KFF Election Poll Analysis

Abortion on the Ballot in 2026: Polling Insights from Voters in Four States

This dashboard provides KFF’s analysis of the role abortion played in voters’ decisions in the 2026 midterm elections, with a focus on four states with abortion-related ballot measures: Idaho, Missouri, Nevada, and Virginia. For this analysis, KFF added supplemental questions to the NORC Civic Health and Elections Project, a survey of the 2026 midterm electorate conducted nationally and in all 50 states. It examines support for each of the measures across groups, including additional questions in Missouri, where voters were asked to weigh in on a ballot measure that combined questions of abortion access with restrictions on gender-affirming care.

For KFF’s analysis of the role of health care costs and other health policy issues
in the midterms, see: Health Care in the 2026 Midterm Election

Last updated: November 4, 2026, 7:00PM ET

Table of Contents

Key Takeaways

Copy link to Key Takeaways
  • Midterm voters voted to protect access to abortion in three of the four states that had abortion-related ballot measures. Ballot measures to protect abortion rights passed in Nevada and Virginia, enshrining the constitutional right to abortion. Missouri voters rejected Amendment 3, preserving the constitutional right to abortion. Idaho was the only state where voters rejected a proposition that would have expanded access to abortion, leaving the state with some of the most restrictive abortion laws.
  • Missouri voters rejected Amendment 3, keeping in place the constitutional right to abortion voters approved in 2024. Placed on the ballot by Missouri’s Republican-led legislature, this measure asked voters to weigh in on abortion access alongside adding constitutional prohibitions on gender-affirming care for minors in the state, which are already largely banned. About six in ten voters in Missouri (58%) say they oppose repealing the right to abortion, while six in ten (62%) support prohibiting gender-affirming care for minors, the two issues at the center of this measure. However, voters were more than five times as likely to say “abortion policy” was a more important issue to them in this vote than the issue of gender-affirming care for minors (45% vs. 8%), and more than four in ten (45%) said both issues mattered equally. The rejection of this amendment keeps the constitutional right to abortion approved by voters in 2024 in place and leaves the laws prohibiting many gender-affirming treatments for minors already in place in the state for the time being.
  • About seven in ten Republicans (71%) voted in support of Missouri’s Amendment 3, while most Democrats (85%) and independents (72%) voted “no.” However, voter motivation was on the side of rejecting the amendment, as at least half of “no” voters say the measure had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. This pattern is consistent with recent elections in which abortion motivated Democratic voters to turn out more so than Republicans.
  • In Idaho, voters rejected Proposition 1, which would have established a right to abortion in one of the states with the most restrictive bans in the country. Democratic voters in the state overwhelmingly voted to pass the measure, including a vast majority of Democratic women. However, eight in ten Republican voters, including similar shares of Republican women, rejected the measure, and women of reproductive age were split with about half voting “yes” to expand abortion access and half voting “no.” Rejecting this measure leaves Idaho with its existing near-total abortion ban.
  • In Virginia and Nevada, measures establishing a constitutional right to abortion passed with broad support across age and gender. Support extended beyond Democrats and independents, with about half of Republicans in Nevada (47%) and a third in Virginia (35%) voting “yes.” About four in ten Nevada voters (44%) who backed the Republican candidate for governor also supported the state’s abortion rights measure.

Abortion Ballot Measures

Copy link to Abortion Ballot Measures

In the 2026 election, four states voted on abortion-related ballot measures. Three of these measures would establish or protect abortion rights in Idaho, Nevada, and Virginia. In Missouri, the legislature put forward a measure to repeal the constitutional right to abortion approved by voters in 2024 and to add a constitutional prohibition on gender-affirming care for minors. Nevada voted on its measure for the second time, as the state requires constitutional amendments proposed by citizens to pass in two consecutive general elections, and the measure first passed in 2024. Voters in three of the four states voted to protect abortion access, while the measure in Idaho failed. More details about the different state ballot measures are available at this KFF brief.

Ballot measures to protect abortion rights passed in Nevada and Virginia, enshrining the constitutional right to abortion. Missouri voters rejected Amendment 3, preserving the constitutional right to abortion. Voters in Idaho rejected Proposition 1, which would have expanded access to abortion, leaving the state with some of the most restrictive abortion laws in the country.

Map of the United States highlighting states with abortion-related ballot measures in their elections. Idaho, Nevada, and Virginia have ballots to protect abortion rights, while Missouri has a ballot to repeal abortion rights.

At least three in ten voters in each of these states said the abortion ballot measure in their state had a “major impact” on their decision to vote in this election. In Idaho, Missouri, and Nevada, proponents of abortion access (voting “yes” in Idaho and Nevada, and “no” in Missouri) were more likely than opponents to say the measure had a major impact on their decision to vote. In Virginia, however, those who oppose access to abortion were more likely than supporters of the measure to say it majorly impacted their decision to turn out.

Split bar chart showing share of voters in Idaho, Missouri, Nevada, and Virginia who say their state's ballot initiative on abortion had a major impact on their decision about whether to vote in this election. Shown among total voters and among those who voted in support or against protecting access to abortion.

