Key Takeaways

• Nearly one in five (18%) reproductive age women in Florida say they have had an abortion. Similar shares of Republican (20%) and Democratic (19%) women report having an abortion.
• One in ten (10%) reproductive age women in Florida know someone, including themselves, who has had difficulty getting an abortion since Roe v. Wade was overturned and over a third (34%) of women would not know where they could get an abortion or find the information if they wanted or needed one.
• Six in ten women of reproductive age in Florida are concerned that they or someone close to them would not be able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health (60%) and that abortion bans may affect the safety of a potential future pregnancy for themselves or someone close to them, such as a family or close friend (62%).
• Two-thirds (65%) of reproductive age women in Florida have heard of medication abortion. Only one in five (18%) are aware it is still legal in their state and one in ten (9%) are aware they could access pills online if they wanted or needed them.
• Nearly three in four (72%) reproductive age women in Florida think abortion should be legal in all or most cases, including the majority of Republican (51%) and Democratic (86%) women.
• Two-thirds (67%) support a nationwide right to abortion, including large shares of Republican (49%) and Democratic (79%) women. Over half (57%) oppose a nationwide ban on abortion at 15 weeks and nearly seven in ten (69%) oppose leaving it up to the states to decide whether abortion is legal or not in each state. The majority of Republican (54%) and Democratic (79%) women oppose leaving it up to the states.

Introduction

Abortion is a key issue in the upcoming 2024 election and voters in up to 11 states across the U.S. may have an opportunity to vote on abortion-related ballot measures. On May 1, 2024, Florida’s 6-week abortion ban went into effect, limiting abortion before many women know they are pregnant and restricting access for women who were traveling to Florida to access abortion from across the South. This November, Florida voters will have an opportunity to vote on a citizen-initiated ballot measure that would protect the right to abortion up to viability (around 24 weeks of pregnancy) and when necessary, after that point to safeguard the pregnant person’s health.

This brief presents findings from the 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey for 512 reproductive age women in Florida to provide state representative estimates of women’s experiences with and views on abortion among women in the state. The survey was fielded from May 13 to June 18, 2024, before Biden withdrew from the presidential race. While the survey asked about many topics related to women’s experiences around a broad set of health topics, this brief focuses on women’s experiences and knowledge around abortion in Florida. An analysis of the findings for women in the United States and also in Arizona are also available. See the methodology section for detailed definitions, sampling design, and margins of sampling error.

The findings in this brief are focused on a state-representative sample of 512 reproductive age (18-49 years old) women in Florida (Figure 1). Findings for White and Hispanic women are presented where there was a large enough share to report on with nearly a third (31%) of reproductive age women in Florida identifying as Hispanic and 45% as non-Hispanic White. Over four in ten (41%) reproductive age women in Florida have incomes below 200% of the federal poverty level (FPL), which is $29,160 in 2024. Nearly half (46%) of reproductive age women in Florida are Democrats or Democrat-leaning, while 35% are Republican or Republican-leaning, and 19% are independents. These demographics are similar to the U.S. demographics overall, aside from race/ethnicity, where 21% are Hispanic and 54% as non-Hispanic White.

Findings

Women’s Experiences with Abortion

Nearly one in five reproductive age women in Florida report they have ever had an abortion (Figure 2). Similar shares of women across income and party ID report having had an abortion. Smaller shares of women who identify as pro-life say they have had an abortion compared to women who identify as pro-choice.

Among those who say they have wanted or needed an abortion, 14% say they were unable get one (3% among all reproductive age women). Among the reasons women cite for not getting an abortion include not being able to afford it, being too far along, not being in a position to care for a child and being pro-life or having religious reasons.

One in ten (10%) women in Florida know someone, including themselves, who has had difficulty getting an abortion since Roe v. Wade was overturned, similar to the U.S. share (8%) (Figure 3). Larger shares of Democratic women say they know someone, including themselves, who has had difficulty getting an abortion compared to Republican women (15% vs. 5%).

When asked about ease or difficulty accessing abortion services in Florida, nearly half (48%) say abortion services are difficult to access, and another 42% say they don’t know (Figure 4). Larger shares of Democratic women (60%) and those who identify as pro-choice (59%) say it is difficult to access these services compared to Republican women (34%) and those who identify as pro-life (23%). When the survey was fielded, Florida had just instituted a 6-week LMP abortion ban after having a 15-week ban in place since 2022.

The majority of women in Florida are concerned about the impact of abortion restrictions on health and safety for themselves and loved ones. Florida currently limits abortions to 6-weeks of pregnancy with exceptions for life, physical health, rape/incest, and lethal fetal anomalies after that gestational limit. Six in ten reproductive age women in Florida say they are concerned (60%) they or someone close to them would not be able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health, including a third (35%) who say they are very concerned (Figure 5). Nearly three in four Hispanic women (72%) and women who identify as pro-choice (75%), as well as eight in ten (81%) Democratic women are concerned.

Nearly two-thirds (62%) of reproductive age women in Florida say they are concerned about the impact abortion bans may have on the safety of a potential future pregnancy for themselves or someone close to them (Figure 6). Seven in ten Hispanic women (71%), Democratic women (78%), and women who identify as pro-choice (76%) are concerned compared to 58% of White women, 44% of Republican women, and 29% of women who identify as pro-life.

About one in five (19%) reproductive age women in Florida have changed their contraceptive practices as a result of the overturning Roe v. Wade. Women report either obtaining emergency contraception to have on hand, having a procedure for permanent birth control, switching to a more effective method of birth control, or starting using birth control since the overturning of Roe v. Wade (Figure 7). One in four (26%) reproductive age women with low incomes (below 200% of the FPL) report taking one of these actions, double the rate of women with higher incomes (13%) (data not shown). Women with low incomes report getting emergency contraception at more than twice the rate of women with higher incomes (11% vs. 4%) (data not shown).

