Implementing Medicaid Work Requirements: Lessons from Unwinding

Published: Apr 14, 2026

The 2025 reconciliation law requires states to condition Medicaid eligibility for adults in the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion group and enrollees in partial expansion waiver programs (Georgia and Wisconsin) on meeting work requirements starting January 1, 2027, with the option for states to implement requirements earlier. To implement Medicaid work requirements, states will need to make policy and operational decisions, develop new outreach and education strategies, implement system upgrades or changes, and hire and train staff, all within a relatively short timeframe. 

As states begin the process of implementing new Medicaid work requirements, they may draw on lessons from their recent experience with “Medicaid unwinding.” In April 2023, states began the process of unwinding the Medicaid continuous enrollment provision, a pandemic-era policy that generally stopped disenrollment in return for extra federal funds provided to states. During the unwinding, states conducted eligibility redeterminations for everyone on the program and disenrolled those who were no longer eligible or who did not complete the renewal process.

State experience with Medicaid unwinding illustrated the complexity of Medicaid eligibility processes and that outcomes reflect federal and state policy decisions, implementation and systems. KFF interviews with state officials, managed care plans, primary care associations, and advocacy organizations involved with the Medicaid unwinding in 2023, as well as interviews from the 23rd annual budget survey of Medicaid officials, provided lessons about outreach and engagement and renewal processes. This brief highlights lessons from unwinding that could help inform work requirement implementation. Key takeaways include:

  • Successful outreach and communication generally utilize an array of strategies and partnerships to reach and educate enrollees about changes to the program. Managed care organizations (MCOs) can help identify enrollees and provide outreach.
  • Streamlined renewal processes and increases to ex parte, or automated, renewals help to maintain enrollment for those eligible and reduce state burdens; however, implementing multiple policy changes in tight timeframes can result in significant challenges for systems and staff.
  • While states can draw on their experiences from the Medicaid unwinding, they will face new challenges unique to implementing work requirements. These include the need to collect and incorporate new information when making eligibility determinations, conduct targeted rather than broad outreach, and implement complicated system changes and integrate new data, as well as the inability to replicate certain flexibilities that were available during unwinding.

What lessons from unwinding could inform implementation of work requirements?

Successful outreach and communication generally utilize an array of strategies to reach and educate enrollees about changes to the program. During unwinding, many states expanded the number of touchpoints before renewal and engaged in multi-modal communication strategies. These included broad efforts (e.g., traditional communication campaigns, paid advertising, press conferences, and toolkits for partner organizations), direct outreach to enrollees (e.g., mailers and text messaging), and targeted outreach to certain populations such as people with limited English proficiency. States also used new strategies to update contact information, such as using the National Change of Address database and accepting updated contact information from managed care organizations (MCOs), with reductions in returned mail. Groups reported that finding the correct balance of frequency of outreach and ensuring clear messaging is key to not overwhelm or confuse enrollees.

Partnerships can amplify outreach and provide feedback loops. During the Medicaid unwinding, most states worked with a wide range of groups to reach Medicaid enrollees, including managed care organizations (MCOs), providers (such as community health centers, other primary care providers, and pharmacies), community-based organizations, navigator/assister organizations, and faith-based groups to amplify state outreach efforts. State officials and groups working directly with affected enrollees found local marketing and word of mouth to be effective methods for reaching enrollees. Many states also held regular meetings to provide updates and review data with others involved in unwinding. Feedback loops with community partners helped identify early problems; conversely, limited state engagement and communication contributed to frustration and more reports of problems.

Managed care organizations (MCOs) can help identify enrollees and provide outreach. During unwinding, some MCOs were able to take on new roles with enrollees as a result of certain waivers and flexibilities (post-unwinding, states have the option to permanently adopt many renewal strategies). State officials and managed care representatives reported that MCOs providing direct outreach to enrollees and sharing updated contact information for enrollees with the state were both helpful. Other innovative approaches MCOs took included virtual renewal training events and coordination between MCOs and primary care providers so providers could work with individuals due for renewal.

Implementing multiple policy changes in tight timeframes can result in significant challenges for systems and staff. A number of states reported that their systems were old or difficult to use and not set up to produce real-time analytics. Respondents also cited staffing shortages as an ongoing challenge contributing to slower processing of renewals and backlogs. Several mentioned that their staff was not experienced enough to handle the large workload, mostly due to high turnover among eligibility workers. States mentioned taking steps to increase ex parte renewal rates to reduce the burden on eligibility staff and enrollees and providing additional staff training. Leading up to the implementation of Medicaid work requirements, states have reported workforce challenges, including the need to hire or reallocate staff in anticipation of increased workloads and the need for additional staff training.

Streamlined renewal processes and increases to ex parte, or automated, renewals help to maintain enrollment for those eligible and reduce state burdens. Heading into unwinding, two-thirds of states reported taking steps to improve the share of renewals processed on an ex parte basis, such as by improving system programming rules or expanding data sources. The ability to perform ex parte renewals varied by state system. Some were able to add data sources and prioritize automating eligibility processes more easily, which in turn reduced the burden on staff.

States reported both benefits and drawbacks to having Medicaid eligibility systems that are integrated with other benefit programs. Integrated eligibility systems allow people to apply for and renew coverage for multiple benefit programs at once. States with Medicaid eligibility systems that were integrated with the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) and social benefit programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Access Program (SNAP) and the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program reported that data sharing across programs helped improve ex parte renewal rates and simplify renewal processes. State officials also reported that it can be more challenging to make changes to integrated systems because of the need to reconcile complex eligibility rules across programs. Waivers allowing use of SNAP data to renew Medicaid were helpful during unwinding and using SNAP data may be helpful in assessing if individuals meet work or exemption criteria for new requirements. 

How will implementing work requirements differ from unwinding experiences?

New work requirements represent a major change to Medicaid eligibility policy and will require states to collect and incorporate new information when determining eligibility. While the volume of renewals posed challenging for states during unwinding, there was no change to enrollee eligibility policy. New work requirements will affect both existing enrollees and new applicants, and will require collecting new information to verify compliance or exemption status. For example, states will likely need to add new questions to Medicaid applications and renewal forms, as well as incorporate new data sources (see more below). States will also have to train staff on new eligibility policy and verification requirements. Instead of doing traditional point-in-time determinations, states will have to consider historical information and confirm that an individual was meeting requirements in one or more months prior to application. 

While states can draw on their experiences conducting outreach during the Medicaid unwinding, educating enrollees about work requirements may pose unique challenges. While unwinding affected the entire Medicaid population, work requirements affects only a subset of Medicaid adult expansion enrollees. Compared to the broad outreach conducted during unwinding, states will need to provide more targeted outreach to reduce confusion among Medicaid enrollees and applicants who are not affected by the new work requirements. For those who are affected, states will need to educate individuals on the new requirements, the list of exemptions, how to document compliance, and how to know that you need to submit information. States will likely want to work with a narrower subset of community partners than during unwinding that primarily work with or serve Medicaid expansion adults.

Some flexibilities made available during unwinding will not be helpful for verifying compliance with work requirements. CMS encouraged states to adopt a range of waivers and flexibilities to increase ex parte rates and streamline renewals during unwinding. States reported that streamlining renewals for those with zero and low income were among the most helpful waivers. However, these waivers will be less helpful going forward since determining compliance with work requirements may require income documentation and exemptions will not be based on income. Some states also received waivers that allowed MCOs to help their members complete renewals. The new federal reconciliation law prohibits MCOs from being able to determine beneficiary compliance, but states may be able to engage with MCOs to assist with identification and outreach to enrollees and assist members with completing renewals when implementing work requirements.

Implementing work requirements may require more complicated system changes than states experienced during unwinding, due to the need to integrate various data from agencies and external sources. While states will be able to build on system improvements made during unwinding, implementing work requirements will require more varied data to automate verification of exemptions and qualifying activities, such as meeting minimum education hours or participating in substance use disorder treatment. States may need to identify and establish linkages with new sources, such as gig work platforms, student databases, and claims data to increase the share of applicants and enrollees who can be automatically determined to meet the requirements. In addition, when implementing work requirements, states will have to simultaneously implement other forthcoming changes such as changes to eligibility renewal frequency for expansion adults and changes to retroactive eligibility. States also needed to complete work requirement changes for SNAP that went into effect at the end of 2025, which may have delayed the initiation of work on the Medicaid changes for states with integrated Medicaid and SNAP eligibility systems.

KFF Tracker: America First MOU Bilateral Global Health Agreements

Published: Apr 13, 2026

Editorial Note: Originally published on January 13, 2026, this resource will be updated as needed, most recently on April 13, 2026, to reflect additional developments.

On September 18, 2025, the U.S. government (USG) released its new America First Global Health Strategy, which details how the U.S. will engage in global health efforts moving forward. As part of this new strategy, the U.S. has announced that it will be establishing bilateral health cooperation agreements with countries that receive U.S. global health assistance. These agreements, or Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs), between the U.S. and partner countries represent five-year plans (for the period 2026-2030) outlining U.S. engagement in each country’s health efforts with the goal of “helping countries move toward more resilient and durable health systems.” Central to these plans is transitioning country programs from U.S. assistance to long-term country ownership, with a pledge from each partner country to increase its domestic health spending, or co-investment in health, over the next five years as the U.S. decreases its health assistance. The U.S. began signing these agreements in late 2025 and this process is ongoing. Implementation is slated for later this year.

This tracker provides an overview of the MOUs signed to date. Data are based on press releases issued by the State Department, U.S. embassies, and partner country Ministries of Health, as well as MOU documents (if publicly available). See Methods for more information. This tracker will be updated as agreements are signed and more data become available.

USG Global Health MOUs by Country (Table)
Signed USG Global Health MOUs by Country (Choropleth map)
Global Health MOU Funding by Country (Bar Chart)
USG Global Health MOU Co-Financing Share by Country (Stacked Bars)
USG Global Health MOU Program Areas by Country (Table)
Historical vs. Proposed 5-Year USG Global Health MOU Funding by Country (Grouped Bars)

Methods

This tracker provides information on U.S. MOU bilateral global health agreements to date. Information is sourced from publicly available U.S. Department of State, U.S. embassies, and partner country Ministries of Health press release statements and MOU texts, and will be updated as more information becomes available and when additional agreements are signed. Currently, MOU text, which contains the most detailed information of these sources, is publicly available for only a limited number of countries; for these countries, data were sourced directly from these MOU documents. For countries with available MOU documents, overall totals are based on the sum of annual amounts presented in the text. 

Program areas are captured using keyword searches; for global health security (GHS) specifically, country agreements were categorized as targeting GHS if they specifically mentioned GHS, or if they included descriptions of outbreak preparedness and response activities and containing health threats. Due to the limited nature of press release statements, this tracker may not comprehensively capture the global health program areas targeted in each country’s agreement.

Overview of President Trump’s Executive Actions Impacting LGBTQ+ Health

Published: Apr 10, 2026

Editorial Note: This resource was originally published on February 24, 2025, and will be updated as needed to reflect additional developments.

Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump began to issue numerous executive actions, several of which directly address or affect health programs, efforts, or policies to meet the health needs of LGBTQ+ people. This guide provides an overview of these actions, in the order in which they were issued. The “date issued” is date the action was first taken; subsequent actions, such as litigation efforts, are listed under “What Happens/Implications.” It is not inclusive of administrative actions that impact LGBTQ+ people that are not directly related to health and health care access, such as efforts related to participation in sport even though those actions might have an impact on well-being. In addition, within the actions examined, only provisions directly related to health and health access are described in table.

Purpose: Initial rescissions of Executive Orders and Actions issued by President Biden.

Among these orders are several that addressed LGBTQ+ equity including “Preventing and Combating Discrimination on the Basis of Gender Identity or Sexual Orientation” (Executive Order 13988) and “Advancing Equality for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Individuals” (Executive Order 14075). The order establishing the White House Gender Policy Council (Executive Order 14020) and several Orders related to diversity, equity, and inclusion were also rescinded, as were orders related to nondiscrimination and equity in schools.

Implications: This order could lead to less oversight, reduced health programing, and fewer policies protecting LGBTQ+ people, which could negatively impact access to care and well-being. Of particular note:

• Rescinds orders that had called for LGBTQ+ people’s health equity, the national public health needs of LGBTQ+ people, LGBTQ+ data collection, and nondiscrimination protections, including in health care.

• Rescinds orders that had called for nondiscrimination protections for LGBTQ+ young people in school, which could contribute to stigma and worsened mental health.

Purpose: To define sex as an immutable binary biological classification and remove recognition of the concept of gender identity, including in sex protections and in agency operations. 

The order states that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female” and directs the Executive Branch to “enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality”. Elements of the order that may affect LGBTQ people’s health are as follows:

• Defines sex as “an individual’s immutable biological classification as either male or female.” States that “’sex’ is not a synonym for and does not include the concept of ‘gender identity’” and that gender identity “does not provide a meaningful basis for identification and cannot be recognized as a replacement for sex.”