Missouri Amendment 3

Copy link to Missouri Amendment 3

In Missouri, voters decided whether to repeal a constitutional right to abortion they adopted just two years earlier. In 2024, Missouri voters approved Amendment 3, a citizen-initiated measure that added a right to reproductive freedom, including abortion up to fetal viability, to the state constitution. The 2026 measure – also called Amendment 3 – was placed on the ballot by the Republican-majority legislature. If it had passed, this new measure would have repealed the 2024 constitutional amendment, banning abortion except in cases of medical emergency or fetal anomaly, or in cases of rape or incest up to 12 weeks of pregnancy. The measure would also have allowed the legislature to pass new abortion regulations, including some that a court has blocked after finding they violate the 2024 constitutional amendment protecting the right to abortion.

Additionally, the amendment would have written into the state constitution a prohibition on gender-affirming care for minors, specifically for surgery and prescribing hormones or puberty blockers. Missouri currently restricts this care for minors by statute, but the hormone and drug-related restrictions of that law are set to expire in August 2027.

Missouri voters rejected Amendment 3, with 56% voting “no,” keeping in place the constitutional right to abortion voters approved in 2024. About seven in ten Republicans (71%) supported the measure, while most Democrats (85%) and independents (72%) voted “no.” Fewer than half (43%) of women of reproductive age supported the measure that would have reinstated an abortion ban in Missouri.

About four in ten Missouri voters said the measure had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election, including about half of women of reproductive age (51%) and Democratic voters (54%).

Just over half of Missouri parents (53%) voted “yes” on the amendment that would have affected health care for minors in the state, and about four in ten (43%) said the measure had a major impact on their decision to turn out. 

Split bar chart showing share of Missouri voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Amendment 3, as well as share of voters who said Missouri's abortion initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Shown among total voters, parent voters, women voters ages 18-49, and by voters by party identification.

Because Amendment 3 paired the repeal of the 2024 abortion rights amendment with strengthened prohibitions on gender-affirming care for minors, described on the ballot as “gender-transition” treatment, voters had to weigh two separate issues in a single vote.

When asked which part of the amendment was more important to their vote, voters were more than five times as likely to say abortion policy (45%) was the more important issue than to say gender-affirming care for minors (8%). More than four in ten (45%) Missouri voters say both issues were equally important.

For opponents of the measure, abortion policy was a more salient issue than gender-affirming care. Six in ten (59%) voters who voted “no” on the measure said abortion policy was the more important issue to their vote. Six in ten Missouri voters who voted “yes” said both issues were equally important to their vote (60%).

Stacked bar chart showing which of the two issues on Amendment 3 was more important to Missouri voters' vote on the measure. Shown among total voters and by vote choice on Amendment 3.

Asked about each part of Amendment 3 separately, a majority of Missouri voters (58%) oppose repealing the constitutional right to abortion passed by voters in 2024, while about six in ten (62%) support prohibiting gender-affirming care for minors, referred to by the ballot as “gender-transition” medications and procedures.

About eight in ten Missouri voters who voted “yes” on Amendment 3 support each of the provisions, while “no” voters are more divided. Few (12%) “no” voters support repealing the right to abortion, but about half (47%) support prohibiting gender-affirming care for minors.

Stacked bar chart showing share of Missouri voters who support or oppose repealing the constitutional right to abortion passed by Missouri voters in 2024 and prohibiting gender transition medications and procedures for people under age 18. Results shown among total voters and by vote choice on Amendment 3.

In fact, many Missouri voters held views that did not align with both ballot measure provisions. Nearly three in ten Missouri voters (28%) oppose repealing the right to abortion but support prohibiting gender-affirming care for minors, and 7% support repealing the right to abortion, but oppose prohibiting gender-affirming care for minors. About a third (34%) of voters support both provisions of the ballot measure, and three in ten oppose both provisions.

Among voters who supported the measure, seven in ten say they support both provisions, while about one in eight only support the prohibitions on gender-affirming care, and about one in ten only support repealing the right to abortion.

Among voters who rejected the measure, roughly half (48%) oppose both provisions of the measure, while four in ten oppose repealing abortion rights but support a ban on gender affirming care for minors, indicating that their views on abortion played a stronger role in their vote choice.

Stacked bar chart showing various views on Missouri's Amendment 3, including share of Missouri voters who support both repealing abortion rights and restricting gender affirming care, support repealing abortion rights only, support restricting gender affirming care only, or oppose both repealing abortion rights and restricting gender affirming care. Results shown among total voters and by vote choice on Amendment 3.

While most (74%) Missouri voters say it was “very” or “somewhat” easy to understand what a “yes” or “no” vote on Amendment 3 would do, about one in four say it was difficult.

About three in ten (29%) voters who voted “no” on the measure say it was difficult to understand what their vote on Amendment 3 would do, compared to about one in five (22%) who voted “yes.”

Stacked bar chart showing share of Missouri voters who said it was easy or difficult to understand what a "yes" or a "no" vote on Amendment 3 would actually do. Results shown among total voters and by vote choice on Amendment 3.

Idaho Proposition 1

Copy link to Idaho Proposition 1

Idaho, which currently has some of the most restrictive abortion laws in the U.S., voted on Proposition 1, the Reproductive Freedom and Privacy Act. This citizen-initiated statute would have established a right to reproductive freedom, including abortion before fetal viability and after viability in cases of medical emergency. The measure would also have protected reproductive freedom and privacy for contraception, fertility treatment, miscarriage care, and prenatal, pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum care.