Awareness of Abortion Availability and Policy

Many women reproductive age women in Florida are unsure about the status of abortion availability in the state. When this survey was fielded, Florida’s 6-week LMP ban had recently taken effect. Four in ten women in Florida (40%) correctly describe the status of abortion in Florida as available but limited to earlier in pregnancy (Figure 8). Nearly a quarter (24%) of women describe abortion as generally unavailable, with few exceptions, which for many is an accurate description of a 6-week ban. Another three in ten (29%) are not sure of the status of abortion in Florida and 7% incorrectly respond that abortion is available with few or no restrictions. About four in ten women with lower incomes (39%) and women who identify as pro-life (38%) are not sure of the status of abortion in Florida compared to 17% of women with higher incomes and 25% of women who identify as pro-life.

A third (34%) of reproductive age women in Florida say they would not know where they could get an abortion nor where to find the information about getting one if they wanted or needed an abortion in the near future (Figure 9). Websites like Plan C , AbortionFinder  and ineedana.com, identify the nearest online and bricks-and-mortar abortion providers, as well as funding assistance. These websites also identify how people can find medication abortion pills online.

Two-thirds (65%) of women of reproductive age in Florida have heard of medication abortion, with awareness highest among White women, those with higher incomes and Democrats (Figure 10). The overall share of reproductive age women in Florida who have heard of medication abortion is similar to the overall share across the U.S (67%).

Although medication abortion is a legal option in Florida for abortions up to six weeks of pregnancy, only one in five (18%) reproductive age women are aware that it is the case. A larger share of women who identify as pro-choice are aware compared to women who identify as pro-life (21% vs. 14%) (Figure 11).

Few are aware of the availability of medication abortion pills online. In Florida, medication abortion is permitted up to six weeks of pregnancy, but only from an in-person clinic. The law that bans abortions after six weeks of pregnancy also prohibits providers from using telehealth to offer abortion services, requiring that physicians dispense medication abortion pills to their patients in person. There are websites, however, such as Plan C, ineedana, or AbortionFinder, that provide information for people seeking to buy medication abortion pills online and have them sent to Florida. However, awareness of these online services is low. Only one in ten (9%) reproductive age women in Florida are aware that someone could get medication abortion pills online if they wanted or needed them (Figure 12). Awareness is similarly low across age, race/ethnicity, income, party ID, and people’s views on abortion.

Opinions on Abortion Policy

Seven in ten (72%) of reproductive age women living in Florida think abortion should be legal in all or most cases (Figure 13). Notably, half of reproductive age women who are Republican in the state say they believe abortion should be legal in most or all cases. Even among women who say they are “pro-life, one in four believe abortion should be legal in most cases. Nearly three in four women who identify as pro-life (73%), and half (48%) of Republican women think abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.

Since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, there have been calls to establish a nationwide right to abortion, which is supported by two-thirds of reproductive age women in Florida. Not surprisingly, higher shares of Democratic women in Florida support a national guarantee of abortion rights compared to Republican women (79% vs. 49%) and larger shares of women who identify as pro-choice compared to pro-life (83% vs. 30%) (Figure 14). The majority of Hispanic and White women in Florida, as well as women across incomes, support a law guaranteeing a nationwide right to abortion.

Support for a nationwide ban on abortion at 15 weeks is weak in Florida. Early in the campaign, Former President Trump said he would consider supporting a national 15 or 16-week ban on abortion, but more recently has said he supports leaving abortion policy to states, which allows full bans and gestational restrictions to stay in effect. While a higher share of Republican women (60%) and women who identify as pro-life (68%) would support it, over half (57%) of reproductive age women in Florida oppose a law establishing a nationwide ban on abortion at 15 weeks (Figure 15).

Over two-thirds (69%) of women in Florida oppose leaving it up to the states to decide the legality of abortion, a policy that has been supported by former President Donald Trump (Figure 16). This policy, however, is somewhat or strongly supported by 54% of reproductive age Republican women. Larger shares of women who identify as pro-life support leaving it up to the states compared to women who identify as pro-choice (57% vs. 19%).

After six months of living with a highly restrictive abortion law that limits abortion access to the first six weeks of pregnancy, voters will have an opportunity to cast a vote regarding whether the right to abortion up to viability will be enshrined in their state constitution. If the amendment gets the support of 60 percent of voters, it will reverse the current 6-week ban and protect abortion rights until the point of viability, considered to be about 24 weeks.

The 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey was designed and analyzed by women’s health researchers at KFF. The survey was conducted from May 13 - June 18, 2024, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 6,246 adults ages 18 to 64, including 3,901 women ages 18 to 49. Women include anyone who selected woman as their gender (n = 3,867) or who said they were non-binary (n = 26), transgender (n = 4), or another gender (n = 3) and chose to answer the female set of questions with regard to sexual and reproductive health. The project includes oversamples of women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona (n = 298) and Florida (n = 512). Sampling, data collection, weighting, tabulation, and IRB approval by the University of Southern Maine’s Collaborative Institutional Review Board were managed by SSRS of Glenn Mills, Pennsylvania in collaboration with women’s health researchers at KFF.

Throughout the reports of findings, we refer to “women”. This includes respondents who said their gender is “woman,” plus those who said their gender is “transgender,” or “non-binary,” or another gender and that they prefer to answer the survey’s set of questions for females. We followed this approach to try to include as many people as possible but recognize that some people who need and seek abortion and other reproductive health care services may not be represented in the findings or identify as women.