• Defines male and female based on reproductive cell production. Introduces the term “gender ideology” which is defined to include  “the idea that there is a vast spectrum of genders that are disconnected from one’s sex” and “maintains that it is possible for a person to be born in the wrong sexed body.”

• Directs the Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) to provide the U.S. government, external partners, and the public guidance expanding on the sex-based definitions set forth in the order within 30 days.

• Directs each agency and all federal employees to “enforce laws governing sex-based rights, protections, opportunities, and accommodations to protect men and women as biologically distinct sexes,” including “when interpreting or applying statutes, regulations, or guidance and in all other official agency business, documents, and communications.”

• Directs each agency and all Federal employees, “when administering or enforcing sex-based distinctions,” to “use the term ‘sex’ and not ‘gender’ in all applicable Federal policies and documents.”

• Directs agencies to “remove all statements, policies, regulations, forms, communications, or other internal and external messages that promote or otherwise inculcate gender ideology, and shall cease issuing such statements, policies, regulations, forms, communications or other messages.”

• Directs agency forms to exclude gender identity and directs agencies to “take all necessary steps, as permitted by law, to end the Federal funding of gender ideology.”

• Requires that federal funds “not be used to promote gender ideology” and directs agencies to ensure “grant funds do not promote gender ideology.”

• Directs the Attorney General to ensure the Bureau of Prisons revises policies to prohibit federal funds from being expended “for any medical procedure, treatment, or drug for the purpose of conforming an inmate’s appearance to that of the opposite sex.”

• Rescinds multiple executive orders issued by President Biden, including: “Preventing and Combating Discrimination on the Basis of Gender Identity or Sexual Orientation” (13988), “Establishment of the White House Gender Policy Council” (14020) (which is also dissolved), and “Advancing Equality for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Individuals” (14075).

• Also directs agencies to rescind certain guidance documents, including, “The White House Toolkit on Transgender Equality”; “The Attorney General’s Memorandum of March 26, 2021 entitled “Application of Bostock v. Clayton County to Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972,” and range of orders related to LGBTQ+ students in schools.

Implications: This order is broad, directed to all federal agencies and programs. Because federal health programs reach LGBTQ+ people, and some are specifically designed to be inclusive of the LGBTQ+ community, or account for gender identities in addition to biological sex, this Order could widely affect program funding, guidance, and access. It has several possible implications:

The terms used in the Order include several biological and social inaccuracies which could perpetuate misinformation about LGBTQ+ people and transgender people’s health needs. It also takes steps towards ban gender care in certain area, most explicitly in prisons.

Requiring that federal funds are not used to “promote gender ideology” has caused significant confusion. Since this order was issued, there have been multiple reports of HIV programs and community health centers that have lost funding as a result of supporting programs inclusive of transgender people. In addition, there have been reports that some health care facilities paused providing youth with gender affirming care, fearing that federal funding would be withheld according to this and another Order relating to youth access to gender affirming care (see separate entry). (See court decisions below.) Withholding care could lead to negative health outcomes for those that require it.

Data collection and data presentation/distribution have been impacted. At first some data was removed from federal websites, though due to court order this appears to have been restored. If public health messaging and services related to the health needs of transgender people, or other specific populations, are unavailable, this may result in adverse health outcomes such increased disease prevalence, greater difficulty with care engagement, and poor mental health outcomes. There have been reports that gender identity questions will be removed from federal surveys which makes tracking the experiences and well-being of LGBTQ+ people more difficult.

The order directs the HHS Secretary to take action to end gender affirming care through Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the law’s major nondiscrimination provision, which includes protections on the basis of sex. While the Biden administration interpreted sex protections to include sexual orientation and gender identity, it is expected that the Trump administration will seek to remove these protections, as was the approach during his first term. Despite the Executive Orders and any future guidance, courts could continue to rule that such protections exist in statute.

On March 17th the VA announced that it would phase out providing gender affirming care to comply with this Executive Order. Exceptions include Veterans already receiving hormone therapy from the VA or Veterans “receiving such care from the military as part of and upon their separation from military service” who are eligible for VA health care. The VA will not provide other gender affirming medical services.

The statement writes that historically the VA had provided a range of gender affirming services and “letters of support encouraging non-VA providers to perform sex-change surgeries on Veterans.” These services had been authorized under the now rescinded Veterans Health Administration Directive 1341(4).

There have been multiple legal challenges to this Order with some judicial actions that have paused aspects of implementation:

• On February 4, 2025 a lawsuit was filed in federal court challenging the Order on the grounds that it usurps Congressional  power, violates Sec. 1557 of the ACA, and is unconstitutional and on February 11 a temporary restraining order  and memorandum opinion was issued requiring restoration of webpages, datasets, and any other  resources needed to provide medical care, identified by the Plaintiffs.

• On February 4, 2025, a separate federal lawsuit was filed challenging this Order and the Executive Order on “Protecting Children from Chemical and Surgical Mutilation” (see separate entry), asserting they are openly discriminatory, unlawful, and unconstitutional. On February 13, a federal judge issued a temporary restraining order preventing the federal government from withholding or conditioning funding on the basis of providing this care.

• An additional suit was filed on February 19, 2025 by the National Urban League, National Fair Housing Alliance, and AIDS Foundation of Chicago challenging three Executive Orders: “Ending Radical and Wasteful DEI Programs and Preferencing”, “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” and the “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” as usurping the power of Congress, violating the Constitution and the Administrative Procedures Act, and, seeking declaratory and injunctive relief. In their complaint, plaintiffs highlight the potential harm this Order could bring to people with HIV and LGBTQ+ communities and the programs that serve them.

• On February 20, a separate case was filed in federal court by multiple LGBTQ+ health care and service organizations, challenging the “Ending Radical and Wasteful DEI Programs and Preferencing”, “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” and the “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” Orders claiming they usurp the power of Congress and violate the Constitution. In their complaint, plaintiffs highlight the potential harm this Order could bring to people with HIV and LGBTQ communities and the programs that serve them. On June 9th, 2026, the court issued a preliminary injunction, blocking in part key provisions in this EO and in the DEI EO including those that instruct agencies to remove and cease to issue  materials and “communications…that promote or otherwise inculcate gender ideology” and instructing agencies to “end the Federal funding of gender ideology”; prohibit federal funds from being “used to promote gender ideology,”; and direct agencies and departments to terminate DEI offices and positions, materials, initiatives, performance requirements, and grants or contracts.

• On March 12, 2025 two physician and academic plaintiffs filed a lawsuit challenging the Order and related OPM memo when their articles were removed from HHS’ Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ)’s Patient Safety Network (PSNet), a federal online patient-safety resource. The reason for the removal articles was for their inclusion of passing references to transgender patients. On May 23, a MA district court found the plaintiffs would likely succeed on their constitutional 1st amendment claims and granted a preliminary injunction requiring HHS to republish the censored content.

Purpose: To limit diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) activities in government and by government contractors and grantees.  
 
Directs each agency, department, or commission head to take the following actions (among others):  
• terminate, to the maximum extent allowed by law, all DEI, DEIA, and “environmental justice” offices and positions…; all “equity action plans,” “equity” actions, initiatives, or programs, “equity-related” grants or contracts… 
• provide the Director of the OMB with a list of all “federal grantees who received Federal funding to provide or advance DEI, DEIA, or “environmental justice” programs, services, or activities since January 20, 2021,” among other actions.  

Implications: As with the other DEIA related Order (see separate entry), these efforts could make reaching populations with unique health needs in culturally competent ways more challenging, including in programs related to LGBTQ+ health and HIV. It could also jeopardized programs and funding for agencies reaching these communities.
There have been multiple legal challenges to this Order:

• On February 3, a lawsuit was filed by four diverse plaintiffs challenging the constitutionality of this Order and the Order, “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity”.

• An additional suit was filed in federal court on February 19, 2025 by the National Urban League, National Fair Housing Alliance, and AIDS Foundation of Chicago challenging this order as well as the “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” and the “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” ” as usurping the power of Congress, violating the Constitution and the Administrative Procedures Act, and, seeking declaratory and injunctive relief. In their complaint, plaintiffs highlight the potential harm this Order could bring to people with HIV and LGBTQ communities and the programs that serve them.

• On February 20, a separate case was filed in federal court by multiple LGBTQ+ health care and service organizations, challenging the “Ending Radical and Wasteful DEI Programs and Preferencing”, “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” and the “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” orders claiming they usurp the power of Congress and violate the Constitution.  In their complaint, plaintiffs highlight the potential harm this Order could bring to people with HIV and LGBTQ communities and the programs that serve them. On June 9th, 2026, the court issued a preliminary injunction, blocking in part key provisions in this EO and in the “gender ideology” EO including those that instruct agencies to remove and cease to issue  materials and “communications…that promote or otherwise inculcate gender ideology” and instructing agencies to “end the Federal funding of gender ideology”; prohibit federal funds from being “used to promote gender ideology,”; and direct agencies and departments to terminate DEI offices and positions, materials, initiatives, performance requirements, and grants or contracts.

Purpose: Order seeks to end federal “preferencing” through DEIA efforts within government and through contracting to the extent that they do not comply with the Administration’s view of civil rights law.

The order is broad and non-specific but includes the following directives:

• Orders all executive departments and agencies “to terminate all discriminatory and illegal preferences, mandates, policies, programs, activities, guidance, regulations, enforcement actions, consent orders, and requirements.  I further order all agencies to enforce our longstanding civil-rights laws and to combat illegal private-sector DEI preferences, mandates, policies, programs, and activities.”

• Orders agency heads to include in every contract or grant award “a term requiring the contractual counterparty or grant recipient to agree that its compliance in all respects with all applicable Federal anti-discrimination laws is material to the government’s payment decisions for purposes of section 3729(b)(4) of title 31, United States Code; and…A term requiring such counterparty or recipient to certify that it does not operate any programs promoting DEI that violate any applicable Federal anti-discrimination laws.”

Implications: As with the other DEIA related Order (see separate entry), these efforts could make reaching populations with unique health needs in culturally competent ways more challenging, including in programs related to LGBTQ+ health and HIV. It could also jeopardized programs and funding for agencies reaching these communities.

There have been multiple legal challenges to this Order:

• On February 3, a lawsuit was filed by four diverse plaintiffs challenging the constitutionality of this Order and the Order, “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity”.

• An additional suit was filed in federal court on February 19, 2025 by the National Urban League, National Fair Housing Alliance, and AIDS Foundation of Chicago challenging this order as well as the “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” and the “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” ” as usurping the power of Congress, violating the Constitution and the Administrative Procedures Act, and, seeking declaratory and injunctive relief. In their complaint, plaintiffs highlight the potential harm this Order could bring to people with HIV and LGBTQ communities and the programs that serve them.

• On February 20, a separate case was filed in federal court by multiple LGBTQ+ health care and service organizations, challenging the “Ending Radical and Wasteful DEI Programs and Preferencing”, “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” and the “Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity” orders claiming they usurp the power of Congress and violate the Constitution.  In their complaint, plaintiffs highlight the potential harm this Order could bring to people with HIV and LGBTQ communities and the programs that serve them. On June 9th, 2026, the court issued a preliminary injunction, blocking in part key provisions in this EO and in the “gender ideology” EO including those that instruct agencies to remove and cease to issue  materials and “communications…that promote or otherwise inculcate gender ideology” and instructing agencies to “end the Federal funding of gender ideology”; prohibit federal funds from being “used to promote gender ideology,”; and direct agencies and departments to terminate DEI offices and positions, materials, initiatives, performance requirements, and grants or contracts.

Purpose: Order directs agencies and programs to work towards significantly limiting access to gender affirming care for young people (defined as those under age 19) nationwide.

• Directs agencies to rescind and amend policies that rely on guidance from the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH).

• Directs the HHS Secretary to conduct and publish a review of existing literature and best practices related to gender affirming care and gender dysphoria and to “increase the quality of data to guide practices“ in this area.

• Directs executive department and agency heads “that provide research or education grants to medical institutions, including medical schools and hospitals”, “in coordination with the Director of the Office of Management and Budget” to “immediately take appropriate steps to ensure that institutions receiving Federal research or education grants end the chemical and surgical mutilation of children” (which is how the Order defines gender affirming care).

• Directs the HHS Secretary to take action to end gender affirming care for children “including [through] regulatory and sub-regulatory actions, which may involve the following laws, programs, issues, or documents:
– Medicare or Medicaid conditions of participation or conditions for coverage
– clinical-abuse or inappropriate-use assessments relevant to State Medicaid programs
– mandatory drug use reviews
– section 1557 of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Actquality, safety, and oversight memoranda
– essential health benefits requirements; and
– the Eleventh Revision of the International Classification of Diseases and other federally funded manuals, including the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition.”

• Withdraws Biden Administration “HHS Notice and Guidance on Gender Affirming Care, Civil Rights and Patient Privacy” and directs the Secretary of HHS “in consultation with the Attorney General [to] issue new guidance protecting whistleblowers who take action related to ensuring compliance with this order.”