Voters in Idaho rejected Proposition 1, with 56% voting “no.” The measure received support from 98% of Idaho Democrats, though about eight in ten (79%) Republicans voted “no.” Women of reproductive age were more split, with about half voting to expand access to abortion in their state (47%) and about half rejecting the measure (53%).

About four in ten Idaho voters said the measure had a major impact on their decision to vote, rising to nearly six in ten women of reproductive age and about half of Democratic voters.

Split bar chart showing share of Idaho voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Proposition 1, as well as share of voters who said Idaho's abortion initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Results shown among total voters, women voters ages 18-49 and by party identification of voters.

The leading candidates for governor in Idaho took opposing positions on Proposition 1. Democrat Terri Pickens said she supports the measure and would defend it if it passed. Republican Gov. Brad Little, who signed the state’s 2020 abortion ban into law, opposed the measure.

About one in five (19%) Idaho voters who voted for Gov. Little also voted “yes” on Proposition 1 to establish a right to reproductive freedom, and two in five (39%) said the initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote. Among those who voted for Pickens, the vast majority (96%) also voted “yes” on the measure, and nearly half (48%) said it had a major impact on their decision to vote.

Split bar chart showing share of Idaho voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Proposition 1, as well as share of voters who said Idaho's abortion initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Results shown among total voters and by governor vote choice of voters.

Nevada Question 6

Copy link to Nevada Question 6

Nevada voters cast a second vote on Question 6, the Right to Abortion Initiative, which added a constitutional right to abortion up to fetal viability, and after viability when the pregnant person’s life or health is at risk. Nevada requires citizen-initiated constitutional amendments to pass in two consecutive general elections. Voters first approved the measure in 2024 with 64% support.

The measure passed with broad support, with 63% of Nevada’s voters voting “yes,” including nine in ten Democrats and nearly half of Republicans. Additionally, eight in ten (83%) women of reproductive age supported the initiative.  

Split bar chart showing share of Nevada voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Question 6, as well as share of voters who said Nevada's abortion initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Results shown among total voters, women voters ages 18-49, voters by party identification, and gender of voters.

Along with Question 6, Nevada voters cast ballots in a competitive governor’s race. Democratic Attorney General Aaron Ford supports Question 6, while Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo has said abortion rights should be left to voters and in 2023 signed a law protecting out-of-state patients who travel to Nevada for abortion care.

Just under half (44%) of Nevada voters who voted for Gov. Lombardo also voted “yes” on Question 6, and a quarter (26%) said the initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote. Nine in ten (91%) Nevada voters who voted for Ford also voted “yes” on the measure, and around a third (34%) said it had a major impact on their decision to vote.

Split bar chart showing share of Nevada voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Question 6, as well as share of voters who said Nevada's abortion initiative had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Results shown among total voters and by governor vote choice of voters.

Virginia Question 1

Copy link to Virginia Question 1

Virginia voters voted on Question 1, a constitutional amendment placed on the ballot by the General Assembly after passing it in two consecutive sessions. The amendment enshrines the right to reproductive freedom, including decisions about prenatal care, childbirth, postpartum care, contraception, abortion, miscarriage management, and fertility care. It allows the state to regulate abortion in the third trimester, except when necessary to protect the life or health of the pregnant person or when the fetus is not viable. Virginia currently allows abortion through the second trimester.

The measure passed, with 62% of Virginia’s voters supporting it, including more than nine in ten (94%) Democrats and about a third (35%) of Republicans. Three-quarters (76%) of women of reproductive age voted in favor of protecting abortion access.

Split bar chart showing share of Virginia voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Question 1, as well as share of voters who said Virginia's abortion measure had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Results shown among total voters, women voters ages 18-49, voters by party identification, gender of voters, and women voters by party identification.

Along with Question 1, Virginia voters cast ballots in a U.S. Senate race, where Democratic Sen. Mark Warner sought a fourth term against Republican Bert Mizusawa.

About three in ten (31%) voters in Virginia who voted for Mizusawa also voted “yes” on Question 1, and a third (35%) said the measure had a major impact on their decision to vote. Nine in ten (92%) of those who voted for Sen. Warner also voted “yes” on the measure, and three in ten (31%) said it had a major impact on their decision to vote.

Split bar chart showing share of Virginia voters who voted "yes" or "no" on Question 1, as well as share of voters who said Virginia's abortion measure had a major impact on their decision to vote in this election. Results shown among total voters and by Senate vote choice of voters.

Methodology and additional resources

Copy link to Methodology and additional resources

The Civic Health and Elections Project (CH&EP) is a survey of about 95,000 registered voters conducted nationally and in all 50 states by NORC at the University of Chicago, beginning on Oct. 28 and concluding as polls closed on Nov. 3, 2026. CH&EP conducts interviews with a random sample of registered voters drawn from state voter files and combines them with interviews from self-identified registered voters selected using nonprobability approaches. It also includes interviews with self-identified registered voters conducted using NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. Interviews are conducted in English and Spanish. The study is funded by a group of sponsors including KFF; NORC made all final decisions on questionnaire content.


Note: Party labels include partisan-leaning independents.


Find more details about CH&EP’s methodology, including weighting, sample sizes, and question wording, at https://civichealth.norc.org/.

