 2025, the administration released the America First Global Health Strategy. Per the new strategy, the U.S. will:
    • Negotiate bilateral, multi-year agreements with countries receiving U.S. assistance, with implementation and monitoring plans in place by March 31, 2026. Agreements will include co-investment by countries and aim to transition the majority of countries to full self-reliance by the end of the agreement period;
    • Provide 100% of current levels of funding for TB commodities [TB diagnostics (including innovations in molecular diagnostics), TB treatments (including for drug-resistant TB) and TB preventive therapy] and frontline healthcare workers through FY 2026 and reduced funding thereafter;
    • Rapidly reduce funding for activities other than health commodities and frontline health personnel.

Impact on Global TB Services and Outcomes

  • An internal USAID memo reported that the cessation of USAID’s TB control programs would increase global TB incidence by 28-32% and have a similar effect on new cases of multi-drug-resistant TB.
  • According to WHO, the 30 highest TB-burden countries reported that U.S. funding withdrawals were affecting services, including the loss of thousands of health workers, and disruptions of the drug supply chain and laboratory services.
  • A rapid assessment survey of 108 WHO country offices found that approximately 40% reported moderate or severe disruptions to TB services, including for medicines and health products, due to the U.S. foreign aid freeze and other shortages.
  • Several modeling studies have found that cuts or termination in U.S. TB funding could result in significant numbers of additional TB cases and deaths in coming years.

What to Watch

  • Reorganization: The dissolution of USAID and integration of any remaining USAID global health activities, including for TB, into GHSD raises several questions, including whether additional capacities will be provided to allow for the management and implementation of TB and these other health programs at the State Department.
  • Funding/Budget Request: The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes significant reductions in funding for global health, including a $228 million reduction for TB (final appropriation amounts will be determined by Congress). The administration also submitted its first rescission package to Congress in June, including proposed rescissions of more than $1 billion in FY 2025 funding for global health. Congress voted to amend the package, reducing that amount to $500 million and exempting some program areas, including TB, from the rescission.
  • New Global Health Strategy: Over the next few months, it is expected that the administration will develop bilateral agreements with countries and plans to scale down funding, including for TB-related activities, the details of which will significantly shape the future of the global TB response.

The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Reorganization of U.S. Global Health Programs

Published: Oct 16, 2025

Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump issued several executive actions that have fundamentally changed foreign assistance. These included: an executive order which called for a 90-day review of foreign aid; a subsequent “stop-work order” that froze all payments and services for work already underway; the dissolution of USAID, including the reduction of most staff and contractors; and the cancellation of most foreign assistance awards. Although a waiver to allow life-saving humanitarian assistance was issued, it has been limited to certain services only and difficult for program implementers to obtain. In addition, while there have been several legal challenges to these actions, there has been limited legal remedy to date. As a result, U.S. global health programs have been disrupted and, in some cases, ended. Changes to the Department of Health and Human Services, including proposed cuts and reorganization, are also likely to affect these programs. This fact sheet is part of a series on the status of U.S. global health programs.

Background on U.S. Global Health Programs

  • Historically, U.S. global health programs have been overseen and managed by three main federal departments and agencies: the State Department, USAID (now dissolved), and CDC.
    • The State Department is home to the Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD), which leads and oversees PEPFAR (which receives direct appropriations from Congress) as well as global health security and, more recently, other global health programs.
    • USAID, an independent agency established by Congress, had housed and managed most other U.S. bilateral global health programs, including TB, malaria, maternal and child health, and nutrition, receiving direct appropriations from Congress for these efforts. Because the State Department had not historically served as an implementing agency, USAID also managed more than half of PEPFAR’s funding, through State department transfers and direct appropriations from Congress.
    • CDC has global programs for HIV, TB, polio, and global health security, which receive direct Congressional appropriations and also manages and implements PEPFAR funding transferred by State and USAID.
  • To carry out global health programs, federal agencies fund other organizations, including non-profits, foreign governments, and international and multilateral health organizations, such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (Global Fund) and Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance.
  • U.S. funding for global health, across multiple federal agencies and for bilateral and multilateral programs, including global health research, totaled $12.4 billion in FY 2025.

Current Status of U.S. Global Health Programs

The following administration actions have or are likely to have a significant impact on the structure and operations of U.S global health programs:

  • Funding freeze/stop-work order: The stop-work order, as part of the foreign aid review, initially froze all bilateral global health programming and services, halting existing work in the field (it was not applied to the Global Fund or Gavi). Because it halted payments, many implementers had to let go of thousands of staff and end some services.
  • Limited waivers: Certain bilateral global health programs received waivers to allow “life-saving services” to continue, including a limited set of PEPFAR services and TB, malaria, maternal and child health, nutrition and infectious disease outbreak response services. Even with these waivers, services remain disrupted, and implementers faced challenges in getting permission to resume programming and difficulties in getting paid.
  • Dissolution of USAID: Because USAID was the main implementing agency for global health efforts, its dissolution and loss of most of its staff have reduced program implementation capacity and operations. Announcements of reductions at CDC could further affect global health efforts.
  • Cancelled awards: In early 2025 it was reported that the administration canceled 86% of USAID awards. KFF analysis found that of the 770 global health awards identified, 80% were listed as terminated, totaling $12.7 billion in unobligated funding.
  • Other executive orders and actions: In addition to the foreign aid review, several other orders and actions have or will likely affect global health, including: a review of international organization participation, the reinstatement of the Mexico City Policy and withholding of UNFPA funding, and withdrawal from the World Health Organization.
  • Reorganization: The administration moved to restructure and/or reduce global health efforts as follows:
    • On March 28, Secretary of State Rubio announced that the State Department and USAID had notified Congress of their intent to “restructure certain Department bureaus and offices that would implement programs and functions realigned from USAID” as follows:
      • Proposing legislation to abolish USAID as an independent agency.
      • Separating almost all USAID personnel from federal service within the current fiscal year.
      • Identifying USAID programs that “continue to advance the Administration’s foreign policy objectives,” including a subset of global health activities to be transferred to GHSD. These include programs that help reduce health disparities, deliver lifesaving vaccines, promote maternal and child health, and control malaria, TB, and other diseases.
    • On April 22, Secretary Rubio announced a reorganization of the State Department to “empower the Department from the ground up, from the bureaus to the embassies”, including removing redundant offices and non-statutory programs that are “misaligned with America’s core national interests.” On May 29, the State Department notified Congress with further details, including that GHSD would be reorganized to include three major divisions: Health Programs (with the Office of Health Programs and the Office of Program Transition and Supply Chain), Health Policy and Diplomacy (with the Office of Health Diplomacy and the Office of Program Planning and Evaluation), and Global Health Security (with the Office of Outbreak Detection and Response).
    • With the dissolution of USAID in July 2025, remaining U.S. global health programs were moved to the State Department.
  • New Global Health Strategy: In September 2025, the administration released the America First Global Health Strategy, with 3 broad pillars – making America safer, stronger, and more prosperous – and focusing on HIV, TB, malaria, polio, and global health security. Per the new strategy, the U.S. will:
    • Negotiate bilateral, multi-year agreements with countries receiving U.S. assistance, with implementation and monitoring plans in place by March 31, 2026. Agreements will include co-investment by countries and aim to transition the majority of countries to full self-reliance by the end of the agreement period;
    • Provide 100% of current levels of funding for health commodities and frontline healthcare workers for HIV, TB, malaria, and polio through FY 2026 and reduced funding thereafter;
    • Rapidly reduce funding for activities other than health commodities and frontline health personnel;
    • Focus global health security activities on surveillance, data sharing and laboratory capacity, to enable early detection and rapid containment of outbreaks originating outside the U.S.

What to Watch

  • Reorganization: While the reorganization of U.S. global health programs is well underway, there are still many questions about what programs will be maintained and how they will be managed, implemented and monitored, particularly given the significant reductions in federal staff as well as of health care workers more broadly who have been affected by U.S. cuts.  
  • Leadership: Several leadership positions have yet to be announced, including the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator (which requires Senate confirmation), the U.S. Malaria Coordinator, and others. Whether the administration will choose to nominate or appoint people to these positions is not yet known.
  • Funding/President’s budget request: The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes a $6.2 billion reduction in funding for global health through foreign assistance, reductions at HHS, and proposes to eliminate several funding lines (final appropriation amounts will be determined by Congress). The administration also submitted its first rescission package to Congress, including proposed rescissions of $400 million for PEPFAR and $500 million for other global health programs. Congress voted to amend the package, exempting PEPFAR funding as well as funding for maternal and child health, TB, malaria, and nutrition from the rescission, although $500 million in family planning and other programs was rescinded.
  • New Global Health Strategy: Over the next few months, it is expected that the administration will develop bilateral agreements with countries regarding remaining global health programming including plans to scale down funding, the details of which will significantly shape the future of the global health response.
  • Congressional oversight: As budget and reorganization proposals continue to circulate, members of Congress could choose to exert their own authority, including seeking further clarification and information about the potential impacts of proposed changes.

The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI)

Published: Oct 16, 2025

Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump issued several executive actions that have fundamentally changed foreign assistance. These included: an executive order which called for a 90-day review of foreign aid; a subsequent “stop-work order” that froze all payments and services for work already underway; the dissolution of USAID, including the reduction of most staff and contractors; and the cancellation of most foreign assistance awards. Although a waiver to allow life-saving humanitarian assistance was issued, it has been limited to certain services only and difficult for program implementers to obtain. In addition, while there have been several legal challenges to these actions, there has been limited legal remedy to date. As a result, U.S. global health programs have been disrupted and, in some cases, ended. Changes to the Department of Health and Human Services, including proposed cuts and reorganization, are also likely to affect these programs. This fact sheet is part of a series on the status of U.S. global health programs.

Background on PMI

  • The U.S. government has been involved in global malaria activities since the 1950s. In 2005, the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI) was launched to scale up efforts to address malaria in the hardest hit African countries.
  • Malaria is a life-threatening disease spread to humans by mosquitoes. There are approximately 263 million malaria cases and 600,000 deaths each year; the majority of deaths are among children under age five.
  • PMI is credited with helping to save 11.7 million lives and prevent 2.1 billion malaria cases since 2000. Indeed, since 2006, in countries where PMI works, global efforts have supported a 29% decrease in malaria case rates and a 48% decline in deaths. The introduction of two malaria vaccines in 2021 and 2023 has increased optimism in the potential to further strengthen global malaria control.
  • U.S. malaria assistance bolsters national economies in countries and communities most heavily affected by the disease. A recent analysis found that every dollar of U.S. malaria assistance increased GDP in recipient countries nearly six-fold.
  • The FY 2025 Continuing Resolution that passed in March included level funding for PMI and other malaria activities at USAID and CDC of $805 million (as well as level funding for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria). The U.S. has been the top donor government to malaria efforts, through PMI and contributions to the Global Fund. The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes $424 million for malaria, a decrease of $381 million (final appropriation levels are determined by Congress).
  • Overseen by a U.S. Global Malaria Coordinator, a position created by Congress in 2008 to be appointed by the President and based at USAID (now dissolved), PMI had been an interagency initiative led by USAID in partnership with CDC, focused in 30 countries that account for 90% of the world’s malaria cases and deaths.