• Directs the Secretary of the Department of Defense to “commence a rulemaking or sub-regulatory action” restrict access to gender affirming care for children in the TRICARE program.

• Directs the Director of the Office of Personnel Management to limit access to care in coverage for federal employees’ families by requiring “provisions in the Federal Employee Health Benefits (FEHB) and Postal Service Health Benefits (PSHB) programs call letter for the 2026 Plan Year” that would require eligible carriers to exclude “coverage for pediatric transgender surgeries or hormone treatments…”

• Directs the Attorney General to review Department of Justice laws on female genital mutilation and “prioritize enforcement of protections” and “to convene States’ Attorneys General and other law enforcement officers to coordinate the enforcement of laws against female genital mutilation.”

• Directs the Attorney General to “prioritize investigations and take appropriate action to end deception of consumers, fraud, and violations of the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act by any entity that may be misleading the public about long-term side effects of chemical and surgical mutilation.”

• Directs the Attorney General “in consultation with the Congress” “to draft, propose, and promote legislation to enact a private right of action for children and the parents” who have received gender affirming care “which should include a lengthy statute of limitations.

• Directs the Attorney General to “prioritize investigations and take appropriate action to end child-abusive practices by so-called sanctuary States that facilitate stripping custody from parents who support the healthy development of their own children, including by considering the application of the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act and recognized constitutional rights.”

• Directs agency heads included in this executive order to “submit a single, combined report to the Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy, detailing progress in implementing this order and a timeline for future action” within 60 Days of its issuance.

Implications: If fully implemented, the Order would broadly and extensively limit access to gender affirming care for young people, across a range of payers and providers. Access to gender affirming care is associated with improved mental health outcomes for transgender people and limiting this care with negative ones, including poorer mental health outcomes. Additional impact includes:

• The executive order includes details about sex, gender identity, gender affirming care, and transgender people that conflict with science and evidence. These inaccuracies include suggesting that large shares of youth are seeking gender affirming medical care, that regret rates among those seeking care are high, and conflating “female genital mutilation” and gender-affirming care. This has the potential to promote hostility, stigma, and discrimination, and can lead to care denials.

• It seeks to remove Federal reference to one of the standards of evidence-based care for transgender people in the US. Directing the HHS Secretary to develop new guidance without this standard, and in accordance with this and other orders, could limit agency ability to identify standards that adequately meet the needs of transgender people.

• It also seeks to condition federal research and education grants on grantees not providing young people with gender affirming care.

• There has already been some confusion with certain states and providers looking to preemptively comply with the order and another Order relating to “gender ideology” (see separate entry).

• The order lays groundwork for the Administration remove explicit protects for LGBTQ+ people in health care, including with respect to accessing gender affirming care. Specifically, the Order suggests a reinterpretation of sex protections in Section. 1557 of the Affordable Care Act void of explicit protections on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.

• The order leans on laws and policies unrelated to gender affirming care in an effort to limit access to those services including by erroneously conflating gender affirming care and female genital mutilation, using the FDA regulatory process to limit access, and suggesting kidnapping protections be applied to parents in certain circumstance.

On January 31, 2025. FEHB issued a letter to carriers stating that begining plan year 2026, carriers should not covre surgical or hormonal gender affirming care.

On February 19, 2025, additional guidance was released relating to this order, providing new and refined definition of terms “ which directs the Department of Health and Human Services (the Department) to promulgate clear guidance to the U.S. Government, external partners, and the public, expanding on the sex-based definitions set forth in the Executive Order.”

On February 20, 2025, pursuant to this Order, HHS issued a “Recession of ‘HHS Notice and Guidance on Gender Affirming Care, Civil Rights, and Patient Privacy’ issued by the Biden Administration” which had stated the Administration “stands with transgender and gender nonconforming youth” and that medically necessary for gender affirming care for minors improves physical and mental health. It also reiterated that administration’s view that Sec. 1557 of the ACA includes protections on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.

There have been multiple legal challenges to this Order with some judicial actions that have paused aspects of implementation:

• On February 4, 2025, a federal lawsuit was filed challenging this Order and the Executive Order on “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to The Federal Government,” asserting they are openly discriminatory, unlawful, and unconstitutional. On February 13, a federal judge issued a temporary restraining order preventing the federal government from withholding or conditioning funding on the basis of providing this care. On March 4th, the court issued a preliminary temporary injunction.

• An additional federal lawsuit was filed on February 7th challenging this executive order with a separate temporary restraining order being issued on the 14th preventing the conditioning of federal funds and also applying to a condition linking gender affirming care to female genital mutilation. The restraining order was extended through March 5th on February 26th. 

• In March a class action lawsuit was filed in federal district court challenging the Bureau of Prisons (“BOP”) implemention of the order. In June a preliminary injunction blocking BOP officials from providing hormone therapy and accommodating transgender people was granted.

On June 1, the FBI posted on social media urging the public to “report tips of any hospitals, clinics, or practitioners performing these surgical procedures on children,” despite pediatric gender affirming care being permitted in about half of states and not prohibited by the federal government.

Purpose: Order seeks to end federal “preferencing” through DEIA efforts within government and through contracting to the extent that they do not comply with the Administration’s view of civil rights law.

The order is broad and non-specific but includes the following directives:

• Orders all executive departments and agencies “to terminate all discriminatory and illegal preferences, mandates, policies, programs, activities, guidance, regulations, enforcement actions, consent orders, and requirements.  I further order all agencies to enforce our longstanding civil-rights laws and to combat illegal private-sector DEI preferences, mandates, policies, programs, and activities.”

• Orders agency heads to include in every contract or grant award “a term requiring the contractual counterparty or grant recipient to agree that its compliance in all respects with all applicable Federal anti-discrimination laws is material to the government’s payment decisions for purposes of section 3729(b)(4) of title 31, United States Code; and…A term requiring such counterparty or recipient to certify that it does not operate any programs promoting DEI that violate any applicable Federal anti-discrimination laws.”

Implications: Should the federal government proceed with conditioning federal funding for schools on whether or not they support transgender students, it could exacerbate existing mental health disparities, contribute to stigma and discrimination, and reduce school connectedness. For example, the policies detailed in the Order could prevent schools from recognizing transgender students’ identities (e.g. their names and pronouns), allow schools to withhold mental health services, to out students to (potentially unsupportive) families, and to restrict facility use and activity participation.

Purpose: The memorandum seeks to “stop funding Nongovernmental Organizations that undermine the national interest and administration priorities.”

The memorandum states:

• It is Administration policy “to stop funding [Nongovernmental Organizations] NGOs that undermine the national interest.”

• Direct heads of executive departments and agencies to review all funding that agencies provide to NGOs and “to align future funding decisions with the interests of the United States and with the goals and priorities of my Administration, as expressed in executive actions; as otherwise determined in the judgment of the heads of agencies; and on the basis of applicable authorizing statutes, regulations, and terms.”

Implications: This memo aligns with other administrative efforts to stop current and future funding from being provided to NGOs that do not align with administrative priorities and could impact funding to health organizations or programs aimed at serving transgender people or research funding inclusive of trans and gender diverse people. It could also potentially impact care for LGBTQ+ people more broadly if services aimed directly at this population are considered DEIA efforts.

DOJ Letter to the Supreme Court: United States v. Jonathan Skrmetti, Attorney, February 7, 2025

Purpose: “To notify the Court that the government’s previously stated views” on a case challenging a state’s ban on gender affirming care “no longer represents the United States’ position.”

• Notifies the Court that “following the change in Administration, the Department of Justice has reconsidered the United States’ position in” the case brought by the Biden Administration challenging Tennessee’s ban on gender affirming care for minors. The letter states, that their view is that the Tennessee law being challenged “does not deny equal protection on account of sex or any other characteristic,” which is the question before the Court.

• Despite this change in perspective, the Trump Administration encouraged the Court to resolve the questions presented without granting certiorari to the original plaintiffs.

Implications: There are 26 states with bans on gender affirming care for minors and litigation challenging these bans is ongoing. At the request of the Biden Administration, who brought the plaintiff’s case from the lower courts, the Supreme Court agreed to examine whether the Tennessee ban violates Equal Protection constitutional protections under the 14th Amendment. The case was briefed and argued prior to the administration change. Upon taking office, the Trump Administration wrote this letter to the Court stating that the Biden Administration position no longer represented that of the U.S. government but nevertheless asked the court to decide the case. The court will likely issue a decision in the case and technically, the Trump Administration letter should not have bearing on the court’s decision. The court is expected to issue a decision in the case this summer (2025).

Purpose: To alert providers to the administration’s approach to children’s access to gender affirming care and serve as notice “that CMS may begin taking steps in the future to align policy, including CMS-regulated provider requirements and agreements…” to limit such care.

The memorandum states:

• That “CMS renews its commitment to promoting evidence-based standards through health quality and safety improvement activities, and reminds hospitals and other applicable facilities and providers of the obligation to prioritize the health and safety of their patients, especially children.” It questions evidence around gender affirming care for young people and states “CMS may begin taking steps in the future to adjust its policies to reflect this…”

Implications:

• The CMS memo aligns with policies put forward in the Executive Order, “Protecting Children From Chemical and Surgical Mutilation,” related to limiting young people’s access to gender affirming care, provisions of which are subject to a nationwide preliminary injunction (described in above entry). However, this is not explicitly stated in the memo.

• On March 6th the Health Resources & Services Administration (HRSA) and Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) released additional guidance stating that they would review policies, grants, and programs for consistency with the CMS memo (SAMHSA letter unavailable but described in this filing). HRSA also specifically notes the agency will review its Children’s Hospitals Graduate Medical Education (CHGME) Payment Program for consistency with the memo.

• While the memo does not specifically refer to the Executive Order, on March 7th, plaintiffs in a case challenging the order sought enforcement of the preliminary injunction claiming that the CMS memo and HRSA/SAMHSA guidance violate its terms because by “threatening to withhold federal funding, the Executive Orders coerced hospitals into immediately shutting down gender affirming medical care for people under nineteen to avoid potential loss of funds.”

• Depending on how future policy is implemented, CMS could seek to significantly limit access to gender affirming care for young people.

Purpose: Issued to proclaim April as National Child Abuse Prevention Month. Describes “the sinister threat of gender ideology” as “one of the most prevalent forms of child abuse facing our country today.”

  • Erroneously conflates youth access to gender affirming care with child abuse.
  • References other efforts (see above) aimed at “prohibiting public schools from indoctrinating our children with transgender ideology” and “taking action to cut off all taxpayer funding to any institution that engages in the sexual mutilation of our youth.”
  • Promises legal action against those perpetrating child abuse.

Implications: The proclamation includes details about gender affirming care and transgender people that conflict with science and evidence, including that children are being “indoctrinated” “with the devastating lie that they are trapped in the wrong body,” referring to gender affirming surgery (which is very rare among young people) as “sexual mutilation surgery,”  and suggesting that such care inhibits “happiness, health, and freedom,” for young people and creates “heartbreak” for parents and families.

• By erroneously conflating gender affirming care and abuse, potentially threatens those providing or facilitating access by stating, “we affirm that every perpetrator who inflicts violence on our children will be punished to the fullest extent of the law.”

Ryan White Letter to Awardees and Stakeholders Relating to Gender Affirming Care, April 7, 2025.

Purpose: Reverses a Biden Administration policy that had permitted the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program to cover certain gender affirming care services as a part of whole person care to transgender people with HIV.

• Referring to a policy on gender affirming care from the Biden administration, the letter states that “under the previous administration, certain interpretations of RWHAP’s allowable uses…co-opted the program’s patient centered mission in favor of radical ideological agendas and policies.”

• The letter further states “that RWHAP funds shall be marshaled exclusively toward evidence-based interventions proven to combat HIV, sustain viral suppression, and improve the quality of life for those living with the disease” and reaffirms the prohibition on funding services outside the scope of outpatient care, including “surgeries and inpatient care, irrespective of setting or anesthesia”

Implications:

• Previously, Ryan White funds were permitted to be used to support gender affirming care within core medical and support service categories, including through the provision of hormones via ADAP programs. Additionally, funds could be used to “provide behavioral and mental health services to clients experiencing gender dysphoria and social and emotional stress related to transgender discrimination, stigma, and rejection.” The policy under the prior Administration prohibited surgery, as does the new one, so that does not represent a change.

• Prohibiting use of funds to support certain gender affirming care services may make care engagement more challenging for transgender Ryan White clients. In some cases, gender affirming care may have helped to connect clients with HIV services and thus improve HIV outcomes.

Purpose: HHS issued this notice “to clarify the non-enforceability of certain language that was included in the preamble to—but not the regulatory text of” the final rule on Section 504, “titled ‘Nondiscrimination on the Basis of Disability in Programs or Activities Receiving Federal Financial Assistance.’ The clarification states that language in the preamble concerning gender dysphoria, which is not in the regulatory text, does not have the force or effect of law and cannot be enforced.