For media inquiries contact KFFMedia@kff.org

State and Federal Reproductive Rights and Abortion Litigation Tracker

Last updated on

The Supreme Court’s Dobbs ruling, overturning Roe v. Wade, returned the decision to restrict or protect abortion to states. In many states, abortion providers and advocates are challenging state abortion bans contending that the bans violate the state constitution or another state law. Additionally, new questions have arisen regarding the intersection of federal and state authority when it impacts access to abortion and contraception.

This litigation tracker presents up-to-date information on the ongoing litigation in state and federal courts involving access to contraception and abortion. Use the buttons below to navigate between cases related to: Pregnancy and Work, Emergency Care, Family Planning, Privacy, Medication Abortion, Minors Access, and State Abortion Bans. 

Litigation Involving Reproductive Health and Rights in the Courts, as of November 4, 2026 (Table)

Abortion on the 2026 Ballot: The Evolving Landscape of State Abortion Initiatives 

Published: Nov 4, 2026

This brief was originally published on March 17, 2026, and has been updated to reflect the status of four (Idaho, Nevada, Missouri, and Virginia) abortion-related initiatives that were on the 2026 ballot. 

During the 2026 Election, voters in Nevada and Virginia enshrined the right to abortion in their state constitutions. In Missouri, voters rejected a constitutional amendment that would have repealed the “Right to Reproductive Freedom Initiative,” passed by voters in 2024. The 2026 measure would have banned the provision of abortion, permitting only limited exceptions, and would have prohibited minors from accessing gender-affirming care. The voters in Idaho rejected the measure that would have reversed their ban on the provision of abortion by enacting a new law establishing the right to abortion until fetal viability.  

For more information on abortion-related state ballot initiatives, see our tracker on the Status of Abortion-related State Ballot Initiatives Since Dobbs. 

Since the Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs ruling, state ballot initiatives have become a powerful tool used by advocates on both sides hoping to either protect or limit abortion access in their state. Successful ballot initiatives that enact state constitutional amendments provide stronger legal authority to either protect or restrict abortion than laws enacted by the legislature or state Supreme Court rulings. Since 2022, twelve states have passed ballot initiatives, usually, but not exclusively, to protect abortion rights in their state. Once again, this November, four states (Table 1) will have abortion-related measures for their voters to consider. Abortion rights advocates in Nevada and Virginia have placed a constitutional amendment protecting the right to abortion on the November ballot. The Missouri legislature has placed an initiative on the ballot to repeal a state constitutional amendment protecting the right to abortion approved by voters in 2024. In addition, voters in Idaho will decide on a state statute that would guarantee a right to abortion until fetal viability or after fetal viability when the patient experiences a medical emergency. This issue brief reviews the abortion-related initiatives on the ballot in November 2026 and examines how these measures may impact abortion access in the state. 

Abortion-Related Ballot Measures in the 2026 Election (Table)

Ballot Initiatives Seeking to Protect Abortion Rights

Virginia

Virginia is currently the only state in the South that does not ban the provision of abortion or impose an early gestational limit, currently allowing abortion until the third trimester. Unless the litigation, described below, challenging the placement of the ballot measure succeeds, voters in Virginia will decide whether to enshrine these abortion protections into the state constitution in November. On February 6, 2026, Governor Spanberger signed a bill, placing the Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment on the ballot, after the legislature passed it in two successive sessions, as is required by state law. However, on March 3, 2026, Charla Bansley, the District 3 Supervisor for the Bedford County Board of Supervisors, filed a lawsuit seeking to block the placement of the measure on the November ballot. Ms. Bansley alleges state election officials failed to distribute the constitutional amendment to circuit clerks in all counties, as required by state law, before certifying the abortion measure for the ballot.

On July 24, 2026, a district court judge issued an order dismissing Bansley’s lawsuit with prejudice because she failed to establish that she had standing to bring the lawsuit, and the operative law that Bansley attempted to rely on to challenge the ballot language had been repealed. On September 12, 2026, the Virginia Court of Appeals heard an appeal to Bansley’s lawsuit, challenging the ballot initiative placement on the November 2026 ballot. The Virginia Court of Appeals denied Bansley’s petition to bypass appellate review and go directly to the Virginia Supreme Court. Bansley’s opening brief is due October 19, 2026.

A separate lawsuit challenging the Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment was filed on April 30, 2026, by two medical advocacy groups and by Meagan Kade, a member of the Bluefield town council. The Plaintiffs argue that the language of the ballot initiative does not accurately convey the legal impact of the new constitutional amendment to voters. Additionally, they make the same argument as Bansley that the amendment was not properly circulated. A hearing was held in June 2026. The case is still unresolved, and early voting for Virginia began on September 18, 2026.

The Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment would amend the state constitution to guarantee a fundamental right to abortion until the third trimester, as well as contraception and fertility care. The Amendment would allow the Commonwealth of Virginia to regulate abortion in the third trimester; however, abortion cannot be prohibited if the pregnant person’s life or physical or mental health is at risk, or if the fetus is not viable. If passed, the Amendment will provide durable protection for abortion rights in the state’s constitution by ensuring that changes in the composition of the legislature or the courts in the Commonwealth do not impede access to abortion care.