Current Status of PMI

The following administration actions have had a significant impact on PMI operations:

  • Funding freeze/stop-work order: The stop-work order initially froze all PMI programming and services, halting existing PMI activities, including bed net provision, residual spraying and delivery of antimalarial medicines. Because the order halted payments, many implementers had to let go of thousands of staff and end some services.
  • Limited waiver: Malaria programs received a limited waiver on February 4 allowing “life-saving services” to continue, including those that “must resume within 30 days to ensure malaria diagnosis and treatment, as well as prevention through distribution of nets and indoor residual spraying targeting highest burden areas…and lifesaving malaria medicines for pregnant women and children”. Even with the waiver, services remain disrupted and implementers faced challenges in getting permission to resume programming and difficulties in getting paid.
  • Dissolution of USAID: USAID was the main government implementing agency for malaria efforts, obligating almost all bilateral malaria assistance in FY 2023 (96%). Without USAID and most of its staff, PMI’s implementation capacity has been affected. In addition, announcements of reductions at CDC could further affect global malaria efforts.
  • Canceled awards: In early 2025 it was reported that the administration canceled 86% of all USAID awards. KFF analysis found that of the 770 global health awards identified, 157 included malaria activities, 80% of which were terminated.
  • Legal actions: In response to two lawsuits filed against the administration’s actions, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction ordering the government to pay for work completed by February 13, 2025, although not all payments have been made and the court has not stopped the government from canceling awards. On August 13, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit overturned the district judge’s preliminary injunction, ruling that plaintiffs lacked legal standing to challenge the administration’s termination of funding. While a District Court subsequently found that the plaintiffs could seek relief through another legal avenue and granted a preliminary injunction ordering the government to obligate expiring funds, the Supreme Court ultimately ruled that the government could withhold these funds.
  • Reorganization: The administration notified Congress on March 28, 2025 of its intent to permanently dissolve USAID and move remaining USAID operations to the State Department, with remaining global health activities to be integrated into its Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD) which oversees PEPFAR. On May 29, 2025, the State Department further notified Congress of its proposed reorganization plan and programs moved in July.
  • New Global Health Strategy: In September 2025, the administration released the America First Global Health Strategy. Per the new strategy, the U.S. will:
    • Negotiate bilateral, multi-year agreements with countries receiving U.S. assistance, with implementation and monitoring plans in place by March 31, 2026. Agreements will include co-investment by countries and aim to transition the majority of countries to full self-reliance by the end of the agreement period;
    • Provide 100% of current levels of funding for malaria control commodities ([insecticide-treated bednets, malaria diagnostic tests, anti-malarial medications and malaria vaccines) and frontline healthcare workers through FY 2026 and reduced funding thereafter;
    • Rapidly reduce funding for activities other than health commodities and frontline health personnel.

Impact on PMI Services and Outcomes

  • An internal USAID memo estimated that an additional 12.5-17.9 million malaria cases and an additional 71,000-166,000 deaths could occur annually if PMI was halted permanently.
  • A rapid assessment survey of 108 WHO country offices found that of the 64 malaria-endemic countries surveyed, more than half reported moderate or severe disruptions to malaria services, including for medicines and health products, due to the U.S. foreign aid freeze and other shortages.
  • In early April 2025, almost 30% of planned insecticide treated net (ITN) distribution campaigns were off-track or at risk of being delayed due to funding shortages, and such risks continue today. Several countries also face stock-out risks for key commodities including for rapid diagnostic tests (RDTs) and artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT). Reductions in funding also threaten investments in new and improved malaria prevention, diagnostic, and treatment interventions.
  • Such disruptions pose significant risks, particularly during peak malaria seasons across Africa where seasonal malaria campaigns are needed to protect millions of people. In a court filing challenging the funding freeze, for example, a major U.S. implementer reported that it had already had to delay the start of anti-malarial campaigns in Africa.

What to Watch

  • Leadership: A U.S. Malaria Coordinator has not yet been appointed, and it is unclear, given the dissolution of USAID, what the leadership structure will be going forward.
  • Reorganization: The dissolution of USAID and integration of any remaining USAID global health activities, including for malaria, into GHSD raises several questions, including whether additional capacities will be provided to allow for the management and implementation of PMI at the State Department.
  • Funding/Budget Request: The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes significant reductions in funding for global health, including a $381 million reduction for malaria (final appropriation amounts will be determined by Congress). The administration also submitted its first rescission package to Congress in June, including proposed rescissions of more than $1 billion in funding for global health. Congress reduced that amount to $500 million and exempted some program areas, including malaria, from the rescission.
  • New Global Health Strategy: Over the next few months, it is expected that the administration will develop bilateral agreements with countries and plans to scale down funding, including for malaria-related activities, the details of which will significantly shape the future of the global malaria response.

The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of Global Health Security/Pandemic Preparedness

Published: Oct 16, 2025

Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump issued several executive actions that have fundamentally changed foreign assistance. These included: an executive order which called for a 90-day review of foreign aid; a subsequent “stop-work order” that froze all payments and services for work already underway; the dissolution of USAID, including the reduction of most staff and contractors; and the cancellation of most foreign assistance awards. Although a waiver to allow life-saving humanitarian assistance was issued, it has been limited to certain services only and difficult for program implementers to obtain. In addition, while there have been several legal challenges to these actions, there has been limited legal remedy to date. As a result, U.S. global health programs have been disrupted and, in some cases, ended. Changes to the Department of Health and Human Services, including proposed cuts and reorganization, are also likely to affect these programs. This fact sheet is part of a series on the status of U.S. global health programs.

Background on U.S. Global Health Security Efforts

  • The U.S. has supported global health security (GHS) and pandemic preparedness efforts for decades through funding and technical support provided to low- and middle-income countries (as well as support for multilateral efforts). This has included the development of formal GHS partnerships with other countries, starting with 17 in 2014 and rising to more than 50 in 2024, with programs focused in particular in countries at risk for emerging diseases.
  • GHS efforts are designed to help countries and regions build capacities needed to prevent avoidable outbreaks, detect infectious disease threats early, and reduce the impacts of epidemics and pandemics through rapid and effective responses.
  • Specific activities include: improving surveillance and laboratory systems, reducing the risks of animal to human disease exposures, training epidemiologists, and fostering better biosafety and biosecurity practices.
  • Multiple U.S. agencies, coordinated by the National Security Council (NSC), have been involved in these efforts including USAID (now dissolved), CDC, the Department of Defense (DoD), the State Department, HHS, and USDA. The first U.S. GHS Strategy, providing overall guidance across the government, was released by the first Trump administration. The Biden administration released an updated Strategy in 2024.
  • The FY 2025 Continuing Resolution passed in March included level funding of $993 million for GHS programs at USAID and CDC. At times, Congress has provided additional, time-limited emergency funding when outbreaks occur, such as for Ebola in 2014-2015, Zika in 2016, and COVID-19 starting in 2020. The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes $493.2 million for GHS, a decrease of $500 million (final appropriation levels are determined by Congress).
  • U.S. investments in GHS have led to measurable increases in capacity, including improvement in 9 of 15 technical areas between 2018 and 2023 in GHS partnership countries and reductions in average outbreak response times.

Current Status of U.S. Global Health Security Programs

The following administration actions have had a significant impact on U.S. GHS programs:

  • Funding freeze/stop-work order: The stop-work order initially froze all USAID-based GHS programming and services. As a result, many GHS implementing partners let staff go and some USAID-supported GHS activities in progress were interrupted, such as funding for transport of samples and phone plans for contact tracers.
  • Limited waiver: Some GHS activities were included in a limited waiver issued by the State Department on February 4 allowing “life-saving services” to continue, including: rapid emergency response to immediate infectious disease outbreaks, focused on pathogens with pandemic potential and those that pose a national security risk to U.S. citizens (e.g., mpox and H5N1), including detection, prevention, and containment and supply of medical countermeasures. Even with the waiver, services remain disrupted and implementers faced challenges in getting permission to resume programming and difficulties in getting paid.
  • Dissolution of USAID: Earlier this year, USAID had about 50 staff supporting international outbreak response efforts, a number which dropped to six in the early weeks of the Trump administration (current levels are unknown). As a result, many GHS partners have lost points of contact and technical support, in addition to the loss of funding. Announcements of reductions at the CDC could further affect GHS capacity.
  • DoD GHS programs may also be targeted for cuts, with potentially up to 75% of staff to be let go.
  • Reorganization: The administration notified Congress on March 28, 2025 of its intent to permanently dissolve USAID and that any remaining USAID operations would be absorbed by the State Department with remaining global health activities (including GHS work) to be integrated into its Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD). On May 29, 2025, the State Department further notified Congress of its proposed reorganization plan, and programs transitioned in July.
  • GHS Strategy: The administration has withdrawn the GHS strategy, stating that it would be replaced, although no timeline has been provided. This has raised questions about coordination across the government, particularly in the event of a major threat and given the reorganization and reduction of global health programs already underway.
  • New Global Health Strategy: In September 2025, the administration released the America First Global Health Strategy. It includes “making America safer” as one of its pillars, marking the first outline of its plans for GHS going forward. Per the new strategy, the U.S. will aim to:
    • Enable detection of an outbreak with epidemic potential within seven days, through strengthened surveillance, data sharing and laboratory capacity, and will assign U.S. health staff to U.S. missions;
    • Contain outbreaks originating outside the U.S. rapidly at their source, prioritizing mobilization within 72 hours of detection, support to field epidemiological staff, essential commodities, and, if needed, travel restrictions.

Impact on GHS Services and Outcomes

  • The combination of administration actions described above has reduced capacity and may challenge communication and coordination across U.S. agencies and with partners, contributing to slower responses to emerging health threats, greater impacts, and increased risk of importation of diseases into the U.S.
  • Experts estimate that there is a 50% chance of another pandemic emerging in the next 25 years, with the risk greatest in the least prepared countries. 
  • The health impacts of poorly controlled outbreaks can be severe. An internal USAID memo reported that the risk of losing USAID GHS programs alone could result in more than 28,000 new cases of dangerous infectious diseases, such as Ebola and Marburg, every year.
  • Emerging diseases can result in major economic and social costs, even with small-scale outbreaks.
    • The SARS 2003 outbreak led to an estimated $30 billion in economic losses (over $3 million per case) from reduced commerce, travel and trade.
    • The 2014-2015 West Africa Ebola epidemic led to an estimated $53 billion in economic losses. A single Ebola patient in New York cost the city’s $4.3 million in response measures.
    • Measles outbreaks in the U.S., often initiated through importation from other countries, can lead to significant costs; a recent study from Washington state found that a 71-case measles outbreak led to societal costs of $3.4 million, or almost $50,000 per case.
  • Pandemics have even more massive economic costs, as experienced with COVID-19, which cost the U.S. alone an estimated at $16 trillion – a number four times the lost economic output from the 2008 financial crisis.

What to Watch

  • Reorganization: The dissolution of USAID and integration of remaining USAID global health activities, including GHS, into GHSD raises questions about how activities will be integrated with existing GHSD functions and whether new capacities will be needed. GHSD has historically focused on coordination and diplomatic roles rather than the in-country implementation roles that USAID and CDC led on.
  • Funding/Budget Request: The administration’s FY 2026 budget request includes significant reductions in funding for global health, including a $500 million reduction for GHS (final appropriation amounts will be determined by Congress). The administration also submitted its first rescission package to Congress, including proposed rescissions of more than $1 billion in FY 2025 funding for global health. Congress voted to amend the package, reducing that amount to $500 million and exempting some program areas from the rescission, although global health security was not listed among those program areas.
  • New Global Health Strategy: Over the next few months, it is expected that the administration will develop more specific plans for its GHS work at the State Department, including with countries, which will provide more details on the future of this work.