The national sample as well as the samples in Arizona and Florida were drawn from two nationally representative probability-based panels: the SSRS Opinion Panel and the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to five reminder emails. 5,276 panel members completed the survey online and panel members who do not use the internet were reached by phone (175). Another 970 respondents were reached online through the Ipsos Knowledge Panel to help reach adequate sample sizes among subgroups of interest, specifically women ages 18 to 49. This panel is recruited using ABS, based on a stratified sample from the CDS. The questionnaire was translated into Spanish, so respondents were able to complete the survey in English or Spanish.

The national sample was weighted by splitting the sample into three groups: [1] Women 18-49, [2] Women 50-64, and [3] Men 18-64 and each group was separately weighted to match known population parameters (see table below for weighting variables and sources). Weights within the three groups were then trimmed at the 4^th and 96^th percentiles, to ensure that individual respondents do not have too much influence on survey-derived estimates. After the weights were trimmed, the samples were combined, and the weights adjusted, so that the groups were represented in their proper proportions for a final combined, gender by age-adjusted weight. Lastly, two additional weights for interviews among women 18-49 in Arizona and Florida were calculated for analyses among those specific sub-groups. Each of the state-specific weights were trimmed at the 2^nd and 98^th percentiles, to ensure that individual respondents do not have too much influence on survey-derived estimates.

The margins of sampling error for the national sample of reproductive age women, Arizona reproductive age women, and Florida reproductive age women are plus or minus 2 percentage points, 8 percentage points, and 6 percentage points respectively. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this survey.

 

Key Takeaways

• Among women of reproductive age, one in seven (14%) have had an abortion at some point in their life. Larger shares of Black (21%) and Hispanic (19%) women report having had an abortion compared to 11% of White women. Across partisanship, similar shares of Republican women, Democratic women, and independents report having had an abortion.
• Nearly one in ten (8%) women of reproductive age personally know someone who has had difficulty getting an abortion since Roe v. Wade was overturned, including 11% of Hispanic women and 13% of women living in states with abortion bans.
• Among women of reproductive age who report knowing someone personally who has had difficulty getting an abortion since Roe v. Wade was overturned, many say they had to travel out of state for care (68%), did not know where to go (40%), and/or did not have the money to cover the cost (35%).
• More than six in ten women of reproductive age are concerned that they, or someone close to them, would not be able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health (63%) and that abortion bans may affect the safety of a potential future pregnancy for themselves or someone close to them (64%).
• Less than half of reproductive age women in the United States are aware of the current status of abortion policy in their state (45%). Nearly a quarter describe the status incorrectly (23%) and a third are unsure about the status of abortion in their state (32%).
• One in four (26%) reproductive age women say if they needed or wanted an abortion they would not know where to go nor where to find information.
• Nearly one in five women (17%) of reproductive age report they have changed their contraceptive practices as a result of Roe being overturned. Actions taken include starting birth control, getting a sterilization procedure, switching to a more effective method, or purchasing emergency contraceptive pills to have on hand.
• While two-thirds of women have heard about medication abortion pills, only 19% of women say people in their state can get medication abortion pills online.
• Three in four reproductive age women in the United States think abortion should be legal in most or all cases (74%). The majority support a nationwide right to abortion (70%), oppose a nationwide abortion ban at 15 weeks (64%), and oppose leaving it up to the states to determine the legality of abortion (74%). This is the case for the majority of women who are Democrats and independents as well as smaller but still substantial shares of Republicans.

Introduction

In the two years since the Dobbs decision, which overturned Roe and eliminated the federal standards that had protected the right to abortion for almost 50 years, the abortion landscape in the United States has drastically changed. Abortion is banned in 14 states and an additional six states have implemented early gestational limits between 6 and 15 weeks.

Abortion will likely be a key issue in the upcoming 2024 election. The Democratic and Republican parties have starkly different visions of what access to abortion in the U.S. should look like. Vice President and Democratic Nominee Kamala Harris has been an outspoken advocate of abortion rights and has thrown her support behind efforts to restore Roe v. Wade’s abortion standards in all states. Former President Donald Trump endorses leaving abortion policy up to states, allowing full bans to stay in effect, although he has also previously said he would consider a 15 or 16-week national ban on abortion. At the state level, voters in up to 11 states will vote on abortion-related ballot initiatives that will shape access to abortion in their states.

This brief provides new information about women’s experiences with abortion, the fallout of overturning Roe v. Wade, women’s knowledge about abortion laws in their states including medication abortion, as well as their opinions on the legality of abortion. The 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey was fielded from May 15 to June 18, 2024, before President Biden withdrew from the 2024 Presidential race, and was developed and analyzed by KFF staff. It is a nationally representative survey of 5,055 women and 1,191 men ages 18 to 64, and the findings in this brief are based on a sample of 3,901 women ages 18 to 49. See the methodology section for detailed definitions, sampling design, and margins of sampling error.

Findings

Women’s Experiences With Abortion

Among women of reproductive age, one in seven (14%) report having had an abortion at some point in their life. Larger shares of Black (21%) and Hispanic (19%) women report having had an abortion compared to 11% of White women (Figure 1). A higher share of women with lower incomes had an abortion (17%) compared to women with higher incomes (13%).

Smaller shares of women living in rural areas report having had an abortion compared to those living in urban/suburban areas (7% vs. 15%, respectively). Many rural women face long travel distances to access abortion services.

Similar shares of Republican women (12%), independent women (15%), and Democratic women (14%) say they have had an abortion. Throughout this brief, partisans include independents who lean to either party, while independents are individuals who say they do not lean toward either political party. Nearly one in 10 women (8%) who currently identify as pro-life say they have had an abortion compared to almost one in five (17%) who currently identify as pro-choice.

Smaller shares of women living in states with abortion bans or gestational limits between 15 and 22 weeks have had an abortion compared to women living in states with gestational limits at or after 24 weeks or without any gestational limits. Even before the Dobbs decision, abortion access was very limited in many of the states that currently ban abortion or have gestational limits before viability. Most of these states had laws restricting access to abortion, including waiting periods, counseling and ultrasound requirements, and insurance coverage restrictions which resulted in the closure of many abortion clinics in the years preceding the Dobbs decision.