Nevada

Nevada law requires citizen-initiated ballot initiatives amending the state’s constitution to pass in two successive general elections. Therefore, Nevadans will vote for the second time on the Reproductive Rights Amendment initially approved by voters in 2024. If passed, the Reproductive Rights Amendment will, “guarantee a right to all individuals to abortion performed or administered by a qualified health care practitioner until fetal viability or when needed to protect the life or health of the pregnant patient, without interference from the state or its political subdivisions.” 

Abortion is currently legal in Nevada until 24 weeks gestation. In 1990, voters passed as a “statute affirmation” which upheld the existing law, NRS 442.250, which legalized abortion until 24 weeks, and prohibited the state legislature from amending or repealing the law unless it was placed on the ballot. In 2019, Nevada enacted the Trust Nevada Women Act, which decriminalized medication abortion and removed informed consent laws. The Reproductive Rights Amendment would protect the individuals’ right to abortion beyond the existing law by limiting state interference. While passage of the Reproductive Rights Amendment would provide the strongest protection against efforts to limit reproductive rights by the legislature or courts, any effort to change the gestational limit for abortion in Nevada would have to be approved by a direct vote of state residents, not by the legislature. 

If the Reproductive Rights Amendment passes, abortion rights advocates are likely to bring a new challenge to Nevada’s parental notification for minors law, contending it is not permissible under the new constitutional amendment. If successful, this challenge would allow minors to consent for their own abortions. Last year, a lower court lifted a 1985 injunction blocking the notification law and reinstated the parental notification requirement. Planned Parenthood Mar Monte, the affiliate that operates the Nevada Planned Parenthood clinics, challenged the lower court's order, and the Nevada Supreme Court preliminarily enjoined the law.

Idaho

Idaho has among the most restrictive abortion laws in the nation. Abortion rights advocates are seeking to reverse these restrictions by trying to get a new law approved, the Reproductive Freedom and Privacy Act, which will change the legality of abortion in the state. Idaho is currently enforcing a total ban on the provision of abortion, with exceptions only to prevent the death of the pregnant person or in the first trimester for reported cases of rape or incest. The Reproductive Freedom and Privacy Act would create a state law giving people the right to make decisions about their own reproductive health care, including abortion up to fetal viability, and after fetal viability if the patient is experiencing a medical emergency, miscarriage care, prenatal, pregnancy, and postpartum care, contraception, and fertility treatment. However, the initiative faced considerable barriers to getting on the ballot. In Idaho, a citizen-initiated ballot initiative can only be placed on the ballot if the petitioner gathers signatures from 6% of the registered voters in the last election in 18 of the state’s 35 legislative districts and submits these signatures by May 1 of the election year. The signatures must then be verified by the county clerks and submitted to the secretary of state for certification. Idahoans United for Women and Families, a nonprofit group that advocates for comprehensive reproductive health care in the state, is organizing the 2026 ballot initiative. On July 13, 2026, the Idaho Secretary of State announced that Idahoans United for Women and Families had collected enough valid signatures for the initiative to qualify for the November 2026 ballot.

In addition to facing barriers to collecting signatures, Idahoans United has also filed multiple lawsuits against the attorney general’s office regarding the ballot language. In January 2025, the group sued the attorney general’s office, arguing that the financial impact statement and the short title of the ballot initiative contained biased language. On June 16, 2025, the Idaho Supreme Court agreed and ordered the attorney general to draft a new financial statement and short title. 

On August 27, 2026, Idahoans United for Women and Families filed another lawsuit against the Secretary of State and the Attorney General of Idaho, alleging that the drafted ballot language did not contain a clear and concise statement on the effect of a “YES” or “NO” vote. The original “NO” statement, as written by the Secretary of State and Attorney General, provided: "A NO vote would make no change to Idaho’s current law, which protects the life of the unborn while allowing abortion in reported cases of rape or incest, or when necessary to protect the life of the mother. Idahoans United alleged that the “NO” statement, as written, mischaracterized Idaho’s current abortion law, leading voters to believe that Idaho law “allow[s] abortion . . . when necessary to protect the life of the mother,” when the current law only allows abortions to prevent the death of a pregnant person, and used inaccurate and argumentative language such as “protects the life of the unborn.”

Additionally, Idahoans United argued that the “YES” statement similarly violated Idaho law because it was not a clear and concise statement that describes the legal effect of a “YES” vote. The original “YES” statement provided: “A YES vote would establish reproductive rights, including a right to abortion before a fetus's ability to survive and after a fetus's ability to survive in cases of a medical emergency, and provide liability protections for healthcare providers.” Idahoans United argued that the “YES” statement description of fetal viability could confuse voters because if the statement continued on the ballot as written, it would describe the same point in pregnancy (viability) four different ways: in the initiative text, in the short title, in the long title, and in the “YES” statement.

On September 4, 2026, the Idaho Supreme Court ordered the Secretary of State and the Attorney General to rewrite the ballot language after finding the original version failed to comply with state law by not clearly and concisely stating the effects of “YES” and “NO” votes.

Box 1: Updated Idaho Proposition One Ballot Initiative Language

On September 6, 2026, the Idaho Supreme Court approved new ballot initiative language for Proposition One, which provides that:

  • A “YES vote would support creating a right to abortion before fetal viability—defined as a fetus’ ability to survive without extraordinary medical measures—and after fetal viability in cases of medical emergency; providing protections against professional discipline and civil and criminal liability for healthcare providers; and codifying a statutory reproductive right to freedom and privacy.”
  • A “NO vote would support making no change to Idaho’s current law, which preserves the life of preborn children by prohibiting abortion, except when necessary to prevent the death of the pregnant woman, and during the first trimester in documented cases of rape or incest reported to law enforcement.”