Medicaid and Children’s Health: 5 Issues to Watch Amid Recent Federal Changes

Published: Oct 15, 2025

The uninsured rate, supplemental poverty rate, and food insecurity for children have all increased since the expiration of pandemic-era fiscal relief, and high household costs, including health care costs, are putting pressure on family budgets. After increasing during the pandemic, overall federal spending on children as a share of the economy (or GDP) has declined and is projected to continue to decline further over the next 10 years. At the same time, over the last decade, rates of chronic conditions among children, including obesity and mental health concerns, have increased. At the same time, children’s routine vaccination rates are declining, and many states are contending with measles outbreaks. Recent federal changes (Box 1), including the recently passed reconciliation law, administrative actions by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), and other broader Trump administration changes, could have further implications for children and their health and well-being. Nearly four in 10 children in the U.S. are covered by Medicaid, making the program (and changes to the program) particularly relevant to broader children’s health trends. This issue brief explores the latest data on Medicaid and children’s health and highlights five key issues to watch as federal changes are implemented (Figure 1).

Figure 1

Medicaid and Children's Health:
5 Issues to Watch Amid Recent Federal Changes

Box 1: Major Federal Changes that Could Impact Children’s Health

2025 Federal Budget Reconciliation Law (H.R. 1): The reconciliation law, passed on July 4, 2025, includes significant health care policy changes. While many of the provisions in the new law do not directly target children, changes could have implications for children’s coverage and access to health services:

  • Coverage losses: The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projected that H.R. 1 will increase the number of uninsured people by 10 million over the next decade (or by more than 14 million if combined with the expiration of the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) enhanced premium tax credits).  It is unclear how many of the newly uninsured are projected to be children. However, loss of Medicaid coverage among parents (from increased renewals or work requirements) could impact children’s coverage as research has shown that increasing coverage for parents increases children’s coverage.
  • Federal spending cuts: H.R. 1 is expected to reduce federal Medicaid spending by $911 billion over the next decade, though the impact of the reductions will vary across states. In response to some financing changes, states may reduce provider rates which could have implications for access to care for enrollees including children. The new law also reduces federal Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) spending by $187 billion, which could result in an estimated 1 million children with reduced or eliminated food assistance. While the reconciliation law did make modest increases to some child care tax benefits, including the Child Tax Credit, the CBO expects the reconciliation provisions, taken together, will redistribute wealth from the lowest income families to the highest incomes, largely due to Medicaid and SNAP cuts.

CMS Administrative Actions:  Among other waiver changes, CMS has restricted Medicaid waivers for multi-year continuous eligibility for Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) children, a policy currently adopted by 12 states to eliminate gaps in coverage for children during early childhood. In addition, through both the reconciliation law and executive action, the Trump administration has limited immigrant eligibility for federal public benefits, which could reduce access to health care for immigrant children and their families.

Broader Trump Administration Changes: The Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) commission, led by HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy (RFK) Jr., has sought to shed light on recent trends and identify recommendations to improve children’s health. The latest MAHA strategy report includes proposals to address children’s “poor diet”, “chemical exposure”, “lack of physical activity and chronic stress”, and “overmedicalization”, though implementation details remain unclear. Secretary Kennedy has also led recent efforts to re-examine the federal childhood vaccine schedule, replace the committee that creates childhood vaccine recommendations, and restrict access to COVID-19 vaccines and mRNA vaccine research. 

The Trump Administration has also laid off staff across governmental agencies, including at the Department of Human Services (HHS) and the Department of Education (DOE), and reduced support for state and local health departments. At DOE in particular, over half of the staff has been cut, including the office responsible for special education. Grant funding for schools has also been delayed, including funds to support and expand school-based mental health services.

Lastly, tariffs implemented by the Trump Administration are expected to drive up costs for families (including health care costs).

1. Health Insurance Coverage

The uninsured rate for children has declined over time but has increased in the past two years. The uninsured rate for children has declined from 10.4% in 2008 to 6.0% in 2024 (Figure 2), largely due to policies at the state and federal level that expanded and streamlined Medicaid coverage, including the ACA Medicaid expansion. The children’s uninsured rate fell to an all-time low in 2016 (4.7%) before ticking up during the first Trump administration, when generally favorable economic conditions as well as Trump administration policy changes led to declines in Medicaid enrollment. The children’s uninsured rate declined again following the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, but did increase slightly from 5.1% in 2022 to 5.3% in 2023 (a statistically significant increase of 0.2%), driven by a decline in Medicaid coverage as children lost coverage due to the unwinding of the Medicaid continuous enrollment provision, a pandemic-era policy. These trends continued in 2024, and recent federal changes could further reduce children’s Medicaid coverage and increase the number of children who are uninsured in the coming years.

The Uninsured Rate for Children Has Declined Over Time but Has Increased in the Past Two Years (Line chart)

2. Variation in Coverage Across States

The share of children covered by Medicaid varies substantially by state. Overall, Medicaid covers nearly 4 in 10 children in the U.S., but the share of children covered by Medicaid in each state varies, ranging from under 20% in Utah to over 60% in New Mexico (Figure 3). Seven states (Alabama, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Mississippi, Louisiana, and New Mexico) have over 45% of children enrolled in Medicaid. Medicaid also finances about 4 in 10 births nationally and over half of births in four states (Louisiana, Mississippi, New Mexico, Oklahoma). The program plays a particularly large role in rural areas, paying for nearly half of all births in rural communities and helping to shore up financing for hospitals in rural areas suffering from provider shortages. Research also shows that Medicaid enrollment in childhood can lead to better health outcomes throughout life, increase earnings in adulthood, and potentially reduce future federal spending. A number of states have expanded access to Medicaid and CHIP coverage for children since the pandemic began, but recent federal efforts could reverse this trend. The magnitude of Medicaid budget cuts stemming from the reconciliation law and the extent to which children may be impacted will vary across states, depending on state characteristics as well as how states implement and respond to various provisions.

The Share of Children Covered by Medicaid Varies Substantially by State (Choropleth map)

3. Access to Care

Uninsured children are more likely to forgo needed care than children with health insurance coverage. Research has shown that health coverage provides children with access to needed care, and survey data show uninsured children are more likely than those with private insurance or Medicaid to report going without needed care due to cost and that they had not seen a doctor in the past year (Figure 4). Medicaid’s benefit package for children, Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnostic and Treatment (EPSDT), helps meet children’s health care needs and protects them from high out-of-pocket costs. Under EPSDT, states are required to cover primary care and screening services for children well as any services “necessary… to correct or ameliorate” a child’s physical or mental health condition. This is especially important for children with special health care needs as Medicaid provides more comprehensive coverage for children than the typical private insurance plan and increases access to needed services that improve the quality of daily life, including long-term care and home care.

Some children with Medicaid still face barriers to accessing care. Administrative data have shown that only half of Medicaid enrolled children receive a well-child visit or any kind of dental service within the year. These low rates indicate Medicaid children face barriers to accessing care, including a lack of available providers in their community. Children can also experience challenges accessing behavioral health care, with 57% of children reporting difficulties obtaining mental health care in 2023. Provider rate cuts in response to recent federal changes could reduce access to care, likely contributing to even lower rates of utilization among children and exacerbating access issues for services such as behavioral health care. Other broader Trump administration changes could also have implications for access, including recent changes to vaccine recommendations as well as MAHA commission proposals to enhance prior authorization requirements to prevent “the overuse of medications in school-age children—particularly for conditions such as ADHD”.

Uninsured Children Are More Likely To Forgo Needed Care Than Children With Health Insurance Coverage (Split Bars)

4. Access to Care in Schools

Medicaid coverage can facilitate access to care for children, including children with special education plans, in school. There are an estimated 7 million children, or 10% of all children in the U.S., who currently have special education plans. This includes children receiving special education services under a special education or early intervention plan (often an Individualized Education Plan (IEP) or Individualized Family Service Plan). Medicaid covers half of all children with special education plans, though the share varies by state ranging from 26% in New Jersey to 73% in Kentucky (Figure 5). Medicaid provides significant financing for the delivery of services in schools including reimbursement for medically necessary services that are part of a student’s special education plan, for eligible health services for students with Medicaid coverage more broadly, and for some administrative activities. Recent federal cuts are expected to squeeze school district budgets, potentially affecting school services and reducing access, including for students with special education plans.

As youth mental health concerns have grown, both the federal government and states have taken action to expand access to school-based mental health care. Schools receive support for providing mental health services in several ways, including support at the federal level through DOE and HHS, as well as through Medicaid, and nearly one in five students attending public schools in the U.S. utilize school-based mental health services. School-based mental health services can improve access to care and reduce access barriers for underserved populations, including children from low-income households and children of color. Recent cuts, including reductions in coverages as well as cuts to DOE and HHS staff, could dampen recent efforts to increase access to mental health care in schools.

Medicaid Coverage Can Facilitate Access to Care for Children, Including Children With Special Education Plans, in School (Choropleth map)

5. Family Financial Security

Children with Medicaid experience higher rates of food insecurity than children overall. Survey data show that 19% of all children in the U.S. and 30% of children covered by Medicaid live in households that experience food insecurity, meaning they are unable to access adequate food due to lack of money or other resources (Figure 6). U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) data also show that food insecurity among children has increased in recent years. Food insecurity is associated with multiple chronic conditionspoorer self-reported health statushigher health care utilization, and lower rates of medication adherence. Overall, 19% of children, and 41% of children with Medicaid, receive SNAP benefits. Several studies indicate that individuals who receive SNAP benefits have better health and lower rates of food insecurity than similar people who are eligible but not receiving these benefits. While the MAHA commission highlights the importance of nutrition in recent recommendations, federal SNAP cuts in the reconciliation law could worsen access to food for children.

Medicaid covers 8 in 10 children living in poverty or over 9 million of the almost 12 million children who lived in poverty in 2023 (measured using the official poverty measure; the poverty threshold for a family with two adults and one child was $24,526 in 2023). New data show that from 2023 to 2024 the official poverty rate for children declined slightly and the supplemental poverty rate, which accounts for a wider set of resources, held steady; however, the supplemental poverty rate for children remains more than double what it was in 2021 due to the expiration of pandemic-era federal support. Inflation has cooled since 2022, but household costs remain high, contributing to additional financial hardship and increased food insecurity for families. Federal cuts in the reconciliation law and other recent federal changes could worsen affordability challenges and could lead to further increases in poverty and, ultimately, poorer health outcomes.

Children With Medicaid Experience Higher Rates of Food Insecurity Than Children Overall (Grouped column chart)

Examining Short-Term Limited-Duration Health Plans on the Eve of ACA Marketplace Open Enrollment

Authors: Michelle Long, Emma Lee, and Sammy Cervantes
Published: Oct 15, 2025

Editorial Note: This issue brief provides an update and additions to KFF’s similar 2018 analysis on short-term limited-duration health insurance, using a revised methodology.

Issue Brief

Short-term, limited-duration (STLD) health plans have long been sold to individuals through the “non-group” (individually-purchased) private insurance market and through industry associations. STLDs were designed for individuals who experience a temporary gap in health coverage, such as someone who is between jobs. Short-term plans are often marketed as less expensive alternatives to health insurance sold on the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace. However, STLDs provide less comprehensive coverage and have fewer consumer protections than Marketplace plans. As Open Enrollment for Marketplace plans nears, recent actions taken by Congress and the Trump administration, and the potential expiration of enhanced premium tax credits, are likely to result in millions of people losing coverage or having to pay substantially higher premiums for Marketplace coverage. At the same time, the Trump administration recently announced that it would not prioritize enforcement actions for violations of Biden-era consumer protections for short-term plans, and that it intends to undertake rulemaking, which could roll back those regulations. Taken together, these changes could lead more consumers to purchase less expensive and less comprehensive coverage, such as short-term plans, instead of a more comprehensive ACA plan this Open Enrollment season.