Among women who say they have ever wanted or needed an abortion, 15% (2% of all reproductive age women) report that at some point in their lives, they have wanted or needed an abortion that they did not get (Figure 2). A larger share of Black women (24%) (5% of all Black women of reproductive age) who have ever been pregnant and have wanted or needed an abortion report that they have wanted or needed an abortion they did not get compared to White women (12%) (1% of all White women of reproductive age). When asked why they did not get a wanted or needed abortion, a third (33%) report access and affordability issues, with affordability issues making up the majority of the category. One in five women also identify religious, moral, or societal pressures as the reason why they did not get the abortion, and another 16% say they changed their mind or couldn’t go through with the abortion. One in 10 women say they were too far along to end the pregnancy. Among the women who report ever wanting or needing an abortion they did not get, 31% say they had an abortion at some other time (data not shown).

The Impact of Overturning Roe

Two years after the Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to abortion, 14 states have banned abortion, and 11 states have implemented gestational restrictions between 6 and 22 weeks LMP (last menstrual period). Nationally, 8% of reproductive age women say they personally know someone, including themselves, who has had difficulty getting abortion care since Roe was overturned due to the restrictions in their state (Figure 3). Larger shares of Hispanic women (11%) than White women (8%) report knowing someone who has experienced difficulty getting an abortion. Similarly, larger shares of women living in states with abortion bans (13%) and women living in states with gestational limits between 6 and 12 weeks (11%) report knowing someone who has experienced difficulty compared to women living in states with gestational limits at or after 24 weeks or without gestational limits (6%). Even in states with few abortion restrictions, access to abortion services can be limited by lack of providers, poor coverage, and other factors.

Among those who say they know someone (including themselves) who had difficulty getting abortion care since Roe was overturned, the majority report they (or the person they knew) had to travel out of state (68%) (Figure 4). Women with higher incomes who say they or someone they know had difficulty accessing abortion care are more likely to report that they or the person they know had to travel out of state compared to women with lower incomes (75% vs. 62%). Many abortion patients living in states with abortion bans or restrictions have to travel to neighboring states to get abortion care, while others may need to travel farther.

Among women who say they or someone they know had difficulty accessing abortion, four in ten women say they or a person they know did not know where to go when trying to get an abortion (40%), three in ten women say they could not afford the cost (35%), and nearly three in ten say they had to take time off work (28%).

When asked about women’s ability to get abortion services in their state, more than half of women residing in states with abortion bans (57%) and over four in ten women in states with gestational limits say it is difficult to access abortion care in their state (Figure 5). Notably, one in five (21%) women residing in states with gestational limits at or after 24 weeks or without gestational limits say it is difficult to get abortion services in their state. While abortion may not be restricted, limitations on Medicaid and insurance coverage of abortion, the scarcity of abortion providers in rural communities, stigma, and other factors (such as the need to take time off from work and childcare costs) are still barriers to abortion.

Over six in ten reproductive age women in the U.S. (63%) are concerned that they or someone close to them would not be able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health (Figure 6). While all states with abortion bans and abortion restrictions have an exception in their law to “prevent the death” or “preserve the life” of the pregnant person, six states with abortion bans or early gestational restrictions do not have health exceptions. In general, health exceptions have often proven to be unworkable except in the most extreme circumstances. The abortion policies in these states are generally unclear about how ill or close to death a pregnant person would have to be to qualify for the exception.

With the exception of Republican women, a majority of reproductive age women in all subgroups report that they are very or somewhat concerned about access to abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health. Larger shares of Asian or Pacific Islander women (75%) than White women (61%) are concerned, and smaller shares of women residing in rural areas (52%) are concerned compared to those residing in urban/suburban areas (65%). Compared to Democratic women (78%), smaller shares of women who identify as independent (61%) are concerned that they or someone close to them would not be able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health; however, less than half of Republican women report being somewhat or very concerned (41%).

Similarly, over 6 in 10 (64%) reproductive age women say they are concerned that abortion bans may affect the safety of a potential future pregnancy for themselves or someone close to them (Figure 7). Across most subgroups—except across party affiliation— majorities of women say that they are somewhat or very concerned. Four in ten (39%) Republican women say they are concerned about the impact of abortion bans on the safety of potential pregnancies for themselves or someone close to them, compared to almost eight in 10 Democratic women and six in 10 independent women.

Nearly one in five women (17%) of reproductive age report they have changed their contraceptive practices as a result of Roe being overturned. Larger shares of Asian or Pacific Islander, Black, and Hispanic women report they started to use birth control (9%, 10%, and 7%, respectively) compared to White women (3%) (Table 1). A higher share of Asian or Pacific Islander women report that they have switched to a more effective method of birth control compared to White women (6% vs. 3%), and 7% of Hispanic women report that they have gotten emergency contraception to have on hand compared to 4% of White women.

Awareness of Abortion Availability and Policy

Nationally, most women of reproductive age are unaware of the status of abortion legality in the state they live in. While 45% can correctly describe the status of abortion in their state, 23% of reproductive age women could not answer correctly and another third (33%) say they are not sure (Figure 8). Awareness is highest among women who live in states where abortion is fully banned (51%) or in states with gestational limits at or after 24 weeks or without bans (47%). Smaller shares of women living in states with gestational limits at 15 to 22 weeks (33%) and limits at 6 to 12 weeks (38%) are aware of the status of abortion in their state. Consistently across state abortion groupings, about a third of women say they are not sure on the status of abortion in their state.