If passed, the Reproductive Freedom and Privacy Act could expand access to abortion in Idaho. However, the Act would still face challenges after the election because Idaho allows its legislature to amend or repeal a citizen-initiated statute without restrictions. There are numerous examples where the legislature has reversed or amended the will of the electorate. In 2002, the Idaho legislature repealed citizen-initiated statutes that sought to place term-limits on elected officials. In 2019, the Idaho legislature amended a citizen-initiated statute that expanded Medicaid eligibility.

Ballot Initiatives Seeking to Curtail Abortion Rights 

Missouri 

In 2026, voters in Missouri will again be asked to decide the legal status of abortion in their state, but this time to reverse a recently approved constitutional amendment. In 2024, Missouri voters approved Amendment 3, the Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment, which amended the state’s constitution to guarantee a right to abortion until fetal viability. Before Amendment 3 was passed, Missouri banned the provision of abortion with exceptions only to avert the death of the pregnant person or to avert a serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function of the pregnant person. After Amendment 3 passed, Planned Parenthood, one of the abortion providers in the state, filed a lawsuit challenging not only the state’s total abortion restriction, but also a series of regulations on facilities and clinicians providing abortions. These restrictions included a 72-hour waiting period between an initial appointment and when an abortion could be performed, and abortion specific informed consent requirements. In June 2026, the court permanently struck down some regulations on facilities and clinicians providing abortions; however, some regulations remain. The litigation is ongoing and is currently at the Missouri Supreme Court. The state's total abortion restriction had already been struck down.

State legislators who oppose abortion rights have drafted a new ballot initiative that seeks to repeal Amendment 3. The 2026 ballot initiative, also known as Amendment 3, would ban the provision of abortion except in cases of medical emergencies, fatal fetal anomalies, or pregnancies 12 weeks or less gestation that are a result of rape or incest. The initiative includes a parental or guardian consent requirement for minors except in medical emergencies and prohibits state funding of abortions in most circumstances. The ballot initiative explicitly allows the legislature to regulate abortion provision, facilities, and providers including, “requiring physicians providing abortion care to have admitting privileges at a nearby hospital; laws requiring facilities where abortions are performed or induced to be licensed and inspected for clean and safe conditions and adequate instruments to treat any emergencies arising from an abortion procedure; laws requiring physicians to perform a sufficient examination of the woman to determine the unborn child's gestational age and any preexisting medical conditions that may influence the procedure; and laws requiring ultrasounds to be performed only by physicians or licensed medical technicians.” In addition, the initiative includes a ban on gender affirming care for minors. 

The 2026 ballot initiative has faced legal scrutiny. On July 2, 2025, the ACLU of Missouri filed a lawsuit against the secretary of state, alleging that the language for the 2026 ballot initiative was intentionally misleading, contained an inaccurate summary, and is unconstitutional because it included more than one subject. The ACLU argued that the language of the ballot initiative failed to properly inform voters that a “yes” vote would lead to a repeal of reproductive rights protections that passed in 2024. The ACLU also contended that the subject of the ballot initiative is related to “reproductive health care,” but includes topics unrelated to reproductive health, including a ban on gender-affirming care for minors. On July 4, 2025, the Missouri Western District Court of Appeals ruled that the language of the 2026 ballot initiative failed to inform voters that the initiative would repeal and replace the 2024 Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment, and certified new ballot language for the 2026 ballot initiative. The language certified by the court will appear on the November 3, 2026, ballot. This is the first time voters could decide to repeal a state constitutional amendment protecting abortion. Passage of the 2026 ballot initiative would ban the provision of abortion in Missouri and prevent minors from accessing gender affirming care. 

Some Abortion Restrictions Remain in Place After Voters Pass Constitutional Amendments

Voters in Arizona, Ohio, and Missouri passed state constitutional amendments establishing the right to abortion in recent elections. After abortion advocates challenged existing state restrictions on the provision of abortion under the new constitutional amendments, courts have blocked the pre-existing state abortion restrictions. However, legal challenges to existing abortion restrictions such as waiting periods and telemedicine restrictions, have taken longer as courts have not uniformly blocked these provisions. 

On November 5, 2024, Arizona voters passed Proposition 139, a ballot initiative that amended the state constitution to guarantee a right to abortion until fetal viability. The amendment also allows abortions after fetal viability if the physician providing the abortion determines that the abortion is necessary to protect the life or physical or mental health of the pregnant person. After this constitutional amendment became effective in December 2024, advocates filed legal challenges to block Arizona’s 15-week ban on the provision of abortion and other abortion restrictions. In March 2025, a court ruled Arizona’s 15-week ban was unconstitutional under the new amendment. In February 2026, an Arizona state court ruling blocked several abortion restrictions, including: (1) a ban on abortion based on fetal diagnoses; (2) a 24-hour waiting period and (3) a prohibition on telemedicine for abortion care due to new protections granted in the state’s constitutional amendment. However, Republican state legislators who have intervened in the lawsuit may appeal this decision. The Democratic Arizona Attorney General declined to defend the laws on behalf of the state, and therefore it is unlikely the state will appeal. 