KFF has analyzed short-term health policies sold on the websites of nine large insurers in a major city in each of the 36 states where short-term plans are available. These insurers offer 30 distinct products, with a total of approximately 200 distinct plans. For more details, see the Methods section. This brief provides an update to and expansion of a similar 2018 KFF quantitative analysis, examining premiums, cost sharing, covered benefits, and coverage limitations of these short-term policies, and comparing their features to plans sold on the ACA Marketplace.

Key Takeaways

  • Short-term plans are sold in 36 states. Five states prohibit the sale of short-term health plans, and in nine states plus the District of Columbia, short-term plans are not outright prohibited, but none are available due to more extensive state regulations.
  • Premiums for the lowest-cost short-term plans can cost two-thirds or less than the lowest-cost unsubsidized Bronze plans sold on the ACA Marketplace in the same area. However, the vast majority of Marketplace enrollees receive premium tax credits, which can effectively result in similarly priced or even cheaper Marketplace plans, all of which provide more comprehensive coverage than the highest cost short-term plan.
  • Short-term plans tend to have lower premiums because they are medically underwritten and have pre-existing condition exclusions. For example, an individual with cancer, obesity, or who is pregnant is likely to be declined. Additionally, the lowest-cost short-term plan premium for a 40-year-old woman ranges from 6% to 19% higher than the lowest-cost premium for a man. These practices are not permitted in ACA-compliant plans.
  • Short-term plan deductibles for an individual in select U.S. cities range from $500 to $25,000 compared to $0 to $9,200 for Bronze Marketplace plans. Silver and Gold plans have lower deductibles, but also higher premiums. Unlike all ACA-compliant plans, most short-term plans do not have out-of-pocket (OOP) maximums or only apply these maximums to certain OOP expenses. The maximum benefit limits for short-term plans sold in these ten cities are as low as $100,000 per policy term. ACA-compliant plans are not allowed to have annual or lifetime dollar limits.
  • Among all the short-term products we reviewed, 40% do not cover mental health services, 40% do not cover substance abuse treatment, 48% do not cover outpatient prescription drugs, and almost all exclude coverage for adult immunizations (94%) and maternity care (98%). All ACA-compliant plans must cover these services.
  • Even when short-term plans do cover these and other benefits, limitations and exclusions almost always apply that would not be permitted under ACA-compliant plans, such as separate benefit limits, limits on the number of primary care visits the plan will cover, and limits on the number of days the plan will cover inpatient hospital care.

Background

Consumer Protections

As the name suggests, short-term health plans are not required to be renewable. Whereas federal law, since 1996, has required all other individual health insurance to be guaranteed renewable at the policyholder’s option, coverage under a short-term policy terminates at the end of the contract term. Continuing coverage beyond that term requires applying for a new policy. An individual who buys a short-term policy and then becomes seriously ill will not be able to renew coverage when the policy ends.

The ACA prohibits health insurance plans sold on the non-group market from practices such as medical underwriting, pre-existing condition exclusions, and lifetime and annual limits. ACA-compliant plans are required to provide minimum coverage standards and limit out-of-pocket cost sharing ($9,200 for an individual in 2025). Since short-term plans are not regulated as individual market insurance under federal law, these market rules do not apply to short-term plans, which, by contrast, can:

  • base premiums, without limit, on health status, gender, and age;
  • require application fees or enrollment in a special association to be eligible for coverage;
  • deny coverage for people with pre-existing conditions, or exclude coverage for those conditions;
  • exclude coverage for essential health benefits, including maternity care, prescription drugs, mental health care, and preventive care, and limit coverage in other ways;
  • impose lifetime and annual dollar limits on covered services;
  • not have an out-of-pocket maximum on patient cost sharing; and
  • exclude other ACA consumer protections, such as rate review or minimum medical loss ratios.

Short-term policies are not considered “minimum essential coverage,” the term used to describe health coverage that meets the ACA requirement that individuals have health coverage, and which determines eligibility for Special Enrollment Periods. Therefore, loss of short-term coverage does not qualify an individual for a Special Enrollment Period in the ACA Marketplace, so they would have to wait until the next Open Enrollment period to enroll in an ACA Marketplace plan.

There is no current or comprehensive data on the number of consumers enrolled in an STLD. Most available estimates are a substantial undercount because they do not account for STLDs sold through associations, which is likely the majority. The most comprehensive estimate may come from a 2020 Congressional investigation, which estimated that approximately 3 million people were enrolled in a short-term plan at some point during 2019.

Federal Laws and Regulations

Today, short-term plans are typically available for one to six months, with some issuers offering coverage for up to 12 months and one offering “three-packs” of short-term policies, enabling consumers to buy up to three years of short-term coverage at a time. The duration and renewability of STLD plans have been the subject of changing federal regulations, as shown in Table 1.

Permissible Durations of Short-term Plans Under Changing Regulations, 2016-2024 (Table)

To address reports of misleading marketing and deceptive sales tactics, current federal regulations also require short-term plans to conspicuously notify consumers that short-term plans are “NOT comprehensive coverage” and to include standardized language describing STLD plans’ coverage limitations in comparison to insurance sold on HealthCare.gov.

The Trump administration’s 2018 regulation expanding the permitted duration of short-term plans was challenged in district court, with a 2019 ruling in favor of the government. The Biden administration once again imposed limits on the use of short-term plans. In August 2025, the Trump administration announced that it would no longer prioritize enforcement of Biden-era regulations on short-term plans and that it intends to undertake corresponding rulemaking. Amendments to these provisions could, again, prompt lawsuits. Meanwhile, a lawsuit challenging the 2024 regulations is working its way through the courts.

State Laws and Regulations

Short-term health plans are available in 36 states (Figure 1). Five states (CA, IL, MA, NJ, and NY) have laws prohibiting the sale of short-term health plans. In nine states plus the District of Columbia, short-term plans are not prohibited, but none are available due to more extensive state regulations that require these plans to provide more consumer protections than they do in other states (e.g., no pre-existing condition exclusions, coverage of certain benefits, shorter durations).

Availability of Short-Term Plans by State, 2025 (Choropleth map)

How Short-Term Plans Compare to Bronze-Level ACA Marketplace Plans

Premiums

Due to coverage limitations and fewer consumer protections, short-term policies, unsurprisingly, typically have lower premiums than unsubsidized Bronze plans, a trend that is similar to our 2018 analysis. (Note, however, that the methodology used for this analysis differs from that used in 2018, and some of the states we reported data for in 2018 no longer have short-term plans for sale.) Our cost analysis of approximately 200 short-term plans sold by nine major insurers in the 36 states where short-term plans are available found that many of the cheapest short-term plans for a 40-year-old non-smoker were priced at two-thirds or less of the premium for the lowest-cost ACA-compliant, unsubsidized Bronze plan in the same area (Table 2). However, premiums for the highest-price short-term plans, which typically have lower cost sharing, are higher than the highest-cost Bronze plan in four of the ten cities shown in the table for males and five of the cities for females. All Bronze plans provide more comprehensive coverage than even the highest-cost short-term plans.

The vast majority (93%) of ACA Marketplace enrollees receive a premium tax credit tied to their income, reducing both the price they pay for a Marketplace plan and the price difference between the lowest cost short-term plan and the lowest cost Bronze plan. In some cases, the lowest-cost subsidized Bronze plan is cheaper than the lowest-cost short-term plan sold in the area. For example, the cheapest Bronze plan for a 40-year-old individual living in Houston, TX, who earns $45,140 per year (the median individual income in the U.S. in 2024) and receives a premium tax credit, would be 5% less for a male and 23% less for a female than the cost for the lowest-cost short-term plan. Additionally, in nine of the ten cities in Table 2, the highest-cost subsidized Bronze plan for an individual earning $45,140 per year is lower than the highest-cost short-term plan, sometimes by hundreds of dollars. Premiums for Silver plans, with the tax credit, would be higher, but also come with lower deductibles.

ACA-compliant plans are not permitted to charge women higher premiums than men. There are no equivalent federal requirements for short-term plans, and as such, short-term plans can and do charge women more than men. Among the ten major cities shown, the lowest-cost short-term plan premium for a 40-year-old woman ranges 6% to 19% higher than the lowest-cost premium for a man. ACA-compliant plans may charge higher premiums for older consumers than younger consumers, but only within specified limits. These limits do not apply to short-term plans. For example, in Phoenix, AZ, the lowest-cost Bronze plan for a 60-year-old individual is 112% higher than for a 40-year-old, whereas the lowest-cost short-term plan costs 311% more for a 60-year-old male and 228% more for a 60-year-old female.

Premium Ranges for ACA Marketplace Bronze Plan Premiums Compared to Short-term Health Plans in Select Cities, 2025 (Table)

In addition to monthly premiums, most short-term products require one-time application fees, which typically range in price from $20 to $35. Additionally, all the national insurers require enrollment in a special association to be eligible for coverage in most states (e.g., one association serves as a source of information on consumer issues and offers its members products and services in a variety of areas); three of these insurers require enrollees to pay an extra monthly fee for the association membership, ranging from $15 to $25 per month. Taken together, these fees can turn a three-month short-term policy with a $70 monthly premium into a policy that actually costs over $100/month. Plans sold on the ACA Marketplace do not charge application fees or require association memberships.

Cost Sharing

In addition to premiums, cost sharing is another consideration when comparing the affordability of short-term plans to ACA-compliant plans. An insurer may offer several plans with variable cost-sharing structures within each product type. Cost sharing does not typically vary by the enrollee’s age or sex. A deductible is the amount an enrollee has to pay out-of-pocket in the plan year (or policy term) before insurance will begin paying for most covered services. In general, health insurance plans that have lower premiums tend to have higher deductibles and vice versa.

Among the ten major cities analyzed for this part of the analysis, deductibles for Bronze Marketplace plans range from $0 (an HMO in Milwaukee, WI) to $9,200 (most cities); in 2025, no ACA-compliant plans can have a deductible exceeding this amount (Table 3). In comparison, deductibles for short-term plans in these cities range from $500 (Houston, TX) to $25,000 (all cities), nearly three times higher than the highest deductible for a Bronze plan. Some consumers enrolled in a short-term plan with a shorter duration (such as three or four months) and a higher deductible may never meet the deductible during the policy term and may end up paying for care entirely out-of-pocket.

In the individual market, plans must have an out-of-pocket (OOP) maximum on enrollee cost sharing (including deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments) for covered services provided by an in-network provider. For the 2025 plan year, the OOP max cannot be higher than $9,200 for single coverage. If an enrollee meets the OOP maximum, the plan must pay for covered services in full (meaning no enrollee cost sharing) for the remainder of the plan year. Short-term plans, on the other hand, are not required to have an OOP maximum under federal law, and many do not, meaning there is no limit to the amount an enrollee must pay out of pocket for covered services during the policy term. When a short-term plan does have an OOP maximum, sometimes the deductible and coinsurance count toward the OOP max (not copayments, cost sharing for services with a benefit limit that has been exceeded, or facility fees). In the major cities shown, OOP maximums for a Bronze Marketplace plan range from $7,100 (Portland, OR) to $9,200 (all cities). While the lowest OOP max for a short-term plan in these cities is $2,000 (most cities), short-term plans that have no OOP maximum are available in all but one city (Portland, OR). Among short-term plans that do have an OOP maximum, OOP maximums are as high as $32,500 in most cities, approximately three and a half times higher than the highest OOP maximum for a Bronze plan.

All short-term plans have a total dollar limit that they will pay for covered care during the term of the plan, or sometimes over the enrollee’s lifetime. The maximum benefit limits among the ten are as low as $100,000 per policy term. This means that if the plan spends $100,000 on covered services for an enrollee, the plan will not pay for any more covered services the enrollee receives during the policy term. This amount is lower than in 2018, when the lowest coverage limit was $250,000. ACA-compliant plans are prohibited from imposing dollar limits on how much they will pay for covered services during the plan year (unless those services are not part of the ACA’s essential health benefits).