One in four (26%) women of reproductive age in the U.S. report that if they needed or wanted an abortion in the near future they would not know where to go or where to find the information (Figure 9). A quarter of women say they would know where to go for an abortion and half (49%) say they would not know where to go, but would know where to find that information. Since the Dobbs decision, websites like abortionfinder.org and ineedana.com provide individuals seeking abortion services with directories of abortion clinics and services that provide medication abortion via telehealth.

Over a third of Hispanic women (37%) and a third of Black women (33%) report that if they wanted or needed an abortion in the near future, they wouldn’t know where to find information compared to 23% of White women. More women with lower incomes (37%) and women living in rural areas (35%) report they wouldn’t know where to go or find that information compared to women with higher incomes (19%) and women living in urban/suburban areas (25%). Over four in 10 (43%) women living in states where abortion is banned say they wouldn’t know where to find information compared to 17% of women in states with gestational limits at or after 24 weeks or without gestational limits. Women living in banned states seeking abortion services must either travel out of state or obtain medication abortion drugs from companies that will ship pills without requiring a clinician visit or from clinicians practicing in states with shield-laws, which offer clinicians a measure of legal protection from attempts by law authorities in abortion ban states to enforce bans in states that support abortion access.

In the United States, medication abortion is the most common abortion method. It involves taking two different medications, mifepristone and misoprostol, and it has been approved by the FDA to end pregnancies up to 10 weeks gestation. Two-thirds (67%) of women of reproductive age report that they have heard about medication abortion (Figure 10). While still majorities, relatively smaller shares of Asian or Pacific Islander (62%), Black (64%), and Hispanic (59%) women report having heard about medication abortion compared to White women (72%). Similarly, smaller shares of women with lower incomes (60%) have heard about medication abortion compared to women with higher incomes (74%). Compared to women who identify as pro-choice (72%) and women who are Democrats (77%), smaller shares of women who identify as pro-life (56%) or are Republican/Republican leaning (62%) or independents (60%) report hearing of medication abortion.

The majority of women are unsure of the legal status of abortion in their state. While neither mifepristone nor misoprostol are explicitly banned in any state and the drugs can still be used for miscarriage management treatment, their use for abortion is banned in the 14 states with abortion bans. Medication abortion, for the purposes of abortion, is legal in all states with gestational restrictions as well as states without any limits, but is not legal to use for abortion after the state’s gestational limit (for example, after 6 weeks LMP in Iowa, Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina).

The majority of women of reproductive age are unclear about the legal status of medication abortion in their state, regardless of the legal status of abortion in their state (Figure 11). A larger share of women living in states with gestational limits at 24 weeks or without gestational limits (43%) report that medication abortion is legal in their state compared to women living in states with gestational limits between 6 to 12 weeks (19%) and gestational limits between 15 to 22 weeks (18%). Among women living in states where abortion is banned, 6% say medication abortion is legal in their state and 27% say it is illegal. Regardless of the status of abortion in their state of residence, majorities of women of reproductive age are not aware of the legal status of medication abortion in their state or have never heard of medication abortion.

Overall, only one in five (19%) women of reproductive age are aware that medication abortion pills are available online. Since state abortion bans and restrictions have gone into effect, new online services have been created that sell medication abortion pills through online organizations. Among women of reproductive age, 10% say individuals in their state cannot get medication abortion pills online and about three-quarter (71%) were unsure or had never heard of medication abortion (Figure 12). Small shares of women living in states where abortion is banned or states with gestational limits know that people in their states can get medication abortion pills online compared to women living in states without any gestational limits or limits after 24 weeks.

Opinions on Abortion Policy

Three in four (75%) women of reproductive age in the United States, the age group that is most directly impacted by state abortion policies, think that abortion should be legal in most or all cases—38% say legal in all cases and 37% legal in most cases. Only 8% of women say that abortion should be illegal in all cases. This trend is consistent with prior polls which have found that the majority of Americans believe that abortion should be legal.

Across various subgroups, except those who identify as Republican or pro-life, majorities of reproductive age women think abortion should be legal in all or most cases. Among those ages 18 to 49, over eight in 10 Black women (83%) and Asian or Pacific Islander women (83%), and almost three-quarters of Hispanic women (73%) and White women (72%) think abortion should be legal (Figure 13). In contrast, slightly less than half (48%) of Republican women of reproductive age think abortion should be legal, 36% say abortion should be illegal in most cases and 17% say abortion should be illegal in all cases. Not surprisingly, among women who identify as pro-life, 74% say that abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, but one in four (25%) believe that abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

Seven in ten reproductive age women (70%) support a law guaranteeing a federal right to abortion, with half (50%) saying they strongly support this (Figure 17). While similar shares of Asian, Black, Hispanic, and White reproductive age women support a nationwide right to abortion, support varies widely by income, urbanicity, and party affiliation (Figure 14). Though still a majority, smaller shares of reproductive age women with lower incomes (64%) and women who live in rural communities (62%) support a nationwide right to abortion compared to their urban/suburban (71%) and higher income counterparts (74%). Support is strongest among Democratic (84%) women, but two thirds (64%) of women who identify as independents and nearly half of Republican women (48%) strongly or somewhat support establishing a federal right to abortion. More than three times as many Democrats (71%) than Republicans (22%) strongly support a law that would guarantee this right.

More than half of all women of reproductive age support a law establishing a nationwide right to abortion, regardless of the abortion status in their state of residence. While there are smaller shares of support among women who reside in states with bans and gestational limits before viability, over four in 10 women in these states strongly support a law guaranteeing a federal right to abortion.

On the issue of abortion, former President Trump has previously said he would consider a national ban at 15 or 16 weeks, a position also proposed by other Republican elected officials. Overall, six in ten women of reproductive age (63%) oppose a law that would establish a nationwide ban on abortion at 15 weeks (Figure 15). While still a majority, smaller shares of those with lower incomes (58%) and those who reside in rural areas (55%) oppose a national abortion ban at 15 weeks. Six in ten women in states with abortion bans and gestational limits before viability oppose a national ban on abortion at 15 weeks.