Implications:

• Section 504 prohibits recipients of federal funding, including publicly-subsidized health payers and health care providers who accept Medicare or Medicaid, from discriminating against people on the basis of disability. The Biden Administration’s final rule on Sec. 504 included in the preamble that HHS would “approach gender dysphoria as it would any other disorder or condition. If a disorder or condition affects one or more body systems, or is a mental or psychological disorder, it may be considered a physical or mental impairment.”

• This new interpretation could weaken certain protections for transgender and gender non-conforming people.

Purpose: “The purpose of this letter is to ensure that state Medicaid agencies are aware of growing evidence regarding certain procedures offered to children, and to remind states of their responsibility to ensure that Medicaid payments are consistent with quality of care and that covered services are provided in a manner consistent with the best interest of recipients.”

States that “medical interventions for gender dysphoria in children have proliferated” and that “several developed countries have recently diverged from the U.S. in the way they treat gender dysphoria in children.”

CMS reminds states of the following federal Medicaid requirements:

• Program “responsibility to ensure that payments are consistent with ‘efficiency, economy, and quality of care.’”

• Requirement for states to “provide such safeguards as may be necessary to ensure covered care and services are provided in a manner consistent with the best interests of recipients.”

• Prohibition on “federal funding for coverage of services whose purpose is to permanently render an individual incapable of reproducing. Federal financial participation (FFP) is strictly limited for procedures, treatments, or operations for the purpose of rendering an individual permanently incapable of reproducing and…prohibited for such procedures performed on a person under age 21.”

• Drug utilization review (DUR) program requirements “to assure that prescribed drugs are appropriate, medically necessary, and are not likely to result in adverse results.”
– CMS encourages “states to review their DUR programs to ensure alignment with current medical evidence and federal requirements, including the evidence outlined above.
– Notes that “additional guidance on DUR approaches is forthcoming.”

Implications:

• Letter appears to encourage states to take steps to limit gender affirming care for youth within their state Medicaid programs and suggests that not doing so could put them out of compliance with federal law. It does not immediately change policy.

• Letter misrepresents certain information about gender affirming care including its frequency and the approach in international settings.

• Letter leverages a law aimed at addressing discrimination/unwanted sterilizations among people with disabilities to limit gender affirming care.

• The letter could lead to changes in state policy-making or make providers and/or employers less likely to cover services which could ultimately lead to more limited access to GAC. 

• CMS issued a press release along with the letter. The letter stated “Medicaid dollars are not to be used for gender reassignment surgeries or hormone treatments in minors.”

Purpose: An internal Department of Justice (DOJ) memorandum seeks to implement, in part, an executive order aimed at limiting minor’s access to gender affirming care (GAC) (see above).

The memo is an internal document that was leaked. It is not law but provides guidance relating to an earlier executive order aimed at limiting minor access to gender affirming care (see above). The memo reportedly:

• The internal document was leaked and is not law but provides guidance relating to an earlier executive order aimed at limiting minor access to gender affirming care.

• Puts providers “on notice” that “it is a felony to perform, attempt to perform, or conspire to perform female genital mutilation (“FGM”*) on” minors and states that the FBI “alongside federal, state, and local partners, will pursue every legitimate lead on possible FGM cases.”

• States DOJ “will investigate and hold accountable medical providers and pharmaceutical companies that mislead the public about the long-term side effects of chemical and surgical mutilations.”

• Directs “investigations of any violations of the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act by manufacturers and distributors engaged in misbranding by making false claims about the…use of puberty blockers, sex hormones, or any other drug” in GAC.

• Directs “investigations under the False Claims Act of false claims submitted to federal health care programs for any non-covered services related to radical gender experimentation.” Gives example of prescribing puberty blockers to a minor for GAC but reporting the service as being for early onset puberty. States Department will work with whistleblowers “with knowledge of any such violations” under The False Claims Act.

• Following prior direction “that Department employees shall not rely on”… the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH)… “guidelines, and that they should withdraw all court filings” doing so, “expressly extend[s] that direction to all Department employees.” Directs department to “purge all…policies, memoranda, and publications and court filings based on WPATH guidelines.”

• Launches “the Attorney General’s Coalition Against Child Mutilation” to “partner with state attorneys general to identify leads, share intelligence, and build cases against…” providers “…violating federal or state laws banning female genital mutilation and other, related practices…[and] support the state-level prosecution of medical professionals who violate state laws “prohibiting gender affirming care.

• Instructs Office of Legislative Affairs to draft legislation “creating a private right of action for children and the parents of children” who have had gender affirming care with “a long statute of limitations and retroactive liability” and work with Congress “to bring this bill to President Trump.”

Implications:

• The memo directs action but is not law. It seeks to implement an executive order that is, in part, currently enjoined in court.

• The memo includes inaccuracies relating to gender identity, gender affirming care, and transgender people that conflict with science and evidence. These inaccuracies include suggesting that being transgender is a harmful medical condition, that large shares of youth are seeking gender affirming medical care, that regret rates among those seeking care are high, and conflating “female genital mutilation” and gender-affirming care. This has the potential to promote hostility, stigma, and discrimination, and can lead to care denials.

• Seeks to discredit WPATH’s widely relied on standard of care guidelines which providers look to deliver best practices gender affirming care and is regularly referenced by major medical associations including the American Psychological Association.

• While nothing in the memo prohibits provision of gender affirming care, its emphasis on litigation and enforcement of existing law that do not necessarily implicate this care, could have a chilling effect on providers.

Purpose: To develop an evidence review around pediatric gender affirming medical care as commissioned by the executive order on Protecting Children From Chemical and Surgical Mutilation (see above entry).

“This Review of evidence and best practices was commissioned pursuant to Executive Order 14187, signed on January 28, 2025. It is not a clinical practice guideline, and it does not issue legislative or policy recommendations. Rather, it seeks to provide the most accurate and current information available regarding the evidence base for the treatment of gender dysphoria in this population, the state of the relevant medical field in the United States, and the ethical considerations associated with the treatments offered. The Review is intended for policymakers, clinicians, therapists, medical organizations and, importantly, patients and their families.” Among the report’s findings:

• Report concludes that the quality of evidence on the effects of gender affirming intervention is low but also that evidence on harms is “sparse.”

• Cites “significant risks” of medical transition, departing from most medical associations and widely used guidelines in the U.S.

• In addition to a focus on medical intervention (e.g. surgery, puberty blockers, and hormones) report discusses role of psychotherapy in gender affirming care, supporting the use of psychotherapeutic approaches, including an approach termed “exploratory therapy”, which can include conversion therapy. Conversion therapy is a practice that seeks to change an individual’s sexual orientation or gender identity. These practices contrast with recommendations from major medical associations, which criticize conversion efforts for their lack evidence, ineffectiveness, and because they can cause harm. Additionally, many states ban these practices for the same reasons.

Implications:

• Review could be used as support for other actions the administration seeks to take (some described here) aimed at limiting minor access to gender affirming care. Outside experts, including from the American Academy of Pediatrics, have raised concerns that the “report misrepresents the current medical consensus and fails to reflect the realities of pediatric care.”

• With respect to therapeutic practices, it could shift how some practitioners approach gender affirming care or potentially provide support to those using conversion related approaches.

• The report could also fuel misinformation in other areas, particularly around regret rates (which the report states are high when they are actually very low) and the share of young people seeking a medical transition (which the report states is large, when the share is small).

On May 28, 2025, HHS sent a letter to an unspecified group of providers, state medical boards, and health risk managers urging providers to update treatment protocol to align with the review’s findings and avoid relying on the WPATH Standards of Care (which are seen by gender affirming care providers as valuable and trusted source of guidance.) The letter points to risk but not benefits of gender affirming medical care and highlights the report’s promotion of psychotherapy as an alternative to other medical care.

Purpose: The letter from the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) is directed at “select hospitals” providing minors with gender affirming care services including puberty blockers, hormones, and surgeries. The aim of the letter is to collect information on the delivery of these services and their associated costs and revenue. CMS states they are collecting this data to “ensure quality standards at institutions participating in the Medicare and Medicaid programs” and because “CMS has an obligation to be a good steward of taxpayer dollar.” 

In the letter CMS asks for information on the following within 30 days:
• consent protocols for children with gender dysphoria, including when parental consent is required
• changes to clinical practice guidelines and protocols in light of the HHS Review (see above entry)
• adverse events, particularly children who later look to detransition
billing codes utilized for gender affirming care
• facility and provider-level revenue and profit margins data related to these services

Implications: If facilities or providers believe HHS is excessively engaged in oversight of their practice of this area of medicine, it could have a chilling effect on willingness to provide these treatments. Depending on what the Administration does with data collected, this effort could represent a significant step in the administration’s aim to limit GAC for minors.

The effort to collect this level of information is likely burdensome for providers, particularly within a 30-day period.

The letter appears to stoke misinformation in its suggestion that there is a lack of parental involvement or consent in the practice of gender affirming care and that regret is a serious problem in this field.

It also appears to question the validity of using federal dollars to provide this care and possibly that delivering these services to minors is a significant cost-burden to the federal government. Because just a small share of the population is transgender, and not all trans people seek medical intervention, costs are likely very low.

Purpose: To rescind a bulletin from the Biden administration that provided state Medicaid programs with guidance on implementing optional sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) questions on their applications for coverage.

The Trump administration bulletin states that “CMS no longer intends to collect this information from state Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) agencies as part of Transformed Medicaid Statistical Information System (T-MSIS) data submissions.”

Implications: Collection of SOGI health data plays a role in documenting the health experiences and status of LGBTQ+ people. Data collection can reveal disparities and gaps in access, which can, in turn, inform policy making to address these challenges. Without this data, addressing these disparities is more challenging. SOGI Data collection expanded under the Biden administration and has retracted under the Trump administration.

Purpose: The rule prohibits gender affirming care services from being covered as an Essential Health Benefit (EHB) in ACA plans.
CMS changes how ACA complaint individual and small group plans cover gender affirming care services, which the rule calls “coverage for sex-trait modification.”  Beginning plan year 2026, insurers are prohibited from covering gender affirming care as an essential health benefit (EHB).

Differing from the proposed rule, which offered no definition, HHS defines “sex-trait modification” services to mean “any pharmaceutical or surgical intervention that is provided for the purpose of attempting to align an individual’s physical appearance or body with an asserted identity that differs from the individual’s sex.”
If a state mandates coverage for gender affirming care, the state would be required to defray the cost.

The preamble to the rule clarifies that CMS finds that as non-EHB services, EHB non-discrimination in the ACA do not apply.

Implications: The aim of the final rule aligns with policies expressed in Executive Orders on gender and limiting access to gender affirming care (discussed above), though the agency states the rule does not rely on these orders or their enjoined sections. The agency writes that the purpose of the rule is to ensure that health plans meet the ACA’s “typicality requirement,” that is that EHBs be “equal to the scope of benefits provided under a typical employer plan.” The preamble to the rule discusses debate among commenters about whether inclusion of these services is typical.

The rule does not mean that plans cannot cover gender affirming care services but excluding certain services from coverage as EHBs means that enrollees would not be assured the same cost-sharing and benefit design protections as for services included in the EHB package. Costs accrued for gender affirming care would not be required to count towards deductibles or out-of-pocket maximums and would not be protected from annual or lifetime limits, increasing out-of-pocket liability. Additionally, the portion of premiums attributable to specified gender affirming services would not be eligible for premium tax credits or cost-sharing reductions for low- and moderate-income enrollees.

While CMS does not believe the impact will be significant, some commenters expressed concern that the policy change, particularly its near implementation date for 2026 plan year, could create challenges for issuers, which have already been engaged in (and some completed) rate setting for 2026. They also stated that change would require plans that cover gender affirming care outside of the EHB to complete the necessary backend activities (e.g. changes to claims and utilization management programs and policies) to implement the change, activities that could be more burdensome for smaller issuers.

While HHS states that this rule does not violate various statues (e.g. ACA’s nondiscrimination provisions at Sec. 1557 or typicality requirements, ADA’s Section 505 protections, constitutional equal protections, etc.) and disagrees with those who commented on the proposed rule that HHS lacks legal authority to make these policy changes, the rule could ultimately face legal challenges on these or other grounds.

Purpose: The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) issued a request for public comment on “how consumers may have been exposed to false or unsupported claims about ‘gender-affirming care’(GAC), especially as it relates to minors, and to gauge the harms consumers may be experiencing.”

Arguing that GAC has been subject to “potential deceptive or unfair practices involved in this type of medical care,” the agency “seeks to evaluate whether consumers (in particular, minors) have been harmed by GAC and whether medical professionals or others may have violated Sections 5 and 12 of the FTC Act by failing to disclose material risks associated with GAC or making false or unsubstantiated claims about the benefits or effectiveness of GAC.”

As discussed in the RFI, this action comes on the heels of a recent workshop the agency held on the same topic and the agency now seeks comment related to:

• Experiences of individuals and families seeking GAC, including on recommendations made by providers, whether providers described risks/benefits/effectiveness, and whether providers discussed the current policy environment and debates related to GAC, among other issues.

• Whether GAC was obtained and whether individuals experienced benefits/side effects/adverse events, among other issues.