Cost-Sharing Ranges for ACA Marketplace Bronze Plans Compared to Short-term Health Plans in Select Cities, 2025 (Table)

Covered Benefits

All plans sold on the ACA-Marketplace must cover these 10 essential health benefits: hospitalization, ambulatory services, emergency services, maternity and newborn care, mental health and substance abuse treatment, prescription drugs, laboratory services, pediatric services, rehabilitative and habilitative services and devices, and preventive care (many of these preventive services must also be covered without cost sharing). In contrast, there are no federal requirements for short-term plans to cover the essential health benefits, though many short-term plans provide at least some level of coverage for some of these benefits, and some states have their own coverage requirements for certain services.

This part of the analysis examines specific benefits covered by 30 distinct short-term products from nine major insurers in the 36 states where short-term plans are available. This information is based on shopping tools and plan documents available on the insurers’ websites, including state variations when provided. Table 4 shows the percentage of short-term products by major city that cover at least some services in five benefit categories: mental health services, substance use services, prescription drugs, adult immunizations, and maternity services. Note that short-term plans that cover these benefit categories often apply limits and exclusions on these services, which are not reflected in this table, but are discussed in more detail below.

Of the short-term products reviewed, just 60% cover mental health services, 60% cover services for substance abuse treatment, 52% cover prescription drugs, 6% cover adult immunizations, and just 2% cover maternity care. In two states (AK and MD), mental health services are not covered by any short-term product, and in six other states, fewer than half cover them. There are no short-term products in Maryland that cover substance use treatment, and in six other states, fewer than half cover treatment. Two states (MD and SD) do not have any short-term products that cover prescription drugs, and in three other states, fewer than half cover them. Ten states have no short-term products that cover adult immunizations. Only two states (MT and NH) have products that cover maternity services. See the Methods section for how we defined a product as covering these benefits.

Percentage of Short-Term Health Insurance Products Covering Select Benefits, by Major City, 2025 (Table)

Benefit Limitations

Even when short-term plans do cover these benefits, limitations and exclusions almost always apply that would not be permitted under ACA plans. For example, thirteen of the fourteen products that cover prescription drugs apply a maximum dollar limit on the benefit, all ranging from $1,000 to $5,000 per policy term, except for one product with a $10,000 pharmacy benefit limit. Some short-term plans that cover prescription drugs also limit the types of drugs they will cover. For example, they may not cover contraceptives or may only cover them if the primary purpose they are being prescribed for is not to prevent pregnancy. Additionally, many products that cover prescription drugs do not cover specialty drugs, and some only cover “maintenance” medications for certain chronic conditions. Short-term products that cover mental health and substance abuse treatment impose significant limits on the benefits. Examples of coverage limitations for these benefit categories include a $50 maximum benefit for outpatient visits, a 31-day maximum for inpatient care, and a benefit limit of $3,000 per policy term. Additionally, short-term products that cover treatment for substance use disorders usually do not cover illnesses or injuries resulting from being under the influence of alcohol, illegal substances, or controlled substances unless they were prescribed to that individual.

Short-term products have several other limitations on covered benefits. For example, while nearly all advertise coverage for preventive care, most services require cost sharing or dollar limits that would not be permitted in ACA-compliant plans. Other common examples of per policy term limitations and additional costs include coverage of only one office, coverage of no more than three emergency room visits, an additional $750 deductible for inpatient care, and a $15,000 benefit limit for all covered outpatient care.

All of the short-term products reviewed exclude coverage for pre-existing health conditions, and most have waiting periods for at least some services, rendering coverage of certain covered benefits less meaningful than they may seem at first glance. For example, nearly eight in ten products advertise coverage for cancer treatment, but anyone who has been diagnosed with cancer before enrolling would be denied coverage when they apply. Even if there had been no cancer diagnosis before enrolling in the plan, if the enrollee is first diagnosed with cancer while enrolled in the short-term plan, the plan could deny coverage for treatment if the symptoms should have caused an “ordinarily prudent person” to seek medical care, or the plan could terminate coverage altogether. Additionally, for many cancers, a course of treatment would take much longer than short-term coverage would last. By contrast, ACA-compliant health plans are prohibited from having pre-existing condition exclusions or dropping coverage if the enrollee gets sick. Other common health conditions that are typically considered “declinable” by short-term plans include having a history of ulcers or Crohn’s disease, diabetes, depression, heart disease, and obesity; recent pregnancy is also considered a pre-existing health condition by short-term plans.

Looking Forward

With the ACA enhanced premium tax credits slated to expire at the end of this year and new federal policies on the horizon that are expected to result in millions of people losing coverage, more individuals may consider purchasing less expensive and less comprehensive coverage, such as short-term health plans. Without federal enforcement of Biden-era consumer protections, short-term health plans already are available for longer durations, and while all short-term products we reviewed do include the consumer warning currently required, insurers could opt to exclude or modify it in future plan years. Consumers, who, as mentioned above, have been the target of aggressive and, at times, misleading marketing of short-term plans, could end up enrolled in plans that cover less than they thought and leave them on the hook for higher out-of-pocket costs than are permitted under Marketplace plans. Relatedly, the Trump administration has already taken action to expand access to catastrophic plans sold on the Marketplace, beginning with the coming Open Enrollment period. Although these plans must meet all the requirements of metal-level Marketplace plans (described above), they have much higher cost sharing.

Additionally, to the extent that healthy individuals opt for short-term plans instead of ACA-compliant plans, this adverse selection could contribute to instability in the non-group market and raise the cost of comprehensive coverage, particularly for those who are not eligible for premium tax credits. Furthermore, short-term plans are just one loosely regulated alternative to ACA plans. Other types of coverage that consumers could be steered to by marketers and insurers include fixed indemnity plans, cancer-only plans, hospital-only plans, and other types of supplemental coverage.

If the Trump administration issues regulations rolling back the 2024 regulations limiting the duration of short-term plans and requiring a standardized consumer warning on these products, which it aims to do by the end of 2026, additional lawsuits are likely. Unlike previous litigation, however, legal challenges to new regulations would not face the same standard of judicial review that upheld the 2018 Trump regulations.

Considering the significant attention focused on issues like high drug prices, the opioid epidemic, and mental health, it is notable that short-term plans often exclude or severely limit coverage for mental health, substance use, and prescription drugs. Because short-term plans provide less comprehensive coverage and fewer consumer protections than ACA-compliant plans, people who buy short-term policies in order to reduce their monthly premiums risk that if they do need medical care, they could be left with significant medical bills.

KFF acknowledges Karen Pollitz for her contributions to this analysis, including insights into the data and feedback on the draft.

Methods

In the summer and fall of 2025, we analyzed publicly-available information published on the websites of nine insurers: Allstate, United, Pivot, Everest, Select Health, Moda Health, BCBS of ID, BCBS of SC, and Medical Mutual. We believe these insurers are the primary sellers of short-term plans in the U.S, representing a wide breadth of short-term plans and products in the 36 states where short-term plans are sold. The number of insurers in each state ranges from one in Alaska, Maryland, New Hampshire, and North Dakota, to five in Ohio, South Carolina, and Texas. We used the online shopping tool for each insurer to identify the plans available in one major city of each of the 36 states and reviewed both the information in the search results and accompanying plan documents. One issuer sells a short-term product in some states that is guaranteed issue. For an equivalent comparison across all other insurers and products, this analysis does not include that product.

Each short-term product has a unique name and set of benefits and often offers multiple plans with different cost-sharing structures. The insurers in this analysis offer 30 distinct products (representing a total of approximately 200 unique plans), ranging from one product in Maryland to 23 in Ohio. The same product is often sold in multiple states, occasionally with variations in benefits by state. While we made every effort to account for state-level variations in this analysis, we only present information made available in insurers’ published plan documents and online shopping tools, which may be incomplete or may not reflect every specific state requirement, as some insurers may not make full coverage details available until after the plan has been purchased.

Premiums presented are for a 40-year-old non-smoker. Since premiums vary by gender for short-term plans, they are presented for males and females. Since ACA-compliant plans cannot base premiums on gender, only one set of premiums is presented.

For the analysis of covered benefits, products that only cover treatment for “organic” mental health conditions are not considered to cover mental health for this analysis. Products that only cover treatment for alcohol disorders are not considered to cover substance use. Products that only cover prescription drugs when administered in an inpatient setting, or that only provide a prescription drug discount card, are not considered to cover prescription drugs. A few products do not specify whether adult immunizations are covered. In these instances, we do not consider them to be covered. All products cover complications of pregnancy. Only products that also cover pregnancy care and childbirth are considered to cover maternity care.

Poll Finding

KFF/The Washington Post Survey of Parents: Polling Insights on the MAHA Movement

Published: Oct 15, 2025

Findings

At the start of his second term, President Donald Trump established the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) Commission, chaired by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., to examine the rise in chronic childhood conditions and develop federal strategies to address them. Recent MAHA Commission reports have covered issues including diet and exercise, the dangers of social media and excessive screen time, the impact of highly-processed foods, and use of prescription medications and vaccines. Findings from the KFF/Washington Post Survey of Parents shed light on the issues that parents see as top concerns for their children’s wellbeing and the attitudes and behaviors of parents who identify with the MAHA movement.

Key Takeaways

  • About four in ten (38%) parents identify as supporters of the MAHA movement, a coalition that includes between three in ten and four in ten parents across gender, age, race, and ethnicity. Alignment with the movement among parents is highly correlated with political identification, as about six in ten Republican parents (62%), rising to eight in ten MAGA Republican parents (81%), identify with the President’s health movement, compared to about one in six (17%) Democratic parents. One third of independent parents (34%) identify with the movement.
  • Many MAHA-supporting parents echo vaccine skepticism that has been amplified by HHS Secretary Kennedy. Nearly six in ten (56%) MAHA parents say they trust Kennedy to provide reliable information about vaccines, more than twice the share of non-MAHA-supporting parents who say the same (23%). While few MAHA parents say they are “anti-vaccine” (9%), a majority say they are “in the middle” when it comes to vaccines (55%), and their attitudes reflect this mix of views and behaviors. Most MAHA parents say they have kept their children up to date with recommended vaccines (75%), but at least four in ten say the CDC recommends too many vaccines for children (42%) and they are not confident in U.S. health agencies to ensure vaccine safety and effectiveness (58%).
  • There is broad agreement across parents on some of the biggest issues facing children’s health in the U.S. today, with large shares of both MAHA-supporting parents and non-MAHA parents saying the use of social media (78% and 74% respectively) and mental health challenges (68% and 69%) are either the biggest or a major threat to children’s health. Majorities of both groups also cite highly processed foods (78% and 62%) and obesity (69% and 61%) as major threats to children’s health, though the shares are somewhat larger for MAHA parents compared to non-MAHA parents. Attitudes diverge on some other issues, with larger shares of MAHA parents than non-MAHA parents citing over-prescribing of medications (61% vs. 43%), neurodevelopmental disorders (48% vs. 38%), and fluoride in water supplies (33% vs. 25%) as at least major threats to children’s health. Parents who do not support the MAHA movement are more likely than MAHA parents to cite gun violence (68% among non-MAHA parents vs. 50% among MAHA parents), pollution (56% vs. 48%), difficulty affording enough food (50% vs. 41%), and infectious diseases (45% vs. 36%) as the biggest or major threats to children’s health in the U.S. today.
  • The MAHA Commission’s policy goals related to regulating food in the U.S. have broad support, though parents are split on the question of whether to deregulate the sale of raw milk. At least eight in ten parents support increasing government regulations on dyes and chemical additives in food (85%), on highly processed food (82%), and on added sugars in food (80%). While MAHA-supporting parents are more likely than non-MAHA parents to support each of these regulation proposals, at least three in four, regardless of MAHA support, support these policy goals. About half (47%) of parents support deregulating the sale of unpasteurized milk, including much larger shares of MAHA (63%) than non-MAHA (36%) supporting parents.