Most recently, former President Trump announced he supports leaving abortion policy up to the individual states, allowing the current bans and restrictions to stay in effect across half the country. Overall, nearly three in four women of reproductive age (74%) oppose this approach (Figure 16). Similar shares of Asian (72%), Black (75%), Hispanic (75%), and White (72%) reproductive age women oppose leaving abortion policy up to the states. Compared to their counterparts, larger shares of women with higher incomes (76%) and those who live in urban/suburban communities (74%) oppose having states decide whether abortion should be legal or illegal in their states.

At least half of all women oppose this approach regardless of party affiliation, but opposition is highest among Democratic women (88%). While there is slight variation in support/opposition by abortion status in a woman’s state of residence, over two thirds of those in states with abortion bans and gestational limits oppose leaving the legality of abortion up to individual states.

The 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey was designed and analyzed by women’s health researchers at KFF. The survey was conducted from May 13 - June 18, 2024, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 6,246 adults ages 18 to 64, including 3,901 women ages 18 to 49. Women include anyone who selected woman as their gender (n = 3,867) or who said they were non-binary (n = 26), transgender (n = 4), or another gender (n = 3) and chose to answer the female set of questions with regard to sexual and reproductive health. The project includes oversamples of women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona (n = 298) and Florida (n = 512). Sampling, data collection, weighting, tabulation, and IRB approval by the University of Southern Maine’s Collaborative Institutional Review Board were managed by SSRS of Glenn Mills, Pennsylvania in collaboration with women’s health researchers at KFF.

Throughout the reports of findings, we refer to “women”. This includes respondents who said their gender is “woman,” plus those who said their gender is “transgender,” or “non-binary,” or another gender and that they prefer to answer the survey’s set of questions for females. We followed this approach to try to include as many people as possible but recognize that some people who need and seek abortion and other reproductive health care services may not be represented in the findings or identify as women.

The national sample as well as the samples in Arizona and Florida were drawn from two nationally representative probability-based panels: the SSRS Opinion Panel and the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to five reminder emails. 5,276 panel members completed the survey online and panel members who do not use the internet were reached by phone (175). Another 970 respondents were reached online through the Ipsos Knowledge Panel to help reach adequate sample sizes among subgroups of interest, specifically women ages 18 to 49. This panel is recruited using ABS, based on a stratified sample from the CDS. The questionnaire was translated into Spanish, so respondents were able to complete the survey in English or Spanish.

The national sample was weighted by splitting the sample into three groups: [1] Women 18-49, [2] Women 50-64, and [3] Men 18-64 and each group was separately weighted to match known population parameters (see table below for weighting variables and sources). Weights within the three groups were then trimmed at the 4^th and 96^th percentiles, to ensure that individual respondents do not have too much influence on survey-derived estimates. After the weights were trimmed, the samples were combined, and the weights adjusted, so that the groups were represented in their proper proportions for a final combined, gender by age-adjusted weight. Lastly, two additional weights for interviews among women 18-49 in Arizona and Florida were calculated for analyses among those specific sub-groups. Each of the state-specific weights were trimmed at the 2^nd and 98^th percentiles, to ensure that individual respondents do not have too much influence on survey-derived estimates.

The margins of sampling error for the national sample of reproductive age women, Arizona reproductive age women, and Florida reproductive age women are plus or minus 2 percentage points, 8 percentage points, and 6 percentage points respectively. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this survey.

 

Key Takeaways

• Among women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona, 15% say they have had an abortion at some point in their lives.
• Women in Arizona are concerned about the impact of abortion restrictions on health and safety. Over six in ten (64%) are very or somewhat concerned that a ban may affect the safety of a potential future pregnancy for them or someone close to them, and 69% express concern that they or someone close to them would not be able to obtain an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health.
• Awareness of abortion availability is limited among reproductive age women in Arizona. Nearly six in ten (58%) have heard of medication abortion, but just over one in ten are aware that it is legal in the state and can be obtained online.
• Women with lower incomes in Arizona, who are disproportionately affected by restrictions on abortion, have lower awareness about abortion access in their state and greater concerns about pregnancy safety.
• Substantial majorities of reproductive age women in Arizona think abortion should be legal in all or most cases (70%), support a nationwide right to abortion (66%), and oppose leaving abortion policy to the states (67%).

Introduction

Many people across the nation are watching the state of Arizona in the 2024 election. Arizona is considered a swing state in the Presidential contest between Democratic nominee Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump, the Republican nominee. President Biden won the state in 2020 with a narrow <1% margin. Vice President Harris has been outspoken in support of abortion access in all states and is expected to campaign heavily on the topic, while former President Trump claims credit for appointing Supreme Court justices that overturned Roe v. Wade, allowing states to ban abortion completely and restrict it before fetal viability. This year, the state also has a widely watched Senate race that could tip the very slim margin the Democrats currently hold in the Senate, another important factor in abortion access, as the next President is likely to nominate multiple federal judges and possibly at least one Supreme Court justice.

The election comes at the end of a tumultuous year in Arizona, during which the state’s Supreme Court decided to reinstate a law from the Civil War era that would have outlawed all abortions with nearly no exceptions. After much public outrage at the ruling and debate within the state, the legislature passed a bill repealing the 1864 law which the governor signed, effectively nulling the state Supreme court decision. The status quo remains in place, and currently, abortion is legal up to 15 weeks’ gestation in Arizona. However, the state will have a ballot measure on abortion legality in this year’s election that, if passed, would make abortion legal in the state up to viability, generally considered around 24 weeks gestation (See Box).