• Detail related to whether providers “made false representations regarding the benefits or effectiveness.”

• Information related to providers making “false representations regarding the benefits or effectiveness” related to GAC

Implications: This activity is likely to have a chilling effect on provider willingness to offer GAC. In addition to the workshop and RFI described above, more than 20 providers have received subpoenas from the DOJ for investigations related to GAC that “include healthcare fraud, false statements, and more.”

The RFI (and surrounding actions) also have the potential to promote misinformation around the risks and benefits of GAC and suggests that providers are using deceptive and unethical positions in delivering GAC on a significant scale, something that has not been demonstrated. Additionally, the RFI states that there is “widespread concern about the harms” related to GAC but does not acknowledge the broad clinical support GAC has as medically necessary treatment for gender dysphoria, including from major U.S. medical associations.

Purpose: The Executive Order seeks reform “the process of Federal grantmaking while ending offensive waste of tax dollars.”

The EO aims to overhaul the federal grantmaking and grant review process “to strengthen oversight and coordination of, and to streamline, agency grantmaking to address these problems, prevent them from recurring, and ensure greater accountability for use of public funds more broadly.”  One section of the EO requires agencies to “ensure that…[grants] are consistent with agency priorities and the national interest.” In addition to other actions, agencies are directed to ensure that awards are not “used to fund, promote, encourage, subsidize, or facilitate” certain themes including, “denial by the grant recipient of the sex binary in humans or the notion that sex is a chosen or mutable characteristic” and “racial preferences or other forms of racial discrimination by the grant recipient, including activities where race or intentional proxies for race will be used as a selection criterion for employment or program participation,” among others.

Implications: This approach to grantmaking could further chill research and grantmaking related to and aimed to supporting transgender and gender diverse people, including that related to health and healthcare. This could impact access to and availability of culturally competent services at the individual level and reduce research and data on transgender and gender diverse communities more broadly. Such research in turn could have been used to inform service delivery and policy making and to address health disparities.

CDC Priorities StatementSeptember 17, 2025.

Purpose: CDC updated its priorities statement on the agency’s “about” website to include discussion of gender affirming care, parental rights, and DEI (among a range of other topics) not previously included on the site.

With respect to gender affirming care, the agency refers to its “comprehensive review of the evidence and best practices for promoting the health of children and adolescents with gender dysphoria” (see above entry) and states it is  “a CDC priority to protect children from …” gender affirming care “and, to the extent allowable by applicable federal law and any relevant court orders, CDC programs will deprioritize programs that engage in these practices where permissible. CDC funds will also not support the costs of such practices where not required by the law or court order.” Further, CDC states it is an agency “priority to recognize that a person’s sex as either male or female is unchangeable and determined by objective biology, and to ensure CDC programs accurately reflect science, including the biological reality of sex.”

Another stated priority is that “CDC believes parents are the primary decision-makers in their children’s education and should have full authority over what their children are taught” and that school policies “and curricula should emphasize knowledge…without imposing ideas that may conflict with parents’ political, religious, or social beliefs.”
With respect to DEI the statement reads, “to the extent permitted by law, CDC will deprioritize diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives that prioritize group identity over individual merit” and that “CDC has previously invested substantially in ideologically-laden concepts like health equity—mainly on identifying and documenting worse health outcomes for minority populations.”

Implications: The new priorities statement represents are departure from the previous CDC “about” page which was much broader in its description and referenced the agency strategic plan stating that the plan “advances science and health equity and affirms the agency’s commitment to one unified vision— equitably protecting health, safety, and security.”

The new statement could potentially inform grant making and other agency activities such as reporting, recommendations/guidance, data collection, and data presentation. It may also impact CDC research ability to conduct research related to gender affirming care, transgender people, and health disparities. It also may limit the ability of grantees to use CDC resources to provide LGBTQ students with certain types of support or for the agency to provide resources to support LGBTQ youth. Targeting public health approaches to hard hit populations may be more difficult, including for conditions that disproportionately impact LGBTQ+ people, like HIV.

In its description of the HHS report findings on GAC, the CDC statement appears to go beyond what the review itself stated which was that the quality of evidence to support interventions was low and the evidence on harms was “sparse.” The CDC statement writes the review found that provision of gender affirming care to minors is “unsupported by the evidence and have an unfavorable risk/benefit profile.” Neither the report nor the CDC statement reference the well documented benefits associated with gender affirming care.

Purpose: The proposed rule wouldchange the hospital Conditions of Participation (CoPs) to prohibit most Medicare and Medicaid enrolled hospitals from providing specified gender affirming medical care for youth.

The proposal would prohibit most hospitals (i.e. those covered by section 42 CFR part 482) that accept payments from the Medicare or Medicaid programs (the majority of hospitals in the U.S.) from providing pharmaceutical and surgical services related to gender affirming care to young people under age 18. Prohibited services would include puberty blockers (which delay the onset of puberty), hormone therapy, and surgery (which is very rare among young people). While these services would be prohibited for the purposes of providing gender affirming care, the rule would permit hospitals to provide them to youth when the service is not intended to affirm a person’s gender.

The proposal does not take immediate effect. There is a 60-day comment period from the date of publication in the federal register.

Implications: The aim of the proposed rule aligns with earlier actions (e.g. the Executive Order aimed at limiting access to gender affirming care, letters from HHS to providers/states, etc. (discussed above)).

The  rule applies to facility type (not payer) and therefore, if adopted, would prohibit hospitals from offering gender affirming services to all patients under 18 years old regardless of payer, including youth with private insurance or other coverage and those paying cash, not just those covered by Medicare and Medicaid.

If finalized, the proposed rule would further limit access to gender affirming care nationwide. To the extent that academic research hospitals discontinue provision of care, this could also have implications for research being conducted in these institutions.

See KFF’s overview of this proposed rule: https://www.kff.org/lgbtq/new-trump-administration-proposals-would-further-limit-gender-affirming-care-for-young-people-by-restricting-providers-and-reducing-coverage/

Purpose: The proposed rule would prohibit the use of federal Medicaid of CHIP funds from covering pharmaceutical and surgical gender affirming services for young people (under age 18 for those covered by Medicaid and under age 19 for those covered by CHIP). Prohibited services would include puberty blockers (which delay the onset of puberty), hormone therapy, and surgery (which is very rare among young people). Federal funds would be permitted to cover the same services when the service is not intended to affirm a person’s gender. Under the proposal, states would be permitted to use state-only funds to cover the prohibited services.

The proposal does not take immediate effect. There is a 60-day comment period from the date of publication in the federal register.

Implications: The aim of the proposed rule aligns with earlier actions (e.g. the Executive Order aimed at limiting access to gender affirming care, letters from HHS to providers/states, etc. (discussed above)).
The rule applies to federal Medicaid as a payer and therefore restrict reimbursement for care regardless of provider type (e.g. hospitals, primary care providers, endocrinologists, etc.). However, it does not prohibit providers from offering these services
If finalized, the proposed rule would further limit access to gender affirming care nationwide and impact families with lower incomes the hardest. While young people with Medicaid and CHIP coverage could theoretically seek care outside of hospitals without using their insurance, the cost of doing so would likely be prohibitive.
See KFF’s overview of this proposed rule: https://www.kff.org/lgbtq/new-trump-administration-proposals-would-further-limit-gender-affirming-care-for-young-people-by-restricting-providers-and-reducing-coverage/

Purpose: The proposed rule seeks to amend federal regulations implementing Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability in federal and federally funded programs, as it applies to recipients of funding from the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). It would revise a Biden Administration final rule which, in the preamble, stated that HHS would be willing to view gender dysphoria as covered by Sec. 504 “as it would any other disorder or condition. If a disorder or condition affects one or more body systems, or is a mental or psychological disorder, it may be considered a physical or mental impairment.” The proposed rule would do the opposite, and clarified that the current administration interprets statutory exclusions related to ‘‘gender identity disorders not resulting from physical impairments’’ to encompass ‘‘gender dysphoria not resulting from a physical impairment.’’

The proposal does not take immediate effect. There is a 30-day comment period from the date of publication in the federal register.

Implications: This new interpretation could weaken certain protections for transgender and gender non-conforming people.
(See related April 11, 2025 Notice above.)

Purpose: HHS Sec. Kennedy issued a declaration stating certain gender affirming care procedures are “neither safe nor effective as a treatment modality for gender dysphoria, gender incongruence, or other related disorders in minors, and therefore, fail to meet professional recognized standards of health care.” It further stated that “the Secretary ‘may’ exclude individuals or entities from participation in any Federal health care program if the Secretary determines the individual or entity has” delivered services that fail “to meet professionally recognized standards of health care.” However, HHS notes the “declaration does not constitute a determination that any individual or entity should be excluded from participation in any Federal health care program.”

Implications: The declaration was issued on the same day that proposed rules aiming to restrict youth access to gender affirming care in the Medicaid program and by hospitals participating in Medicare and Medicaid were released. (See more on the proposed rules in a separate entry below).

The declaration seeks to discredit widely used U.S. standards of care for gender affirming care (i.e. WPATH and Endocrine Society guidelines) and recommendations by major medical associations, instead relying on HHS’s evidence review relating to gender affirming care for minors (see above entry).  It seeks to develop a Secretary-defined standard that would instead find that certain gender affirming services fail to meet professional recognized standards of care and therefore provide a basis for HHS to restrict federal funding to providers offering this care. This diverges from current recommendations which support access to this care and deem it a medical necessity.

While the declaration states that it does not determine that specific individuals or entities “should be excluded from participation in any Federal health care program” and that “any such determination…[would be]…subject to further administrative and judicial review,” it represents an additional effort aimed at restricting federal funding from reimbursing for gender affirming care for minors. As with other efforts, the declaration excepts the same services used in gender affirming care for other medical purposes.

Should the declaration be further implemented, it could increase the limitations on youth access to gender affirming care. The declaration is not limited to payer (as the Medicaid proposed rule is) or to a specific facility type (as the Conditions of Participation rule is). It could apply to any provider receiving federal funds. Even if the declaration is not implemented, it could stoke additional fear among providers who may choose to continue to or newly stop offering these services out of retaliatory fear.

On December 24, 2025, a lawsuit was filed in which 20 states challenged the administration’s authority to issue the declaration, claiming it violates the Administrative Procedures Act and the Medicare and Medicaid statutes and that “the Secretary has no legal authority to substantively alter the standards of care and effectively ban, by fiat, an entire category of healthcare.” In March 2026, a federal judge ruled that HHS had overstepped its authority, offering temporary relief for the (now 21) plaintiff states.

HHS has since referred mulitple providers to the Office of Inspector General based on the declaration.

Purpose: To “inform healthcare providers, families, and policymakers about evidence-based approaches to caring for children and adolescents experiencing gender dysphoria.”

It reviews findings from the HHS review of gender affirming care for youth (see above entry) and summarizes elements of other reviews before recommending that providers refuse to provide pharmaceutical and surgical gender affirming care for young patients, prioritizing instead psychosocial assessment and care. It also recommends providers share with families the administration’s view that there is “weak evidence for medical interventions” and “substantial documented harms” in medically treating gender dysphoria in young people.

Implications: The recommendations made are not binding but add to administrative efforts to reduce access to gender affirming care for young people. They ignore widely recognized benefits associated with gender affirming care access and recommendations of dominant US medical associations and guidelines.

Purpose: To issue warning letters to retailers and manufacturers of chest binders which include marketing language about their use to help alleviate gender dysphoria. The FDA letters, issued to 12 retailers and manufacturers,  state the binders are “misbranded” and that they are medical devices that must be registered with the FDA. In a press release HHS wrote “Breast binders are Class 1 medical devices used for purposes such as assistance in recovery from cancer-related mastectomy.” 

FDA states that these companies “should take prompt action to address any violations identified in this letter. Failure to adequately address this matter may result in regulatory action being initiated by the FDA without further notice.  These actions include, but are not limited to, seizure and injunction.” FDA states “if you believe that your products are not in violation of the FD&C Act, include your reasoning and any supporting information for our consideration as part of your response.”

Implications: The FDA efforts could create financial and logistical challenges for retailers and manufactures of chest binders used by transgender and nonbinary people. These challenges could result in access challenges for consumers, such as those relating to supply and cost.

Purpose: “To establish professional guidelines for the mental health evaluation and treatment of inmates meeting the diagnostic criteria’ for Gender Dysphoria (GD) to assist their progress toward recovery, while reducing or eliminating the frequency and severity of symptoms and associated negative outcomes.” Restricts the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) from providing surgical and hormonal medical services related to gender affirming care and offering accommodations. Specifically, the guidance:

  • Prioritizes mental health care in the treatment of gender dysphoria, emphasizing assessment of comorbid psychiatric conditions, and collection of past medical records.
  • Connects guidance to the gender ideology Executive Order (described in above entry) which “prohibits the Bureau from expending federal funds for ‘any medical procedure, treatment, or drug for the purpose of conforming an inmate’s appearance to that of the opposite sex’” unless prohibited by court order. While referencing the Executive Order, it also states that the policy is being adopted independent of the Order.
  • States that treatment plans should be individualized and address all identified medical and psychiatric concerns but prohibits BOP from providing gender affirming surgeries and hormone therapy for those not currently receiving hormones.
  • Requires a “rapid discontinuation” tapering plan for those already but recently receiving hormones as a part of gender affirming care and an “appropriately paced” discontinuation plan for those who have received hormones for “extended periods.” States that for those who have had gender affirming surgeries and have been on hormones for an extended period, “it may not be appropriate…for the initial tapering plan to include cessation of hormones. But tapering plans should be reevaluated regularly.”
  • Prohibits BOP from providing (and says BOP may confiscate items related to) “social accommodation,” defined to include clothing, cosmetics, and other items like binders to help an inmate’s appearance align with their gender identity.