Who Are MAHA Parents?

About four in ten (38%) parents say they are supporters of the MAHA movement, with support strongly tied to political identification. About six in ten (62%) Republican parents identify with the movement, rising to eight in ten (81%) among Republicans who support the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement. About one-third (34%) of independent parents and one in six (17%) Democratic parents support the MAHA movement.

Larger shares of parents without a college degree (41%) than with a college degree (33%) support the MAHA movement, a difference that persists even when controlling for partisanship, MAGA identity, and other demographics.

About four in ten White parents (43%) say they support the MAHA movement compared to about three in ten Hispanic parents (32%) and Black parents (30%). While much media attention has been paid to so-called MAHA moms, a group of social media influencers who amplify the MAHA movement’s stance on food additives, this poll finds similar shares of mothers and fathers say they support MAHA, as do similar shares of parents across age groups.

About Four in Ten Parents Support the MAHA Movement, Including Eight in Ten MAGA Republican Parents (Bar Chart)

Trusted Information Sources for MAHA Parents

There are wide divisions when it comes to trust in some sources of vaccine information for MAHA and non-MAHA parents. Pediatricians continue to be the most trusted source of information about vaccines for parents, with about eight in ten (81%) MAHA-supporting parents and about nine in ten (88%) non-MAHA parents saying they trust their child’s pediatrician “a great deal” or “a fair amount.”

Aside from pediatricians, majorities of MAHA parents say they trust their friends and family (58%), HHS Secretary Kennedy (56%), and their local public health departments (56%) for vaccine information, making these the top sources of vaccine information for these parents after pediatricians. About half of MAHA parents report trusting the CDC (51%) or FDA (47%) for information on vaccines. One-third or fewer MAHA parents say they trust their child’s school or daycare (37%), pharmaceutical companies (22%), or health and wellness influencers (14%) “a great deal” or “a fair amount” when it comes to reliable information about vaccines.

MAHA Supporting Parents Are More Than Twice as Likely as Non-MAHA Parents to Trust Kennedy on Vaccines (Split Bars)

Vaccine Views Among MAHA-Supporting Parents

In a section titled “The Overmedicalization of Our Kids,” the White House’s MAHA report released earlier this year states that while vaccines protect children from infectious diseases, there has not been enough research into the risks of vaccines. Vaccine skepticism is a core component of the MAHA platform.

As with parents overall, MAHA and non-MAHA parents overwhelmingly value long-standing childhood vaccines but are more divided when it comes to the COVID-19 and flu vaccines for children. About nine in ten MAHA and non-MAHA parents see the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) (86% and 93% respectively) and polio (85% and 91%) vaccines as important for children in their communities, including majorities who say each of these are “very important.”

MAHA parents, however, are much less likely to say the COVID-19 or flu vaccines are important for children in their communities. Parents who do not support the MAHA movement are nearly twice as likely as MAHA parents to say it is “very” or “somewhat” important for children in their community to be vaccinated for COVID-19 (52% vs. 28%) and 20 percentage points more likely to say it is important for children to be vaccinated for the flu (64% vs. 44%).

Split bar chart showing percent who say it is very or somewhat important for children in their community to be vaccinated against specific diseases. Results shown by total parents and MAHA support.

While most MAHA and non-MAHA parents report confidence in the safety of MMR and polio vaccines, MAHA parents are less likely to be “very” confident. These parents are even less confident in the safety of flu and COVID-19 vaccines for children. About three in four MAHA parents (78%) and nearly nine in ten non-MAHA-supporting parents (88%) are confident in the safety of MMR vaccines, though MAHA parents are less likely than non-MAHA parents to be “very confident” (44% vs. 60%). Similarly, about eight in ten (79%) MAHA parents and nine in ten (88%) non-MAHA parents are confident in the safety of polio vaccines, with fewer MAHA parents being “very confident” (43% vs. 60%).

When it comes to the safety of COVID-19 vaccines for children, just one in four MAHA-supporting parents are “very” (9%) or “somewhat” (16%) confident, compared to about half (54%) of non-MAHA parents. In fact, about half (53%) of MAHA parents say they are “not at all” confident in the safety of COVID-19 vaccines for children. MAHA parents are divided in their confidence in the flu vaccines for children, with about half (54%) saying they are confident. About seven in ten (72%) parents who do not support the MAHA movement are confident in the safety of the flu vaccines.

Most MAHA Parents Express Confidence in Childhood Vaccine Safety, but Fewer Than Half Are Very Confident (Stacked Bars)

Parents who support the MAHA movement are more likely than parents who do not support MAHA to hold vaccine skeptical views explored in this survey, though few (9%) would call themselves anti-vaccine. About six in ten (58%) MAHA parents say they are not confident in the CDC and FDA to ensure the safety and effectiveness of vaccines approved for use in the U.S., compared to about half (47%) of non-MAHA parents.

About half (51%) of MAHA-supporting parents say children are healthier when their vaccines are spaced out and they do not get multiple shots in one visit, while about half (47%) correctly say there is no strong evidence for this. Parents who are not supporters of the MAHA movement are more likely to correctly indicate that there is no evidence for spacing vaccines (63%), while one-third (35%) say children are healthier when vaccines are spaced out.

About four in ten MAHA-supporting parents (42%) say the CDC recommends “too many” childhood vaccines, more than twice the share of non-MAHA parents who say the same (17%).

As with parents overall, a majority of MAHA-supporting parents report keeping their children up to date on childhood vaccinations aside from COVID-19 and flu (75%). However, one in four MAHA-supporting parents (24%) report skipping or delaying at least one childhood vaccine for their kids, more than twice the share of non-MAHA-supporting parents who report the same (11%).

Vaccine Attitudes Differ Between MAHA and Non-MAHA Supporting Parents (Split Bars)

Make America Healthy Again and Vaccine Myths

HHS Secretary Kennedy has amplified claims about vaccines that have been rejected by scientists and public health officials, adding to the confusion surrounding their safety. While small shares of parents believe these claims are true, most MAHA parents do not reject them as false, and many express uncertainty.

Though the overall shares are small, MAHA parents are more likely than non-MAHA parents to say it is true that chronic diseases are likely rising because of an increase in the number of vaccines children get (21% vs. 8%), that MMR vaccines can cause autism in children (15% vs. 6%), that the measles vaccine causes the same illness it is supposed to prevent (11% vs. 6%), and that vitamin A is an effective treatment for measles (9% vs. 4%).

About half of MAHA parents say they “do not know enough to say” whether it is true that the measles vaccine causes the illness it is meant to prevent, or that chronic diseases are likely rising because of an increase in the number of vaccines children get, two claims alluded to in the MAHA Commission report. Fewer than four in ten MAHA parents correctly say either of these claims are false (38% and 31% respectively), while a majority of non-MAHA parents identify these as false (57% and 55%).

When it comes to the false claim that MMR vaccines can cause autism in children, nearly six in ten (59%) MAHA parents say they “do not know enough to say” whether it is true, and about one in four (26%) say it is false. Non-MAHA-supporting parents are about twice as likely to correctly indicate that this claim is false (53%). There has been extensive scientific research disproving the link between autism and vaccines.

Stacked bar chart showing percent who say specific false claims about vaccines and diseases are true, they don't know enough to say, or are false.

Views of Autism Research

While there has been extensive scientific research disproving the link between autism and vaccines, there is a lack of consensus on the exact causes for the rise in autism rates in the U.S. The White House MAHA Commission is tasked with studying the root causes of autism.

Many (44%) parents overall say there has been “too little” research into the causes of autism spectrum disorder generally. One in four parents say there has been “about the right amount” of research, and a similar share (28%) say they are not sure. Few (3%) parents say there has been too much research into the topic.

When asked more specifically about the amount of research done into whether there is a link between vaccines and autism spectrum disorder, one-third say there has been “too little” research into this, and similar shares say there has been “about the right amount” (29%) or they are not sure (30%). Few (7%) parents say there has been “too much” research into whether there is a link.

Stacked bar chart showing percent who say they has been too much, too little, or about the right amount, or are unsure, of scientific research into specific topics regarding autism spectrum disorder.

Parents who support the MAHA movement, and Republican parents (including MAGA Republican parents) are more likely than their counterparts to say there has been “too little” research into the causes of autism or whether there is a link between autism and vaccines. In fact, MAHA-supporting parents are twice as likely as non-MAHA parents to say there has been too little research into the connection between autism and vaccines (48% vs. 24%).

While about six in ten parents of children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder say there has been “too little” research into the causes of autism spectrum disorder generally (61%), fewer – about one-third (35%) – say there has been too little research into whether there is a link between vaccines and autism spectrum disorder. About six in ten parents who have skipped or delayed vaccines for their children say there has been too little research into the causes of ASD (60%) or whether there is a link between vaccines and ASD (57%).

Split bar chart showing percent who say there has been too little scientific research into specific topics related to autism spectrum disorder. Results shown by total parents, parents by vaccine choice, parents with and without a child with autism spectrum disorder, party identification, and MAGA support.

What Do Parents See As the Biggest Threats to Children’s Health in the U.S.?

Social media use, mental health challenges, and issues related to diet and exercise are top issues parents view as serious threats to children’s health in the U.S. At least six in ten parents overall say social media use (75%), highly processed foods (68%), mental health challenges such as chronic anxiety or depression (68%), obesity (64%), gun violence (61%), and lack of physical activity (60%) are either the “biggest” or a “major” threat to children’s health in the U.S. today. About half of parents say pollution, poor air quality, and environmental toxins (53%), over-prescribing medications (50%), and difficulty affording food (46%) are at least major threats to children’s health, while about four in ten cite neurodevelopmental disorders (42%) and infectious diseases (41%) as threats. Fewer (28%) see fluoride in local water supplies as the biggest or a major threat to children’s health.

Social Media Use, Mental Health Challenges, and Highly Processed Food Rank Among the Biggest Threats Parents See for Children (Stacked Bars)

Despite partisan and demographic differences in who identifies with the MAHA movement, there are some similarities in what parents see as the biggest threats to children’s health. Social media and mental health challenges rank high for both MAHA and non-MAHA-supporting parents when it comes to assessing threats to children’s health, with about three-fourths of MAHA-supporting parents (78%) and non-MAHA-supporting parents (74%) citing social media, and about seven in ten of each group citing mental health challenges.

For issues related to nutrition and exercise, majorities of parents in both groups identify these as threats to children’s health, but MAHA parents are more likely to emphasize their level of threat. MAHA parents are more likely than parents who do not support the movement to say highly processed foods (78% among MAHA parents vs. 62% among non-MAHA parents), obesity (69% vs. 61%), and lack of physical activity (66% vs. 57%) are threats to children’s health. MAHA parents are also more likely to cite over-prescribing medications (61% vs. 43%), neurodevelopmental disorders (48% vs. 38%), and fluoride in water supplies (33% vs. 25%) as the biggest or major threats to children’s health today.

Parents who do not support the MAHA movement, largely comprised of Democratic and independent parents, are more likely to cite gun violence (68% among non-MAHA parents vs. 50% among MAHA parents), pollution (56% vs. 48%), difficulty affording enough food (50% vs. 41%), and infectious diseases (45% vs. 36%) as the biggest or major threats to children’s health in the U.S. today.