This brief provides information about abortion experiences, awareness, and attitudes of Arizona women ages 18 to 49, based on findings from the 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey, a nationally representative survey on health care issues, developed and analyzed by KFF, fielded from May 13 to June 18, 2024, before President Biden withdrew from the 2024 Presidential campaign. This analysis is based on survey responses from 298 women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona. The data for Arizona were weighted to represent women ages 18 to 49 in the state, based on benchmarks from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. One half of women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona have incomes below 200% of the federal poverty level (FPL), 44% are White, 39% are Hispanic, and 7% are Black (Figure 1). See the methodology section for more information on definitions, sampling design, and margins of sampling error.

Findings

Women’s Experiences with Abortion

Among women ages 18 to 49 living in Arizona, 15% say they have had an abortion at some point in their life. Another 52% of reproductive age women in the state have been pregnant and not had an abortion, and one-third of women have never been pregnant (Figure 2).

Almost half of reproductive age women in the state say that it is difficult to obtain an abortion in the state. When asked about the ability to obtain abortion services in their state, 46% of reproductive age women say it is somewhat or very difficult (Figure 3). One in ten describe it as very or somewhat easy, and a sizable share (44%) say they don’t know. Additionally, more than one in ten (13%) say that they personally know someone who has had difficulty obtaining an abortion since Roe was overturned. State policies on abortion, as well as cost, insurance coverage, availability of services, knowledge and awareness all play a role in women’s ability to find and obtain abortion care.

Most women in Arizona are concerned about the impact of abortion restrictions on health and safety for themselves and loved ones. The safety of pregnancy has come squarely into the limelight since the Dobbs ruling, with multiple high profile cases of pregnant people suffering major complications yet being denied abortion care because of bans in their states that do not allow abortions even in cases of emergencies when the pregnant person’s health is threatened. All states have exceptions to their abortion bans and restrictions to preserve the life of a pregnant person, and some states also have exceptions to preserve the health of the pregnant person or for pregnancy resulting from rape or incest. However, these exceptions are narrow, vague, and have been hard to interpret, with many clinicians unable to determine when someone is sick enough that their life is on the line. As a result, there are multiple lawsuits pending over the conflict between abortion bans and the federal requirement for hospitals to provide all patients with lifesaving and stabilizing emergency medical care. Arizona’s 15-week limit allows exceptions for life and health but does not have exceptions for cases of rape and incest.

About seven in ten (69%) Arizona women say they are very or somewhat concerned that they or someone close to them would not be able to obtain an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health (Figure 4). Similarly, about two-thirds (64%) are concerned that a ban may affect the safety of a potential pregnancy in the future for them or someone close to them. Notably, higher shares of women with lower incomes express concerns about the impact of abortion bans on safety and health for pregnant people compared to women with higher incomes (Figure 5).

Overturning of Roe has affected contraceptive practices among some Arizona women. One in five (20%) Arizona women say that since the ruling, they or their partner have changed a contraceptive practice, such as starting contraception, switching to a more effective method, having their tubes tied or getting a vasectomy, or obtaining emergency contraception. This is similar between women of different income levels - 21% of women with incomes less than 200% FPL and 16% of women with higher incomes report a change in contraception practices (data not shown).

Awareness of Abortion Availability and Policy

Awareness of abortion availability is limited among reproductive age women in Arizona. Abortion is legal in Arizona through 15 weeks gestation, but most women in the state are not aware of this (Figure 6). When asked to describe the status of abortion policy in their state, nearly one in ten (7%) incorrectly think that abortion is available with few restrictions, and another one in three believe that abortion is generally unavailable with few exceptions. Four in ten say they don’t know. Only one in five (21%) women of reproductive age in Arizona say correctly that abortion is available but limited to earlier in pregnancy. However, there is a significant difference in awareness between women in different income levels. Three in ten women with incomes above 200% of the FPL answer correctly, twice the share of women with lower incomes (15%).

Awareness of abortion policy has been variable in Arizona because of the extreme uncertainty resulting from a state supreme court ruling earlier in the year that would have reinstated an 1864 law banning all abortions in the state. Following that ruling, there was widespread publicity that if it had taken effect, abortion would be banned under nearly all circumstances. The state legislature revoked the law before it went into effect, and abortion remains legal up to 15 weeks gestation. The state policy may change in the future if voters in the state approve the upcoming ballot initiative to legalize abortion up to viability, generally considered around 24 weeks of pregnancy.

Four in ten reproductive age women in Arizona say they would not know where to get an abortion if they needed one and wouldn’t know where they could find the information. For many women, finding abortion care is not easy. Abortion is an unplanned health care need, there are limited clinicians offering care in many areas, stigma has limited conversation, education and openness about abortion, and there is also extensive misinformation and active censorship of abortion information in many venues.

In recent years, and particularly since the Dobbs decision, there are more websites like Plan C and ineedana.com that provide directories of local abortion clinics, information about companies that offer telehealth appointments, and links to websites to purchase pills without a clinician visit.

However, this information may not necessarily be reaching everyone. One in ten women say they know where they could get an abortion if they needed one in the near future, and another 47% say they could find the information (Figure 7). Yet, four in ten (42%) do not know where to go or how to find the information.

About six in ten reproductive age women in Arizona have heard of medication abortion pills. More than 20 years ago, the FDA approved the use of the medication mifepristone for abortion through 10 weeks gestation. Since then, medication abortion has become the most common method of abortion in the country. In recent years, there has been greater attention on medication abortion, with many conservative and anti-choice leaders opposing its use and trying to implement restrictions. In 2023-2024, the U.S. Supreme Court heard a case about the approval process of medication abortion. While there was no ruling in that case, access to medication abortion continues to be discussed in the courts, among federal and state policymakers, and in the media.

More than half (58%) of reproductive age women in Arizona say they have heard of medication abortion (Figure 8), lower than the national share (67%). There is also less awareness among women with lower incomes, with just over half (53%) saying they have heard of medication abortion, compared to seven in ten women with higher incomes (69%).