Implications:

  • Marks an area where federal restrictions around gender affirming care extend to adults.
  • Suggests that GD may be the result of, and addressed by, treatment of comorbid psychiatric conditions and prioritizes mental health interventions to the exclusion of other medical interventions that are widely considered best practice and not seen as interchangeable. As such, the policy could stand to negatively impact the well-being of transgender and nonbinary inmates in federal prisons seeking medically necessary gender affirming care. In addition, unwanted physical and emotional symptoms can occur because of hormone discontinuation.
  • By restricting and/or confiscating “social accommodation” this policy puts up barriers to social transition and goes beyond medical restrictions.
  • Uses the definitions section to reject the existence of transgender people’s identities stating that gender identity “does not provide a meaningful basis for identification.”
  • The Gender Ideology Executive Order is being challenged in court, parts of which are subject to preliminary injunctions. This includes a case in which a federal judge temporarily enjoined federal prisons from withholding gender affirming care from inmates as a result of the order. It is yet to be seen how the new policy will intersect with the existing injunction but the judge has ordered the administrative record for the BOP policy be filed with the court.  

Domestic HIV Funding in the White House FY2027 Budget Request

Author: Lindsey Dawson
Published: Apr 10, 2026

President Trump’s FY 2027 budget request, the second of his second term, was released on April 3, 2026, and proposes significantly reduced funding for some domestic HIV programs. A budget request lays out presidential administration priorities both in terms of policy issues and the level of funding requested (or proposed for elimination). Congress then considers the request but ultimately has “the power of the purse” and is responsible for appropriating funding for discretionary programs. Those appropriations can, and often do, differ from levels proposed by the administration. Indeed, while President Trump also called for reduced HIV funding in his budget request for FY 2026, Congress appropriated funding similar to prior year levels.

Beyond the traditional budget process, the Trump administration has taken several executive actions to terminate or limit already appropriated funding by delaying or cancelling funding, including for accounts and grants related to HIV. In some cases these actions have led to litigation, sometimes resulting in grants being reinstated. In addition, the administration has used the recission process, whereby the president asks Congress to rescind appropriated funds, which reduces funding if approved by Congress, though to date, recissions have not impacted domestic HIV accounts. These administrative actions have led to uncertainty regarding availability of federal dollars, including for HIV programs, grantees, and sub-grantees, even after funds are appropriated.

The FY 2027 request for domestic HIV, like the FY 2026 request, calls for the elimination or transformation of several core programs, while maintaining others. As with the FY 2026 request, proposals to bolster PrEP uptake that had become a feature of Biden Administration HIV requests, were not included. Funding for the Ending the HIV Epidemic Initiative, an effort born during the first Trump Administration, has been maintained. While detailed funding information is not available for all accounts, where levels are known, the FY 2027 budget request for domestic HIV programs represents a $1.6 billion (35%) decline compared to final FY 2026 funding levels.   

If these cuts are enacted, it could make addressing HIV more challenging at a time when other changes to the health policy landscape could negatively impact access to HIV care and prevention services.

A summary of the request for domestic HIV programs is below.

Overview

The request includes discretionary funding for key programs aimed at addressing the domestic HIV epidemic, including for the Ryan White HIV/AIDS and Health Center Programs, programs that the budget moves from the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) to the proposed new agency, the Administration for Healthy America (AHA). Congress rejected the FY26 request’s proposal to create and fund AHA during the appropriations process. The FY27 request states that AHA will prioritize HIV/AIDS programs (among other areas), “aligning with the Administration’s priorities”. Other funding that has been provided to other departments/agencies for HIV activities is also moved to AHA. This includes funding for the Office of Infectious Disease and HIV/AIDS Policy (OIDP) for HIV and other infectious disease related activities, as well as all EHE funding previously allocated to Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention (CDC).

At the same time, the request eliminates a range of historical HIV programs including funding for domestic HIV prevention at the CDC, Part F of the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, and at least some parts of the Minority AIDS Initiative (MAI). Additionally, large cuts are proposed for the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) at the National Institutes of Health, which has been the largest source of HIV research funding in the world. The request also proposed cutting the Housing Opportunities for People with AIDS (HOPWA) program which is a program of Department of Housing and Urban Development.

Specific, known funding levels are as follows:

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)- Domestic HIV Prevention

Funding for core HIV prevention programs at the CDC is eliminated in the budget request and only funding previously provided to the CDC for EHE activities ($220 million) is preserved but moved to AHA. Historically, CDC has accounted for almost all (91%) federal funding for domestic HIV prevention. This cut would represent a $794 million decrease (78%) over the FY26 level ($1 billion, including the EHE) for HIV funding, but a total elimination of funding for the division.

While CDC’s HIV prevention funds are eliminated in the proposal, some funding for infectious diseases has been retained and combined into one account. Previously, CDC funding for viral hepatitis, sexually transmitted infections, and tuberculosis prevention had separate funding lines. The request proposes to group those accounts into a single $300 million line. The $300 million funding level is $70 million below the sum of these individual accounts in FY 2026.

These changes at CDC were also proposed in the FY26 budget request but rejected by Congress.

Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program

The Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, the nation’s safety-net for HIV care and treatment (now housed at HRSA, and would be moved to AHA), receives $2.5 billion in the FY 2026 request, a $74 million (3%) decrease over the FY 2026 enacted level. The request includes $165 million for EHE activities within Ryan White, the same as in FY 2026. The overall program decrease of $74 million is attributed to the elimination of funding for Part F of the program which has included the following components:

  • AIDS Education and Training Centers (AETCs) whichprovide education and training for health care providers who treat people with HIV.
  • Dental Programs: The “Dental Reimbursement Program” reimburses dental schools and providers for oral health services. The “Community-Based Dental Partnership Program” supports dental provider education and expands access to oral care for people with HIV. 
  • Minority AIDS Initiative (MAI): Created in 1998 to address the impact of HIV on racial and ethnic minorities, MAI provides funding to strengthen organizational capacity and expand HIV services in minority communities. (See additional discussion of MAI below.)

Community Health Center HIV Funding

The FY 2027 budget request includes $157 million in HIV funding for the Health Center Program (now housed at HRSA and would be moved to AHA), all of which is for the EHE initiative; the same amount as the FY 2026 level. EHE funding in health centers “support efforts to reduce new HIV infections through outreach, routine and risk-based testing, and increased access to Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis for patient.”

Office of Infectious Disease and HIV/AIDS Policy (OIDP)

The FY27 budget provides $7.6 million in funding to the Office of Infectious Disease and HIV/AIDS Policy (OIDP) (now housed at the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Health, it would be moved to AHA). OIDP plays a coordinating role, including historically for EHE effort and national HIV, STI, and hepatitis strategies. Funding for OIDP is provided in the request to “drive progress [in] MAHA priorities by implementing innovative, evidence-based interventions to prevent, diagnose, and treat HIV/AIDS, STIs, viral hepatitis, nosocomial infections/hospital – acquired infections (HAIs), and antibiotic-resistant organisms.” It also supports OIDP to “coordinate national strategies, support data-driven program development, and engage communities most affected by these conditions.”

National Institutes of Health – Domestic HIV Research

Historically, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) has carried out almost all federally funded HIV research activities. The budget proposes significant cuts to NIH overall, including to the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease (NIAID) which would be cut by $1.8 billion (27%), from approximately $6.5. billion to $4.8 billion. While the amount of funding for domestic HIV research at NIH is not yet known, in FY 2025, it was $3.3 billion (amount provided to KFF via data request). The Office of AIDS Research, which sits in the Office of the NIH Director and plays a coordinating role withing NIH is mentioned in the budget’s technical appendix, although a specific funding amount is not provided.

Indian Health Service (IHS)

In the FY27 budget, $5 million for IHS EHE activities to support ending HIV and hepatitis C in Indian Country is continued, the same as the FY26 final level. (Funding information provided to KFF via data request.)

The Minority AIDS Initiative (MAI)

As noted above, the MAI was created in 1998 to address the disparate impact of HIV on racial and ethnic minority communities and to build resources and organizational capacity within these communities. The status of the Minority AIDS Initiative is unclear. Funding that has been provided for MAI activities at the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) which the budget would move to AHA, aimed at “improving the health of people of color who have or are at risk for HIV” is eliminated in the proposal. In FY 2026 SAMHSA received $119 million for the MAI. Another $56 in MAI funding is eliminated from the Secretary’s Minority HIV/AIDS. In addition, as noted, Ryan White funding for Part F, which includes a funding line for MAI, is also eliminated in the proposal.

Housing Opportunities for Persons with AIDS (HOPWA)

The Department of Housing and Urban Development’s HOPWA Program is eliminated in the budget. In FY 2026, HOPWA was funded at $529 million. HOPWA, which was established in 1992, has provided housing assistance and supportive services to low-income people with HIV facing housing insecurity and is the only federal program centered on the housing needs of people with HIV. Its funding supports grants to localities, states, and community-based organizations.

The tables below compare federal funding levels for domestic HIV, where specified, in the FY 2027 request to the FY 2026 enacted levels. EHE funding is included in the overall table (Table 1) and in a dedicated table (Table 2).

Key Discretionary Accounts in the Domestic HIV Budget Request, FY 2027 Budget Request and FY 2026 Final (in Millions) (Table)
EHE funding in the FY27 Domestic HIV Budget Request and FY 2026 Final (in Millions) (Table)

Sources:

Key Facts about the Uninsured Population

Authors: Jennifer Tolbert, Sammy Cervantes, Clea Bell, and Anthony Damico
Published: Apr 9, 2026

Executive Summary

Introduction

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The high cost of private insurance and limited availability of public coverage for some individuals with low income—particularly in states that have not expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA)—continued to leave millions of people without health coverage in 2024. Our fragmented and complex health insurance system also means some people fall through the cracks of coverage when they experience a change in circumstances. The end of continuous enrollment in Medicaid also affected health coverage trends in 2024. Starting in April 2023, states resumed disenrolling Medicaid enrollees, a process known as Medicaid unwinding, after a period of continuous enrollment during the pandemic. Nearly all states had completed renewals to verify eligibility for the program for all enrollees by the end of 2024, leading to the disenrollment of millions of Medicaid enrollees. Most individuals losing Medicaid do not have access to affordable job-based coverage, and while many transitioned to subsidized coverage through the Marketplace, even with enhanced Marketplace subsidies still in place during 2024, coverage was unaffordable for some. These coverage transitions and losses contributed to the first increase in the uninsured rate since 2019.

The number of people who are uninsured is expected to continue to increase in coming years because of changes to Medicaid and the ACA Marketplace included in the 2025 reconciliation law, the expiration of the Marketplace enhanced premium tax credits, and other administrative actions.  The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projects that over 14 million more people will be uninsured in 2034 due to the combined effects of the Medicaid and Marketplace eligibility changes included in the reconciliation law and the expiration of the enhanced Marketplace subsidies. In addition to these potential coverage losses, the Trump administration’s increased immigration enforcement activities and policy changes are likely to have a broad chilling effect that could cause lawfully present immigrants who remain eligible to decide to disenroll or not enroll themselves or their children in health coverage programs. This anticipated coverage loss will have implications for access to care and financial stability among those losing coverage and could lead to a worsening of disparities in health outcomes.

This issue brief describes trends in health coverage through 2024, examines the characteristics of the uninsured population ages 0-64, and summarizes the access and financial implications of not having coverage. Using data from the American Community Survey (ACS), this analysis examines changes in health coverage from 2023 to 2024. The analysis focuses on coverage among people ages 0-64 since Medicare offers near universal coverage for the elderly, with just 491,000, or less than 1%, of people over age 65 uninsured. 

Key Takeaways

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How many people are uninsured?

For the first time since 2019, the number of people without health coverage and the uninsured rate increased in 2024. The total number of people ages 0-64 without health coverage increased by more than 1.3 million to 26.7 million in 2024, and the uninsured rate for the population under age 65 increased from 9.5% to 9.8%.

A decline in Medicaid coverage drove the increase in the uninsured rate in 2024. While non-group coverage, including ACA Marketplace coverage, increased from 2023 to 2024, the increase did not fully offset the drop in Medicaid coverage from 2023 to 2024 among both adults and children.

Who is uninsured?