Highly Processed Foods, Use of Social Media, are Among The Biggest Threats MAHA Parents See for Children Today; Non-MAHA Parents Also Cite Gun Violence (Range Plot)

Support for Regulating Food Additives

In the past year, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has called for stricter regulations on the U.S. food supply, requesting the removal of synthetic dyes and ultra-processed foods, citing their negative impact on children’s health. These policy proposals are popular, with at least eight in ten parents saying they “strongly” or “somewhat” support increasing government regulations on dyes and chemical additives in food (85%), on highly processed food (82%), and on added sugars in food (80%). About one in five or fewer parents oppose each of these proposals.

Parents are more divided when it comes to removing government restrictions on the sale of unpasteurized or raw milk, with half (47%) in support and another half (52%) opposed.

Most Parents Support Increasing Government Regulations on Food Additives, Highly Processed Foods, and Sugar (Stacked Bars)

About three quarters or more of Democratic parents, independent parents, Republican parents, MAHA-supporting, and non-MAHA-supporting parents support increasing government regulation on food additives, highly processed foods, and sugar. Partisans are divided on the question of raw milk de-regulation, as six in ten Republican (60%) and MAHA-supporting (63%) parents support removal of restrictions on raw milk, while majorities of non-MAHA supporters and Democrats are in opposition. For decades, the FDA has prohibited the interstate sale of raw milk, citing serious health risks posed by the consumption of unpasteurized milk. While Secretary Kennedy has previously accused the FDA of unfairly suppressing the consumption of raw milk, the MAHA Commission report released this year did not include references to raw milk or proposed changes to existing regulations.

Bipartisan Majorities of Parents Support Increasing Regulations on Food, Parents Are Split on De-Regulating Raw Milk Sales (Split Bars)

Methodology

This KFF/The Washington Post Survey of Parents was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF and The Washington Post. The survey was designed to reach a representative sample of parents or legal guardians of children under the age of 18 in the U.S. The survey was conducted July 18 – August 4, 2025, online among a nationally representative sample of 2,716 parents using the Ipsos KnowledgePanel in English (n=2519) and in Spanish (n=197). KnowledgePanel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS). Invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to two reminder emails.

All completes were reviewed to ensure respondents were giving the survey adequate attention. Three cases were removed from the data that failed internal quality checks. Most KnowledgePanel respondents received a financial incentive equaling about $1 for their participation in this survey with some harder-to-reach groups receiving about $5 for their participation.

The survey also includes an oversample of parents of children 5 years old and younger (n=1,092) in order to reach a higher rate of responses from parents who are currently making decisions around their child’s vaccines. The full sample was weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. parent population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2023 American Community Survey. Weighting parameters included gender, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, metro status, and language proficiency within the Hispanic sample. The sample was also weighted to the total parent population on political party identification using the 2025 KFF Benchmarking Survey.  An additional adjustment was conducted in order to provide estimates from parents living in Texas (n=276) using the 2023 ACS as well as the 2023-2024 Pew Religious Landscape Survey. Both weights take into account differences in the probability of selection, including adjustment for the sample design, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the total sample is plus or minus 2 percentage points and plus or minus 3 percentage points for the parents of children under the age of 6. The full Texas sample has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 7 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available on request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. KFF and The Washington Post are charter members of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total parents2,716± 2 percentage points
   
Support for Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement  
MAHA-supporting parents977± 3 percentage points
Not MAHA-supporting parents1,679± 3 percentage points
   
Party ID  
Democratic parents801± 4 percentage points
Independent/Other party parents1,077± 3 percentage points
Republican parents780± 4 percentage points
MAGA Republican parents498± 5 percentage points
   
Parents by vaccine choice  
Skipped or delayed any childhood vaccines436± 5 percentage points
Kept kids up to date on all childhood vaccines2,264± 2 percentage points

Medicare Beneficiaries Have 32 Medicare Advantage Prescription Drug Plans Available, on Average, for 2026

The average number of private plans has declined slightly but remains above the number available in 2022 and prior years

Authors: Jeannie Fuglesten Biniek, Meredith Freed, Anthony Damico, and Tricia Neuman
Published: Oct 14, 2025

In anticipation of the Medicare annual open enrollment period, which runs from October 15 to December 7, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) recently released information about Medicare Advantage plans for the coming year. News articles following the release of plan information report that Medicare Advantage insurers are scaling back their offerings in response to changes in federal payments and because unexpected increases in the use of health services have led to rising costs and falling profits.

KFF’s analysis of plan offerings shows that Medicare beneficiaries will have the option of 32 Medicare Advantage prescription drug (MA-PD) plans in 2026, two fewer than the 34 options available in 2025 (excluding employer plans and special needs plans). The number of MA-PD options has grown steadily since 2010, peaking in 2024 when the average Medicare beneficiary had 36 options. Despite the decline in offerings over the last two years, the number of options available for 2026 will be higher than the number available in 2022 (31) and every year before (Figure 1).

The Number of Medicare Advantage Plans Available to the Average Medicare Beneficiary is Slightly Lower than the Past Few Years, But More Than Every Year Prior to 2023 (Stacked Bars)

Across all Medicare Advantage plans for individual enrollment, including those with and without prescription drug coverage, the average Medicare beneficiary has the option to choose among 39 plans in 2026, compared to 42 options in 2025. Similar to the trend for MA-PDs, the total number of Medicare Advantage plans available to the average beneficiary is higher than the average number of plans available in 2022 (38), and each year since 2010. While Medicare Advantage plans are required to cover all Medicare Part A and Part B benefits, plans decide whether to include Part D prescription drug coverage as part of the benefit package. Enrollees may pay a separate premium for Part D coverage, or plans can use the rebate portion of their payment from the federal government to cover these costs. Most Medicare Advantage enrollees are in plans that include prescription drug coverage.

The number of Medicare Advantage plans with prescription drug coverage available to the average beneficiary varies across states, as does the change in the number of plans compared to 2025 (Figure 2). In 35 states, DC and Puerto Rico, the average beneficiary has a choice of fewer plans on average in 2026 than in 2025. The states with the largest drop in the number of plans available were New Hampshire (13 fewer plans) and Minnesota (11 fewer plans). In Minnesota, UCare, the second largest Medicare Advantage insurer in the state, exited the market altogether, while UnitedHealthcare and Humana decreased their offerings, especially in more rural counties with lower enrollment. However, in 6 states (AL, HI, KS, MO, UT, and WV), the average beneficiary has access to more plans in 2026 than in 2025, on average. In the remaining 8 states, the number of plans available to the average beneficiary stayed the same. This includes Alaska, which had no plans available in 2026, as in 2025 (Alaska has historically had few or no Medicare Advantage plans available for general enrollment). Connecticut is not included in this calculation because of differences in how counties are reported across CMS enrollment and plan files.

The Average Beneficiary Has More or Fewer Medicare Advantage Plans Available to Choose from in 2026 Depending on the State They Live In (Choropleth map)

While the average Medicare beneficiary will have more than 30 Medicare Advantage plans with prescription drug coverage to choose from, in certain states the number of options is substantially lower. Medicare beneficiaries will have fewer than 5 options, on average, in four states: Alaska (0), South Dakota (4), Wyoming (3), and Vermont (1). Within states, the number of plans also varies across counties (data not included). Historically, fewer Medicare Advantage plans have been offered in the most rural areas, and a larger share of Medicare beneficiaries in the most rural areas get Medicare coverage from traditional Medicare.   

The modest decrease in the average of Medicare Advantage plans means that some Medicare beneficiaries will find that their current coverage is no longer an option for next year. In most cases, these beneficiaries live in counties where they will continue to have dozens of other Medicare Advantage plan options available for 2026, as well as traditional Medicare. Some beneficiaries in plans that have exited the market will have the option to enroll in a plan offered by the same insurer, and in many cases, enrollees will be moved into a new plan offered by the same insurer automatically if the contract includes another plan of the same type (i.e., HMO or PPO) in the same county. Others will have to make an active choice about their Medicare coverage if they wish to enroll in another Medicare Advantage plan, or will be automatically covered by traditional Medicare.

Every year, Medicare Advantage plans change in ways that could be important to enrollees, including the scope and generosity of extra benefits, cost sharing for Medicare-covered benefits, rules for using covered services (such as referral requirements and prior authorization), drug formularies, and provider networks. Despite these changes, most Medicare beneficiaries report that they do not compare coverage options on an annual basis. Further, prior Medicare focus groups indicate that Medicare enrollees are often overwhelmed by the number of Medicare Advantage choices and have difficulty sorting through all plan options. With more than 30 Medicare Advantage plans with prescription drug coverage available in 2026, on average, understanding how plans differ, and why it may matter, may remain a challenge.

 

The Trump Administration Executive Order on Gender Continues to Reverberate

Author: Lindsey Dawson
Published: Oct 14, 2025

Much has been written about the Trump Administration’s early effort to suppress data collection, presentation, and research related to LGBTQ – and particularly transgender – people’s health. A day one executive order (and subsequent HHS guidance and an OPM memorandum) on “gender ideology” laid out the administration’s approach to sex and gender, defining sex as an immutable binary biological classification and removing recognition of gender identity. While they have each been challenged in court, together, these and other policies have underpinned the removal of a range of websites, cancellation of federal grants, and led to changes to federal survey instruments, including those related to health and well-being, actions that continue to be expanded upon.

Earlier this year, court orders required the restoration of certain webpages, datasets, and resources needed to provide medical care (and in a separate case, the government agreed to restoration of pages), yet data collection related to LGBTQ people remains limited and removal of information reportedly continues. 1 In at least some cases where it was required to restore websites, the administration plainly states it is doing so only because of its legal obligation. By way of example, a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) page on transgender people and HIV now includes a banner stating that it has been restored per court order and that “any information on this page promoting gender ideology,” including reference to transgender people “does not reflect biological reality and therefore the Administration and this Department rejects it.” Additionally, new reporting found that more pages relating to sexual health, LGBTQ people, and other topics have been removed from the CDC site, as recently as September. These actions stand to limit understanding of LGBTQ people’s experiences and challenge the ability of stakeholders to shape responsive policy.

Also in September, the CDC updated its “about” page to include a new set of agency priorities, with a section on “gender ideology and protecting children.”  This section references the HHS guidance and states that it is an agency “priority to recognize that a person’s sex as either male or female is unchangeable and determined by objective biology, and to ensure CDC programs accurately reflect science, including the biological reality of sex.” Removing acknowledgment of transgender people from agency materials has implications for public health messaging and services related to the population’s health needs, posing challenges for a community that has elevated health risks, including for some communicable diseases, like HIV. This could lead to gaps in individual, community, and scientific knowledge and, depending on what is removed, the ability to monitor, and ultimately, respond to outbreaks or health disparities. This priority shift could also negatively influence the LGBTQ community’s trust in the agency – which has historically been important when CDC has responded to certain events, like the mpox outbreak of 2022, necessitating community collaboration. Further, if CDC, aligns funding opportunities with this priority area, it could jeopardize CDC grants going to those working to engage gender diverse communities, thereby limiting service provision. Tailoring public health approaches to communities experiencing high unmet needs or not otherwise being reached is a basic public health approach and requires acknowledging their existence and approaching needs in culturally competent ways.