Few reproductive age women in Arizona know that medication abortion is legal in the state and that pills can be obtained online. Medication abortion can be used through 10 weeks of pregnancy, which is within Arizona‘s gestational limit of 15 weeks, so it is legal in the state. Yet just over one in ten (14%) of reproductive age women in the state are aware that it is legal. A similar share (15%) erroneously believe it is illegal, and seven in ten (71%) don’t know if it’s legal or haven’t heard of it (Figure 9).

Women in Arizona seeking medication abortion pills can obtain them from a clinician in person. Additionally, websites like Plan C, ineedana.com, and AbortionFinder provide information about online clinics and websites that sell medication abortion pills online and mail them to all states in the U.S. However, just about one in ten (11%) reproductive age women in Arizona know that medication abortion pills can be obtained online. Over one in ten (14%) say that this is not an option for women in the state, and three in four are not sure or haven’t heard of medication abortion.

Opinions on Abortion Policy

The majority of reproductive age women in Arizona think abortion should be legal in all or most cases (Figure 10). Seven in ten women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona say that abortion should be legal in all cases (30%) or most cases (40%) (Figure 10). Conversely, three in ten women say abortion should be illegal in all (9%) or most cases (21%). This is similar to women in the United States, three quarters of whom say abortion should be legal and 26% who think it should be illegal in all or most cases.

Currently, abortion is legal up to 15 weeks gestation in Arizona. Beyond that time, abortion is allowed only in the event of medical emergencies. The upcoming ballot initiative on abortion would protect the right to abortion up to viability if approved. A previous KFF survey found that two-thirds of women voters in the state support the initiative and that six in ten (58%) say they would be more motivated to vote in the election if the measure appears on the ballot.

The majority of women in Arizona support a nationwide right to abortion and oppose leaving abortion policy to the states. In this year’s election, Vice President Harris and leaders in the Democratic party support reinstating the standards of Roe v. Wade, which provided a nationwide right to abortion up to viability before it was overturned by the Dobbs decision. The majority of Arizona women are in favor of a national right, with two-thirds (66%) of women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona saying they strongly or somewhat support a law that would establish a nationwide right to abortion (Figure 11).

In contrast, former President Trump and the newly revamped Republican party platform support leaving it up to states to decide whether abortion is legal, which two-thirds (67%) of Arizona women oppose. Six in ten Arizona reproductive age women (61%) also oppose a nationwide ban on abortion after 15 weeks gestation, a position promoted by some Republican lawmakers, including former President Trump, at times. When looking at women in different income groups, one in five (21%) women of reproductive age with incomes above 200% of the FPL say they strongly support a national ban at 15 weeks, but a majority (58%) still strongly or somewhat oppose this policy.

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Abortion and reproductive health issues will be on the ballot this year in the battleground state of Arizona. Should voters in the state vote to pass the proposed constitutional amendment, abortion access in Arizona would be protected through viability, in line with the platform of the Democratic party and Presidential nominee Kamala Harris. If it does not secure the needed majority, then abortion will remain limited to 15 weeks with the possibility that future state legislatures could vote to roll back the limit to early gestational periods, as has been done in many states across the country.

The 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey was designed and analyzed by women’s health researchers at KFF. The survey was conducted from May 13 - June 18, 2024, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 6,246 adults ages 18 to 64, including 3,901 women ages 18 to 49. Women include anyone who selected woman as their gender (n = 3,867) or who said they were non-binary (n = 26), transgender (n = 4), or another gender (n = 3) and chose to answer the female set of questions with regard to sexual and reproductive health. The project includes oversamples of women ages 18 to 49 in Arizona (n = 298) and Florida (n = 512). Sampling, data collection, weighting, tabulation, and IRB approval by the University of Southern Maine’s Collaborative Institutional Review Board were managed by SSRS of Glenn Mills, Pennsylvania in collaboration with women’s health researchers at KFF.

Throughout the reports of findings, we refer to “women”. This includes respondents who said their gender is “woman,” plus those who said their gender is “transgender,” or “non-binary,” or another gender and that they prefer to answer the survey’s set of questions for females. We followed this approach to try to include as many people as possible but recognize that some people who need and seek abortion and other reproductive health care services may not be represented in the findings or identify as women.

The national sample as well as the samples in Arizona and Florida were drawn from two nationally representative probability-based panels: the SSRS Opinion Panel and the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to five reminder emails. 5,276 panel members completed the survey online and panel members who do not use the internet were reached by phone (175). Another 970 respondents were reached online through the Ipsos Knowledge Panel to help reach adequate sample sizes among subgroups of interest, specifically women ages 18 to 49. This panel is recruited using ABS, based on a stratified sample from the CDS. The questionnaire was translated into Spanish, so respondents were able to complete the survey in English or Spanish.

The national sample was weighted by splitting the sample into three groups: [1] Women 18-49, [2] Women 50-64, and [3] Men 18-64 and each group was separately weighted to match known population parameters (see table below for weighting variables and sources). Weights within the three groups were then trimmed at the 4^th and 96^th percentiles, to ensure that individual respondents do not have too much influence on survey-derived estimates. After the weights were trimmed, the samples were combined, and the weights adjusted, so that the groups were represented in their proper proportions for a final combined, gender by age-adjusted weight. Lastly, two additional weights for interviews among women 18-49 in Arizona and Florida were calculated for analyses among those specific sub-groups. Each of the state-specific weights were trimmed at the 2^nd and 98^th percentiles, to ensure that individual respondents do not have too much influence on survey-derived estimates.

The margins of sampling error for the national sample of reproductive age women, Arizona reproductive age women, and Florida reproductive age women are plus or minus 2 percentage points, 8 percentage points, and 6 percentage points respectively. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this survey.