There are, however, still abortion restrictions in effect in Arizona, including a ban on state funds for abortion (which affects Medicaid), a parental consent requirement for minors seeking abortions, and a law that bars medical professionals other than doctors from providing abortions. In February 2026, the ACLU of Arizona filed a lawsuit on behalf of advanced practice clinicians, contending the physician-only law violates the constitutional amendment protecting abortion. 

On November 7, 2023, Ohio voters passed Issue 1, a ballot initiative that amended the state constitution to guarantee every individual has the right to make their own reproductive decisions, including contraception, fertility treatment, continuing a pregnancy, miscarriage care, and abortion care. The amendment also allows the state to prohibit abortion after fetal viability; however, an abortion cannot be prohibited after viability if it is necessary to protect the life or health of the pregnant person. After the passage of Issue 1, advocates cited the new amendment in legal challenges to the state’s 6-week ban on the provision of abortion as well as the many other abortion restrictions. In October 2024, the Hamilton County Court of Common Pleas issued a permanent injunction blocking Ohio’s 6-week abortion ban from taking effect, marking the first permanent injunction based on Ohio’s Reproductive Freedom Amendment. Courts have blocked many of the other abortion restrictions as well. One provision that was challenged, but is still in effect, is a requirement for providers to document the reason for an abortion, but this provision does not impact patients’ access to abortion care. Ohio law still requires parental consent for minors seeking abortions and blocks public funding for abortions. 

As was discussed earlier, Missouri voters approved Amendment 3, the Right to Reproductive Freedom Amendment, in 2024, which guarantees a right to make and carry out decisions about all matters relating to reproductive health care, including: prenatal care, childbirth, postpartum care, birth control, abortion care, miscarriage care, and respectful birthing conditions. The amendment also allows the government to regulate abortion after fetal viability; however, it prevents the government from restricting abortion after fetal viability if the abortion is necessary to protect the life, physical or mental health of the pregnant person. After the passage of Amendment 3, a court blocked the state’s ban on the provision of abortion, as well as most of the restrictions, including a 72-hour waiting period and abortion specific informed consent requirements. However, the litigation is ongoing and is currently at the Missouri Supreme Court.  

Options for Future Citizen-Referred Ballot Measures Are Limited

Citizens are allowed to propose a constitutional amendment for the ballot in 17 states. There are only two states, Arkansas and Oklahoma, with current bans on the provision of abortion which allow for citizen-initiated constitutional amendments and have yet to vote on an abortion measure (Figure 1). There were efforts in Arkansas (where there is a near-total ban on the provision of abortion) to get an initiative on the ballot, but the Arkansas Secretary of State rejected the petition for the initiative because the signatures were not properly gathered, and thus the initiative did not make it to the ballot. The Arkansas Supreme Court upheld this decision. 

Oklahoma has a total ban on the provision of abortion, with an exception only to save the life of the pregnant person, and classifies performing an abortion as a felony. A citizen-led effort to put a state constitutional amendment that would have added an “individual right to reproductive freedom” on the ballot was withdrawn in December 2022, before signature gathering began.

In 2024, in Florida, Nebraska, and South Dakota, abortion rights amendments failed to garner sufficient votes for passage. In Nebraska, voters approved a competing measure to ban the provision of abortion after the first trimester. In South Dakota, the measure failed to pass, only garnering 41% of the votes. In Florida, the initiative received 57% approval. However, state law requires 60% approval for a constitutional amendment. As the popular vote fell just 3 percentage points short of approval, abortion rights supporters in Florida may try again in a future election to reverse the 6-week ban on the provision of abortion. 

Conversely, in states with current abortion protections without a constitutional amendment protecting abortion, only three states (Illinois, Massachusetts, Oregon) have a process for citizen-initiated constitutional amendments. However, in today’s political climate, it is unlikely that new citizen initiatives will be brought to the electorate to weaken existing abortion protections.

The Status of Abortion-related State Ballot Initiatives Since Dobbs

Last updated on November 4, 2026

Since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, overturning Roe v. Wade, voters in 19 states have weighed in on ballot measures regarding abortion– some more than once. In November 2026, voters in 4 states (Idaho, Missouri, Nevada, and Virginia) weighed in on statutes and constitutional amendments affecting the legal status of abortion in their state. Voters in Virginia and Nevada affirmed the right to abortion in their state constitutions. Voters in Missouri rejected a constitutional amendment that would have repealed the “Right to Reproductive Freedom Initiative,” passed by voters in 2024, banned abortion except if there is a medical emergency, fatal fetal anomaly, or the pregnancy is a result of rape and incest (and the abortion is performed before 12 weeks LMP), and prohibited minors from accessing gender-affirming care. A measure in Idaho that would have created a statute that guaranteed the right to abortion until fetal viability, or after fetal viability when the patient experiences a medical emergency, failed.

In 2024, 10 states voted on abortion measures that sought to affirm that the state constitution protects the right to abortion. Nebraska voted on two measures: one seeking to protect abortion and the other seeking to ban abortion after the first trimester. Measures protecting abortion rights succeeded in 7 states — Arizona, Colorado, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, and New York — and failed in 3 — Florida, Nebraska, and South Dakota. Voters passed a measure amending the Nebraska state constitution prohibiting abortions after the first trimester.  