Additionally, recent CDC clinical guidelines, used to inform providers about the evidence and clinical recommendations related to public health interventions, omit mention of transgender people, seemingly reflecting administrative priorities. A new twice-yearly injectable pre-exposure-prophylaxis or PrEP (HIV prevention) drug, lenacapavir, was approved in June and holds significant promise in helping to bend the curve on the HIV epidemic by addressing adherence and clinical capacity issues. However, the clinical recommendations from the CDC do not reference transgender or non-binary people, who, because they experience HIV at disproportionate rates, were specifically included in “PURPOSE 2”, one of the clinical trials that led to the drug’s FDA approval. The PURPOSE 2 trial assessed lenacapavir’s efficacy in cisgender men, transgender men and women, and non-binary people. The trials found that lenacapavir was 96%-100% effective at preventing HIV transmission and the final drug label issued by the FDA specifies that “there were no clinically significant differences in the pharmacokinetics of lenacapavir based on…gender identity”, among other variables. This marks a departure from CDC’s 2021 PrEP guideline, released prior to approval of the new drug, which included a section on PrEP and transgender people. It also represents a departure from the approach taken by the World Health Organization (WHO) in their lenacapavir guidelines, which identified gender diverse people as a key population and discusses prescribing lenacapavir to those also taking gender affirming hormone therapy. While providers may look elsewhere for detailed information (such as to the WHO or the trial data), the exclusion could impact willingness to prescribe among those less experienced with PrEP or in working with transgender patients. In addition, given that an earlier PrEP drug (emtricitabine/tenofovir alafenamide), was not approved for people engaged in “receptive vaginal sex because the effectiveness in this population has not been evaluated,” providers may be especially cautious about reviewing sex and gender based indications for new PrEP drugs. Indeed, this earlier exclusion is a key reason that led to the more inclusive – of both cisgender women and gender diverse people – trial design and ultimate broad approval of lenacapavir. This follows the removal of detailed information on proving antiretrovirals to transgender people for HIV treatment from the HHS treatment guidelines, an action that took place sometime between March and April 2025.   

As with other changes, the exclusion of transgender people from treatment and prevention recommendations likely reflects and is consistent with the administration’s stance on sex and gender with the Executive Order directing agencies to “remove all statements, policies, regulations, forms, communications, or other internal and external messages that promote or otherwise inculcate gender ideology.”   

Looking across these actions, barriers to providing complete treatment and prevention information could impact individual health (HIV is a life-long chronic condition when treated, and a deadly one when untreated), as well as public health if ongoing HIV transmission continues. It also has implications for private and public budgets with the estimated lifetime cost of HIV treatment per person in the United States now over $1 million.

  1. The Court in this case vacated the OPM Memo and the HHS Guidance, remanding them to the agencies. However, the remedy was limited to website and data restoration and “vacatur does not require the HHS defendants to undo every action taken pursuant to the OPM Memo or HHS Guidance” and the court “will not prevent the defendants from heading back to the drawing board and attempting to craft a lawful policy with similar objectives.” Other cases challenge the gender Executive Order itself. ↩︎

Designating English as the Official Language of the United States Could Impact Millions with Limited English Proficiency

Published: Oct 10, 2025

Introduction

On March 1, 2025, President Trump signed Executive Order (EO) 14224 designating English as the official language of the United States. This marks the first time in the country’s history that the U.S. has declared an official language at the federal level. Although the Order does not by itself trigger changes in services provided by agencies or organizations receiving federal funding, the policy represents a departure from previous administrations’ policies around language access for individuals with limited English proficiency (LEP). The federal government defines people with LEP as those who do not speak English as their primary language and who have a limited ability to read, write, speak, or understand English (also described as speaking English “less than very well”).

An accompanying official fact sheet released by the Trump administration outlines how EO 14224 will affect agencies and their services, including review of all services currently offered in languages other than English and phasing out of non-essential services. Prior guidance for agencies serving people with LEP has been suspended.

The Order will likely result in more limited availability of language access services for people with LEP.  Language and interpretation services are important for ensuring access to health coverage, care, and for improving health outcomes. Loss of services may further exacerbate disparities in health and health care, as people with LEP are disproportionately more likely to be Hispanic, Asian, immigrants, and to have lower incomes. Further, the new EO could also create challenges and confusion for health care and other service providers, who remain subject to other laws and regulations that still require provision of language access services.

This issue brief provides an overview of EO 14224 and its potential implications for multilingual resources, including data on the shares of individuals with LEP across different socioeconomic characteristics based on KFF analysis of 2023 American Community Survey (ACS) data.

Prior Language Access Policies

Prior laws and guidance have established requirements for language access and protection for people with LEP. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) prohibit discrimination based on national origin, including discrimination based on the ability to speak English. Previously, the Department of Justice (DOJ) took the stance that Title VI of the Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination against people with LEP, recognizing that a lack of language access represented discrimination based on national origin. In 2000, President Clinton issued EO 13166, which required all federal agencies to ensure meaningful access to services for people with LEP and established that failing to provide adequate services would be considered discrimination based on national origin. EO 14224, signed by President Trump, revokes EO 13166 and any policy guidance documents issued under it, and requires the Attorney General to provide updated guidance.

Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act strengthened language access protections by prohibiting discrimination in health programs and other services that receive federal financial assistance. Section 1557 requires covered entities, including hospitals, clinics, insurers, and state Medicaid programs, to provide meaningful access for individuals with LEP. While Section 1557’s protections took effect when the ACA was enacted in 2010, much of its reach has been determined by implementation guidance issued across different presidential administrations. Under the Biden administration regulations issued in 2024, entities that operate health programs or activities and receive federal financial assistance must take reasonable steps to provide meaningful access to individuals with LEP who are eligible to be served or likely to be directly affected by the program or activity. The regulation specifies requirements regarding how the services must be provided, including that they be free of charge, accurate, and timely; outlines standards for interpretation and translation services; and identifies requirements for entities to provide notice of the availability of services. Section 1557 remains in effect despite the Executive Order, meaning that health care entities will continue to be required to provide language access services, even as federal agencies may scale back their language access resources.

Changes in Language Access Under the Trump Administration

EO 14224, issued by President Trump in March 2025, declares English as the official language of the U.S. and revokes prior orders requiring federal agencies to provide meaningful access to services for individuals with LEP. The Order also instructs the Attorney General to rescind all policy guidance stemming from EO 13166. As a result, in April 2025, the DOJ rescinded its 2022 LEP guidance, which directed agencies to assess and enhance their language access policies, and published a new memorandum providing implementation guidance related to the EO. The DOJ also removed LEP.gov, a website that provided resources to federal agencies and other entities receiving federal funding for developing language access plans.

Patients are still entitled to interpreter services under Title VI through qualified bilingual staff or interpreter services at no additional cost. Historically, providers have often aligned their services with the Department of Health and Human Services (HSS) outlined National Standards for Culturally Linguistically Appropriate Services (CLAS), a set of 15 voluntary guidelines designed to advance language access and cultural competence in healthcare. These standards include informing individuals of language assistance availability, ensuring the competence of individuals providing translation services, and providing written translation of key documents such as health consent and education documents. While the CLAS standards are not a binding federal regulation and therefore cannot be revoked by EO 14224, their adoption and implementation may decline as changes to federal language access policies reduce oversight, investment, and incentives for compliance.

The new memorandum recommends that federal agencies scale back the provision of language services, minimizing non-essential multilingual services, and recommends that agencies consider offering services exclusively in English. However, it does not require agency heads to amend, remove, or otherwise stop the production of documents, products, or other services prepared or offered in languages other than English. Despite these ongoing requirements, the new guidance signals that the DOJ will no longer treat a lack of multilingual services as discrimination, and that agencies are no longer required to implement wide-scale language access plans.

The EO and accompanying DOJ guidance apply only to federal government agencies and do not change existing language access requirements under laws like Title VI of the Civil Rights Act or Section 1557 of the ACA. Executive Orders cannot overturn existing statutes and regulations that go through formal revisions and public notice and comment processes. Title VI and Section 1557, which were issued by HHS, outline compliance measures that cannot unilaterally be changed by Executive Order. Entities that receive federal funding including state and local health departments, hospitals, insurance companies, clinics, and other health care providers remain legally obligated to provide meaningful language access under these laws. Under Section 1557 regulations, forms such as informed consent documents, intake forms, and discharge instructions are still required to be translated for individuals with LEP. Moreover, several states, including, New York, California, Hawaii, Maryland, and the District of Columbia, have state-level language access laws that remain in effect. However, the reduction in federal oversight, and granting agencies the ability to decide how and when to offer services in languages other than English, including at HHS and the DOJ, may create uncertainty about implementation and compliance practices, and reduce the availability of federal resources for providing language access services. Enforcement is also likely to shift since the DOJ has narrowed its interpretation of Title VI, indicating that it will no longer pursue enforcement based on disparate impact claims related to language access, instead, it will now focus on cases involving intentional discrimination. This change in enforcement could impact accountability measures and ultimately weaken protections for individuals with LEP.

Who is Likely to Be Affected by Reductions in Language Access Services?

Over 27 million people in the U.S. have LEP and may be affected by decreased access to language access services, with disproportionate impacts on Asian and Hispanic people, immigrants, and people with lower incomes. Data from the 2023 ACS show that 9% of the population ages 5 and older, or 27.3 million individuals, have LEP (defined as speaking a language other than English at home and speaking English less than very well). Asian (30%) and Hispanic people (29%), immigrants (47%), and those with incomes under $40,000 per year (13%) are disproportionately more likely to have LEP than the overall population (Figure 1). Decreased access to language assistance services comes at a time when immigrants are facing other barriers to accessing health care and other services, including increased immigration-related fears and more limited eligibility for health care coverage and other services.

Hispanic and Asian People, Immigrants, and Those With Lower Incomes are More Likely to Have Limited English Proficiency (Bar Chart)

Decreased access to language assistance services would have greater effects in some states, since there are wide variations in the shares of people with LEP across states (Figure 2). The share of people ages 5 and older with LEP ranges from less than 1% in West Virginia to 18% in California. New York (14%), New Jersey (14%), Texas (13%), and Florida (13%) also have relatively high shares of individuals with LEP, likely reflecting larger numbers of immigrants residing in those states.

The Shares of People with Limited English Proficiency Vary Across States (Choropleth map)

Language access services have important implications for health and health care. People with LEP face challenges and barriers to accessing high-quality health care. Language barriers between providers and patients can reduce the quality of care and increase the risk of adverse outcomes or medical errors. Studies have found that a lack of language assistance often delays patients’ access to timely care, leading to poor chronic disease management and resulting in worse health outcomes. Despite existing language access requirements, KFF survey data find that around half (48%) of adults with LEP have encountered at least one language barrier in a health care setting within the past three years, such as difficulty filling out forms for a health care provider (34%), communicating with office staff at a doctor’s office or clinic (33%), understanding instructions given by a doctor or health care provider (30%), filling a prescription or understanding how to use it (27%), or scheduling a medical appointment (25%) (Figure 3). Among adults with LEP, one in five reported experiencing at least one of several negative experiences with a health care provider in the past three years, including a provider ignoring a direct request or question (11%), assuming something about them without asking (8%), suggesting they were personally to blame for a health problem (8%), or refusing to prescribe needed pain medication they thought they needed (8%).

About a Half of Adults With Limited English Proficiency Say They Have Faced Language Barriers When Seeking Health Care (Bar Chart)

Reductions in requirements for federal agencies to provide language access services may create new challenges for health care and other service providers. If federal agencies reduce language access guidance and requirements, providers will have fewer translated materials to rely on, such as consent documents and health education materials. This can also create inconsistencies in the quality and accuracy of materials across the health care landscape. Community health centers (CHCs) and other safety net providers may be disproportionately impacted by the reduced availability of federal language access resources as they are disproportionately likely to serve individuals with LEP and those with lower incomes. Federal cuts have already eliminated funding for community workers who help people who speak other languages navigate and sign up for health insurance coverage. Moreover, given differences between the new guidance and other laws that remain in place, providers may have questions or confusion about when translation services are required, compliance risks, and how comprehensive services must be.