In 2024, over eight in ten people who are uninsured were in low-income families (80.1%) and had at least one worker in the family (85.1%), and over six in ten were people of color (63.7%). Reflecting the more limited availability of public coverage in some states, adults ages 19-64 are more likely to be uninsured than children (11.3% vs. 5.9%). Despite coverage gains across groups over time, American Indian or Alaska Native, Hispanic, Black, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander people were more likely to be uninsured than White and Asian people. 

A disproportionate share of uninsured individuals under age 65 (42%) live in the ten states that have not expanded Medicaid. Individuals living in non-expansion states are nearly twice as likely as those in expansion states to be uninsured; the uninsured rate in non-expansion states was 14.5% compared to 8.0% in expansion states.

Why are people uninsured? 

The high cost of insurance is the main reason many people are uninsured. In 2024, 61.7% of uninsured adults ages 18-64 said they were uninsured because coverage is not affordable. Many uninsured people do not have access to coverage through a job, and some people, particularly poor adults in states that have not expanded Medicaid, remain ineligible for public coverage. Among uninsured adults who were working, 71% were not offered or were not eligible for coverage from their employer in 2024.

About half (52.2%) of people who are uninsured may be eligible for Medicaid or subsidized coverage in the Marketplace. However, they may not be aware of these coverage options or may face barriers to enrolling. In addition, with the expiration of the enhanced premium tax credits, Marketplace coverage has gotten more expensive and may be unaffordable for some.

How does not having coverage affect health care access?  

People without insurance coverage are less likely to access care and more likely to delay or forgo care because of costs. In 2024, nearly four in ten uninsured adults (38.6%) reported delaying, skipping, or not getting needed care or medication due to cost, more than twice the share of adults with private coverage (17.0%) and those with public coverage (18.8%).  Among adults with chronic health conditions who need ongoing medical management, those without insurance coverage were three to four times more likely to delay or forgo needed medical care due to cost than adults with the same condition who were insured. Research demonstrates that gaining health insurance, particularly through Medicaid, improves access to care, utilization of services, and reduces mortality.

What are the financial implications of being uninsured? 

Uninsured adults are nearly twice as likely as insured adults to have difficulty paying health care costs. Nearly six in ten (59%) uninsured adults said they or someone living with them had problems paying for health care compared to 30% of insured adults. People who are uninsured are also more likely to experience measures of financial distress, including overdrawing their checking account, having been contacted by a debt collection agency, and having used pay day loans.

Unaffordable medical bills can lead to medical debt, particularly for uninsured adults. More than six in ten (62%) uninsured adults reported having health care debt compared to over four in ten (44%) insured adults. Uninsured adults are more likely to face negative consequences due to health care debt, such as using up savings, having difficulty paying other living expenses, or borrowing money.

Characteristics of the Uninsured Population

Age

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Over eight in ten (83.2%) individuals who were uninsured in 2024 were adults while 16.8% were children. Adults ages 19-44 make up more than half (56.7%) of the uninsured population under age 65. About one in four (26.5%) people who are uninsured are between the ages of 45-64 (Figure 4).

Distribution of the Uninsured Population Ages 0-64 by Age, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Adults are more likely to be uninsured than children. The uninsured rate for adults ages 19-64 was 11.1%, nearly twice the rate of 5.9% for children. The lower uninsured rate for children reflects, in part, broader eligibility for Medicaid and CHIP for children. As children age out of eligibility, uninsured rates rise sharply to 14.5% for young adults ages 19-25 and remain high for adults ages 26-34 (14.1%) as 26-year-olds lose coverage under their parent’s health plan. Uninsured rates begin to fall for adults starting at age 35 and are lowest for adults ages 55-64 at 7.4% (Figure 5). The increase in the uninsured rate from 2023 to 2024 was largest for children and young adults. The uninsured rate for children increased by 0.6 percentage points from 2023 to 2024, and the rate for young adults ages 19-25 increased by 0.8 percentage points. Adults ages 26-34 and those ages 55-64 experienced smaller increases (0.4 and 0.2 percentage points, respectively) while the uninsured rates for adults ages 35-44 and 45-54 did not change.

Uninsured Rates Among People 0-64 by Age, 2023-2024 (Grouped column chart)

Family Income

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Eight in ten (80.2%) uninsured people under age 65 in 2024 were in families with incomes below 400% of the federal poverty level (FPL). Nearly half (45.9%) had incomes below 200% FPL while over one-third (34.3%) had family income between 200% and 399% FPL (Figure 6).

Distribution of the Uninsured Population Ages 0-64 by Family Income, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Individuals with incomes below 200% of the federal poverty level (FPL) are significantly more likely to be uninsured than those with higher income. One in six (16.5%) individuals under age 65 living in poverty and those in low-income families (incomes 100%-199% FPL) were uninsured in 2024 compared to fewer than one in twenty (4.5%) with incomes above 400% FPL (Figure 7).  Just over one in ten (11.5%) individuals with incomes from 200%-399% FPL were uninsured. While uninsured rates increased for families at all income levels, families with low income and those in poverty saw the largest increases. From 2023 to 2024, the uninsured rate for people ages 0-64 in families with incomes between 100-200% of the federal poverty level (FPL) increased from 15.5% to 16.5%, and the uninsured rate for families living in poverty also increased to 16.5% in 2024 from 15.7% in 2023.

Uninsured Rates for People Ages 0-64 by Family Income, 2023-2024 (Grouped column chart)

Family Work Status

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In 2024, most (85.1%) uninsured individuals lived in working families. Of the total uninsured population ages 0 to 64, nearly three in four (73.8%) had at least one full-time worker in their family, and 11.3% had a part-time worker in their family (Figure 8). Less than 15% of uninsured individuals were in families with no workers.

Distribution of the Uninsured Population Ages 0-64 by Family Work Status, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Because health insurance is tied to employment for many people in the U.S., individuals living in families with no workers or only part-time workers are more likely to be uninsured than individuals with full-time workers in the family. Individuals ages 0-64 in families with no workers or only part-time workers were nearly twice as likely to be uninsured (14.1% and 13.6% respectively) as individuals in families with multiple full-time workers (8.9%) (Figure 9). But working alone does not ensure access to health coverage. Over one in ten (10.1%) individuals in families with one full-time worker were uninsured in 2024. Although the uninsured rate increased for individuals in families with at least one full-time worker, the increases were larger for individuals in families with only part-time workers and those in families with no workers.

Uninsured Rates Among People Ages 0-64 by Family Work Status, 2023-2024 (Grouped column chart)

Race and Ethnicity

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Nearly two-thirds (63.7%) of those without insurance in 2024 were people of color. Over four in ten (41.9%) uninsured people were Hispanic in 2024, while 12.4% were Black people and 3.7% were Asian people. American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (NHPI) people made up smaller shares, accounting for 1% and 0.2% of the uninsured population, respectively. White people comprised 36.3% of people who lacked insurance coverage in 2024 (Figure 10).

Distribution of the Uninsured Population Ages 0-64 by Race/Ethnicity, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Reflecting ongoing disparities in health coverage, Hispanic, Black, AIAN, and NHPI people are more likely to be uninsured than White people. In 2024, AIAN and Hispanic people had the highest uninsured rates (18.9% and 18.4%, respectively). These rates were more than two and a half times the rate for White people (6.8%). The uninsured rates for Black people (10.1%) and NHPI (12.3%) were also higher than the rate for White people (Figure 11). Asian individuals under age 65 had the lowest uninsured rate at 5.7%. Hispanic and Black people ages 0-64 experienced the largest increases in uninsured rates in 2024, increasing 0.5 and 0.4 percentage points respectively from 2023. The uninsured rate for White people increased from 6.5% in 2023 to 6.8% in 2024, while the rates for American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander people did not change.

Uninsured Rates Among People Ages 0-64 by Race/Ethnicity, 2023-2024 (Grouped Bars)

Citizenship

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Most uninsured individuals ages 0-64 (74.6%) were U.S. citizens, while a quarter were noncitizens in 2024. About 8% of uninsured individuals were recent immigrants who have lived in the U.S. for less than 5 years while 17.1% were immigrants who have been in the U.S. for more than five years (Figure 12). An even greater share of uninsured children were U.S. citizens (85.2%), while 14.8% were noncitizens (Appendix Table B).

Distribution of the Uninsured Population Ages 0-64 by Citizenship Status, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Noncitizens are more likely than citizens to be uninsured. Nearly one-third of noncitizen immigrants were uninsured in 2024, including 31.7% of those who have been in the U.S. for less than five years and 30.6% of those who have lived in the U.S. for more than five years. By comparison, the uninsured rate for U.S.-born and naturalized citizens was 8.0% in 2024 (Figure 13). The uninsured rate increased for U.S. citizens and decreased for noncitizens who have in the U.S. for five years or more, though noncitizens remain more than 3.5 times more likely to be uninsured than citizens overall. 

Uninsured Rates of People Ages 0-64 by Citizenship, 2023-2024 (Grouped column chart)

State Residency

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Although most states have adopted the ACA Medicaid expansion, a disproportionate share of uninsured people under age 65 live in states that have not expanded Medicaid. As of 2024, 41 states including DC had expanded Medicaid to cover adults with incomes up to 138% FPL ($20,782 for an individual in 2024). In 2024, about four in ten (42.0%) uninsured people ages 0-64 lived in the ten non-expansion states, including states with large uninsured populations such as Texas and Florida, while nearly six in ten (58.0%) lived in states that expanded Medicaid (Figure 14).  Individuals living in non-expansion states are more likely to be uninsured than those living in expansion states. In 2024, the uninsured rate in non-expansion states (14.5%) was nearly twice the rate in expansion states (8.0%) (Figure 14). 

Uninsured Rates Among People Ages 0-64 by Medicaid Expansion Decision, 2023-2024 (Grouped column chart)

Uninsured rates vary across states. Texas had the highest uninsured rate at 19.2%, nearly double the national rate of 9.8%, while Massachusetts had the lowest rate at 3.3% (Figure 15). The variation in uninsured rates across states reflects differences in per capita income, access to employer coverage, and eligibility for public coverage.

Uninsured Rates Among Population Ages 0-64 by State, 2024 (Choropleth map)

From 2023 to 2024, the uninsured rate for the population ages 0 to 64 increased in 16 states including DC and decreased in two states, California and North Carolina. The District of Columbia and North Dakota saw the largest increases in the uninsured rate for the population under age 65, though the rates remain below the national average in both states (Figure 16). The uninsured rate for children ages 0-18 increased in nine states (Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, Oklahoma, Texas), while the uninsured rate for adults ages 19-64 increased in DC and fourteen states (Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin) but declined in three states (California, Mississippi, and North Carolina). In three states (Colorado, Kentucky, and Minnesota), the uninsured rates increased for both children and adults ages 19-64.  

Change in Uninsured Rates for People Ages 0-64  by State,  2023-2024 (Bar Chart)

Length of Uninsurance

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Most uninsured adults have been without health coverage for more than a year. Nearly seven in ten (69.4%) adults who were uninsured in 2024 had gone without health coverage for more than a year, including over a quarter who had been uninsured for ten or more years (10%) or had never been insured (16.3%) (Figure 17). People who have been without coverage for long periods may be particularly hard to reach through outreach and enrollment efforts. Just three in ten uninsured adults (30.6%) reported lacking coverage for less than one year. People who lacked insurance for less than one year may have experienced a short-term gap in coverage because of a job change or a change in income that resulted in the loss of employer-based coverage or Medicaid.

Distribution of the Uninsured Population Ages 18-64 by Time Without Health Coverage, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Barriers to Obtaining Health Care Coverage

Reasons for Being Uninsured

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Inability to afford coverage is the most commonly cited reason for being uninsured. In 2024, 61.7% of uninsured adults ages 18-64 said they were uninsured because coverage is not affordable (Figure 18). Uninsured adults faced other barriers to obtaining coverage, including not being eligible for coverage (28.9%) and having difficulty signing up for coverage (21.0%). Over a quarter (28.0%) said they did not need or want coverage. 

Reasons for Being Uninsured Among Uninsured Adults Ages 18-64, 2024 (Bar Chart)

Losing a job or eligibility for public coverage can lead to people becoming uninsured. In 2024, 39.7% of adults who had not had health insurance in the last three years said they were uninsured because they lost their job or changed employers (Figure 19), and about a quarter (25.6%) said they lost coverage because they were no longer eligible for Medicaid, CHIP, or other public coverage. Other reasons for losing coverage included the cost of coverage increased (19.2%), missed the deadline for signing up or paying for coverage (15.9%), or lost eligibility due to age or leaving school (15.0%). 

Reasons for Losing Coverage Among Uninsured Adults Ages 18-64 Who Have Been Uninsured for Less than Three Years, 2024 (Bar Chart)

Barriers to Job-Based Coverage

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Not all workers have access to coverage through their job. In 2024, about 70% of uninsured adults who were working did not have access to health insurance through their employer. Six in ten (60.5%) uninsured adult workers worked for an employer that did not offer health insurance to its employees (Figure 20). A smaller share (9.9%) worked for an offering employer but were not eligible, often because they worked part-time or were a temporary or contract employee. 