Prior to the 2024 election, the side favoring access to abortion prevailed in every state that voted on abortion-related ballot measures. In 2022 and 2023, California, Michigan, Ohio, and Vermont voters passed measures amending the state constitution to protect the right to abortion. Measures seeking to curtail the right to abortion in Kentucky, Kansas, and Montana failed.  

There are two ways a measure may be placed on the ballot: through citizen initiative or legislative referral. 

  • Legislatively-referred  measures are introduced and approved by lawmakers before they appear on the ballot for citizens to vote on. 
  • Citizen-initiated  measures are written by citizen groups and are placed on the ballot if they receive enough signatures.  

Not all states allow for citizen-initiated ballot measures. For more background information on abortion related ballot initiatives, please see our brief Addressing Abortion Access through State Ballot Initiatives. 

For more information on confirmed and potential abortion-related ballot measures in the 2026 election, please see our brief Abortion on the 2026 Ballot: The Evolving Landscape of State Abortion Initiatives. 

Status of Abortion-Related Ballot Measures Since Dobbs, as of November 4, 2026 (Table)

Tracking Implementation of the 2025 Reconciliation Law Medicaid Work Requirements

Updated on:

The 2025 reconciliation law requires states to condition Medicaid eligibility for adults in the ACA Medicaid expansion group on meeting work requirements starting January 1, 2027; however, states have the option to implement requirements sooner through a state plan amendment (SPA) or through an approved 1115 waiver.

State Plan Amendments (SPAs)

States may choose to implement work requirements prior to the required January 1, 2027 implementation date through a state plan amendment. Nebraska is the first state to announce that it will begin enforcing federal work requirements early through a state plan amendment, starting May 1, 2026. Two other states are also planning to implement before January 2027–Montana on July 1, 2026 and Iowa on December 1, 2026. Arkansas has announced that it plans to launch a soft implementation of work requirements on July 1, 2026 but will not disenroll individuals prior to January 1, 2027.

1115 Waivers

Since the start of the second Trump administration, several states have submitted waivers to implement work requirements. However, states are unlikely to be moving forward with proposed 1115 waivers at this time due to the passage of federal work requirements. States that plan to implement federal work requirements early will do so through a state plan amendment. Currently, Georgia is the only state with a Medicaid work requirement waiver in place following litigation over the Biden administration’s attempt to stop it. Georgia’s waiver will expire December 31, 2026; the state is required to come into compliance with the new federal requirements effective January 1, 2027.

Early Implementation and Waiver Status

The map below identifies states that have indicated they will implement federal work requirements early through a state plan amendment and the one state (Georgia) that has implemented work requirements through an 1115 waiver.

States Implementing Work Requirements Early and/or With Approved Work Requirement Waivers (Choropleth map)

Tracking Implementation of the 2025 Reconciliation Law Medicaid Work Requirements

Updated on:

KFF Resources on Medicaid Work Requirements

Work requirements overview:

Medical frailty exemption:

Implementation of work requirements:

50-state survey of Medicaid eligibility and enrollment policies:

Research and analysis on Medicaid and work:

1115 work requirement waivers:

Work requirements implications and state experience:

Arkansas work requirement experience:

KFF Polling on Work Requirements:

Beyond the Data by KFF CEO Drew Altman:

Tracking Implementation of the 2025 Reconciliation Law Medicaid Work Requirements

Updated on:

CMS Guidance and Information

Litigation

Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. Oz et al

Taylor et al. v. Kennedy et al.

Operational and Implementation Questions

Table

Tracking Implementation of the 2025 Reconciliation Law: Medicaid Work Requirements

Updated on:

The 2025 reconciliation law, once called the “One Big Beautiful Bill,” signed by President Trump on July 4, 2025, requires 44 states (including DC) to condition Medicaid eligibility for adults in the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion group and certain enrollees in 1115 waiver programs on meeting work requirements starting January 1, 2027. Currently, 41 states (including DC) have expanded their Medicaid programs under the ACA to nearly all adults with income up to 138% FPL ($21,597 for an individual in 2025). In June 2026, CMS released a list of states with 1115 waiver programs that include individuals who will be subject to work requirements. The list identifies waiver programs in three non-expansion states Georgia, Tennessee, and Wisconsin, as well as in five expansion states, Hawaii, Massachusetts, New York, Oregon, and Utah (Figure 1).  

ACA Medicaid Expansion Enrollees and Certain Medicaid Section 1115 Waiver Enrollees Will Be Required to Meet Work Requirements in 44 States. (Choropleth map)

To implement Medicaid work requirements, states will need to make important policy and operational decisions, implement needed system upgrades or changes, develop new outreach and education strategies, and hire and train staff, all within a relatively short timeframe. The information tracked here can serve as a resource to understand Medicaid work requirements and state options, gauge readiness, and track implementation of the requirements, including:

This resource will be updated to include guidance from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), information on state policy decisions as they are made, and new data when available.

Continue scrolling to learn more about the Medicaid work requirements in the 2025 reconciliation law.

A Déjà Vu Moment for Women’s Health Research

Published: Nov 3, 2026

In this column for Nature, KFF’s Alina Salganicoff reviews efforts to improve women’s health research during previous U.S. administrations that fell short of their promise and highlights the recommendations of a congressionally mandated National Academy of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine committee, which she co-chaired, aimed at improving women’s health research at the National Institutes of Health.