Eligibility for Job-Based Coverage Among Uninsured Working Adults Ages 19-64, 2024 (Pie Chart)

Among uninsured workers who are offered coverage by their employers, cost is often a barrier to taking up the offer. From 2015 to 2025, total premiums for family coverage increased by 53%, outpacing wage growth, and the worker’s share increased by 37%. Low-income families with employer-based coverage spend a significantly higher share of their income toward premiums and out-of-pocket medical expenses compared to those with income above 200% FPL. Particularly among people working for small employers, premium contributions for dependents can be unaffordable. 

Limits on Medicaid Eligibility

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Medicaid eligibility varies across states, and eligibility for adults is limited in states that have not expanded Medicaid. As of March 2026, 41 states including DC had adopted the ACA Medicaid expansion (Figure 21). Two states implemented the expansion in 2023—South Dakota in July and North Carolina in December. In states that have not expanded Medicaid, the median eligibility level for parents is just 33% FPL, and adults without dependent children are ineligible in most cases. Additionally, in non-expansion states, millions of poor uninsured adults fall into a “coverage gap” because they earn too much to qualify for Medicaid but not enough to qualify for Marketplace premium tax credits. The 2025 reconciliation law makes changes to Medicaid eligibility for expansion adults by imposing new work requirements and more frequent eligibility determinations starting in January 2027.

Status of State Action on the Medicaid Expansion Decision, as of March 2026 (Choropleth map)

Barriers to Coverage for Immigrants

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Immigrants face barriers to eligibility for public programs. Many lawfully present immigrants must meet a five-year waiting period after receiving “qualified” immigration status before they can enroll in Medicaid if they meet other eligibility criteria. States have the option to cover eligible lawfully present children and pregnant people without a waiting period, and as of April 2025, 38 states including DC have elected the option for children, and 32 states including DC have taken up the option for pregnant individuals (Figure 22). Undocumented immigrants are ineligible for federally funded coverage, including Medicaid or Marketplace coverage. Some states provide fully state-funded coverage to some groups of immigrants who are not eligible for federal coverage due to their immigration status but meet other eligibility requirements such as income.  The 2025 reconciliation law imposes new restrictions on immigrant eligibility for Medicaid and ACA Marketplace premium tax credits with some of the changes starting in 2026.

Federally-Funded Coverage of Lawfully Residing Immigrant Children and Pregnant People Without a 5-Year Waiting Period as of April 2025 (Choropleth map)

Eligibility for ACA Coverage Among Uninsured

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About half of the people who are uninsured may be eligible for financial assistance available under the ACA. Just over half (52.2% or 13.9 million) of uninsured individuals in 2024 were estimated to be eligible for financial assistance either through Medicaid or through subsidized Marketplace coverage (Figure 23). However, the remaining half of the uninsured population (47.8% or 12.8 million) were likely ineligible for free or subsidized coverage because their state did not expand Medicaid, their immigration status made them ineligible, or they were deemed to have access to an affordable Marketplace plan or employer coverage offer. 

Eligibility for Coverage Among Uninsured People Ages 0-64, 2024 (Donut Chart)

Barriers to Accessing Care for People Who Are Uninsured

Barriers to Care for Uninsured Adults

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Uninsured adults are less likely than insured adults to have a usual place of care or to have seen a doctor in the past year. In 2024, nearly half (46.2%) of uninsured adults ages 18-64 reported not seeing a doctor or health care professional in the past 12 months compared to 14.7% with private insurance and 12.8% with public coverage. A main barrier to accessing care among uninsured adults is that many (40.8%) do not have a regular place to go when they are sick or need medical advice (Figure 24).

Share of Adults Ages 18-64 Who Did Not See a Doctor or Lacked a Usual Source of Care, by Insurance Status, 2024 (Grouped column chart)

Uninsured adults are much more likely than their insured counterparts to delay or forgo needed care because of cost. In 2024, nearly four in ten uninsured adults (38.6%) reported delaying, skipping, or not getting needed care or medication due to cost, more than twice the share of adults with private coverage (17.0%) and those with public coverage (18.8%) (Figure 25). For many uninsured individuals, skipping or forgoing care can lead to worse health.  According to a KFF survey that found higher percentages of both uninsured and insured people delaying or forgoing needed care due to cost than reported above, four in ten uninsured adults (42.0%) reported that their health got worse after skipping or postponing care due to cost.

Share of Adults Ages 18-64 Who Delayed or Went Without Health Care, by Insurance Status, 2024 (Split Bars)

Barriers to Care for Uninsured Children

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Compared to children with insurance coverage, uninsured children are less connected to the health care system. In 2024, about one in five (22.6%) uninsured children reported not seeing a doctor or health care professional in the past 12 months compared to 4.1% with private insurance and 4.0% with public coverage. Nearly a quarter (24.4%) of uninsured children did not have a regular place to go when they are sick or need medical advice (Figure 26).

Share of Children Who Did Not See a Doctor or Lacked a Usual Source of Care, by Insurance Status, 2024 (Grouped column chart)

Uninsured children are also more likely than those with private insurance or public insurance to go without needed care due to cost. While children are less likely than adults to report not getting care, children without health coverage face greater access barriers than those with health coverage. In 2024, nearly one in six uninsured children (16.0%) reported delaying, skipping, or not getting needed care or medication due to cost compared to 3.3% of children with private coverage and 3.8% of children with public coverage (Figure 27). 

Share of Children Ages 0-17 Who Delayed or Went Without Health Care, by Insurance Status, 2024 (Split Bars)

Access to Care Among Uninsured Adults with Chronic Conditions

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Uninsured individuals are less likely than those with insurance to receive services to treat chronic conditions. Among adults with chronic health conditions who need ongoing medical management, those without insurance coverage were three to four times more likely to delay or forgo needed medical care due to cost than adults with the same condition who were insured. For example, in 2024, over four in ten (42.2%) uninsured adults with diabetes delayed or did not get needed medical care because of cost compared to 11.1% of insured adults (Figure 28). Beyond forgoing needed care, many uninsured adults live with conditions that have never been diagnosed because they are less likely to see a health professional regularly. Gaining insurance is associated with higher rates of chronic condition diagnosis, demonstrating that many uninsured individuals live with undiagnosed chronic conditions due to their lack of access to care. People without health coverage are more likely to be hospitalized for avoidable health problems and to experience declines in their overall health as a consequence of having undiagnosed conditions and a lower likelihood of receiving preventive and chronic disease management care. When they are hospitalized, uninsured people receive fewer diagnostic and therapeutic services and also have higher mortality rates than those with insurance. 

Share of Adults Ages 18-64 with Select Chronic Conditions Who Delayed or Did Not Get Needed Medical Care Due to Cost, by Insurance Coverage, 2024 (Grouped column chart)

Research demonstrates that gaining health insurance improves access to health care considerably and diminishes the adverse effects of having been uninsured.review of research on the effects of the ACA Medicaid expansion finds that expansion led to positive effects on access to care, utilization of services, the affordability of care, and financial security among the low-income population. Medicaid expansion is also associated with increased early-stage diagnosis rates for cancer, lower rates of cardiovascular mortality, and increased odds of tobacco cessation.  Evidence also indicates that gaining health coverage through the Medicaid expansion saves lives. One recent study found a 2.5% reduction in mortality among low-income adults in Medicaid expansion states and concluded that Medicaid expansion reduced the risk of death by 21% among new enrollees, saving an estimated 27,000 lives from 2010-2022.

Access to Charity Care

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While some uninsured individuals may be eligible for free or discounted health care services, not all uninsured individuals are able to access charity care programs. Public hospitals, community clinics and health centers, and local providers that serve underserved communities provide a crucial health care safety net for uninsured people. However, safety net providers have limited resources and service capacity, and not all uninsured people have geographic access to a safety net provider. Hospital charity care programs provide free or discounted services to eligible patients who are unable to afford their care, though eligibility criteria vary across hospitals. Not all eligible patients benefit from these programs because they may not be aware that charity care is available or do not think they are eligible. They may also have difficulty completing an application or may choose not to apply.

While charity care programs help uninsured patients afford care, they can strain hospital finances. Charity care as a percent of expenses varies widely across hospitals. Hospital charity care costs are generally higher in states that have not expanded Medicaid, which also generally have higher uninsured rates (Figure 29). Moreover, research indicates that Medicaid expansion is associated with reductions in uncompensated care costs and improved financial performance for rural hospitals and other providers.

Charity Care Costs in 2023 Were Generally Higher in States That Had Not Expanded Medicaid (Scatter Plot)

Financial Implications of Being Uninsured

Unaffordable Medical Bills 

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Adults who are uninsured are more likely to report difficulty paying for health care costs than adults with insurance coverage.  While affording health care costs can be challenging regardless of insurance status, uninsured adults are nearly twice as likely as insured adults to say that affording health care costs is difficult (82% vs. 42%). When it comes to paying health care costs, about six in ten (59%) uninsured adults said they or someone living with them had problems compared to 30% of insured adults, and about four in ten (39%) uninsured adults said that they or someone living with them had problems paying for prescription drug costs specifically compared to 28% of insured adults (Figure 30).  

Problems Paying for Health Care  and Prescription Drug Costs in the Past Year Among Adults 18-64, by Insurance Status (Grouped column chart)

Financial Insecurity

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People who are uninsured are more likely to experience measures of financial distress, including overdrawing their checking account, having been contacted by a debt collection agency, and having used pay day loans. Because adults who are uninsured are more likely to have lower income than those with insurance, they are also more financially vulnerable. Almost six in ten (59%) uninsured adults ages 18-64 report that it is probable or certain that they could not find $2,000 if an unexpected need, such as a medical emergency, arose in the next month compared to four in ten (39%) insured adults (Figure 31). Adults who are uninsured also have more difficulty paying their bills. About three in ten (31%) reported being contacted by debt collection in the past year, and one quarter said they used payday loans in the past five years compared to 22% and 16% of insured adults, respectively.

Share of Adults Ages 18-64 Experiencing Certain Financial Difficulties, by Insurance Status, 2024 (Split Bars)

Research suggests that gaining health coverage improves the affordability of care and financial security among the low-income population. Multiple studies of the ACA found declines in trouble paying medical bills and reductions in medical debt in expansion states relative to non-expansion states.  More recent research found that Medicaid expansion decreased catastrophic health expenditures and was associated with greater increases in income among low-income individuals. 

Medical Debt

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Medical bills can quickly translate into medical debt for people who are uninsured as many have low or moderate incomes and have little, if any, savings.  Unaffordable medical bills can lead to medical debt, particularly for uninsured adults.  More than one third (34%) of uninsured adults under age 65 have medical debt, meaning they have one or more unpaid bills from a medical service provider that are past due, compared to 26% of insured adults under age 65 (Figure 32). Using a broader definition of medical debt, which includes health care debt on credit cards or owed to family members, more than six in ten (62%) uninsured adults under age 65 report having health care debt compared to over four in ten (44%) insured adults under age 65. Uninsured adults are more likely to face negative consequences due to health care debt, such as using up savings, having difficulty paying other living expenses, or borrowing money.   

Medical Debt Among Adults Ages 18-64, by Insurance Status (Grouped column chart)

Appendix and Supplemental Tables

Appendix Tables

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Uninsured Rate Among the Population Ages 0-64 by State, 2019, 2023, 2024 (Table)
Characteristics of the Uninsured Population Ages 0-64, 2024 (Table)
Change in Selected Characteristics of Uninsured People Ages 0-64, 2019, 2023, 2024 (Table)

Supplemental Tables

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Health Insurance Coverage of the Population Ages 0-64, 2024 (Table)
Health Insurance Coverage of the Population Ages 0-64 under Poverty, 2024 (Table)
Health Insurance Coverage of Workers Ages 19-64, 2024 (Table)
Characteristics of Uninsured People 0-64 under Poverty (<100% of Poverty), 2024 (Table)
Characteristics of Uninsured Adult Workers Ages 19-64, 2024 (Table)

VOLUME 44

Abortion Pill’s Safety Called into Question in Congressional Actions Based on Misleading Data


Highlights

False claims about the safety of mifepristone, the abortion pill used in roughly two-thirds of U.S. abortions, are driving legislative and investigative action in Congress, even as major medical organizations and decades of clinical evidence support the drug’s safety.

The Monitor also examines how competing interpretations of what censorship and free speech mean for policy and law are contributing to recent developments, including a Supreme Court ruling, a federal lawsuit settlement, and new legal challenges with implications for how health misinformation is managed, moderated, and allowed to spread.


What We’re Watching

Calls to Investigate and Ban Abortion Drug Mifepristone Cite Unsupported Safety Claims

Misleading claims about the safety of mifepristone, the abortion pill used in roughly two-thirds of U.S. abortions, are driving new legislative and investigative action in Congress. Senator Josh Hawley has cited a widely criticized report from the faith-centric Ethics and Public Policy Center to support legislation that would revoke the drug’s Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approval and an investigation of the practices of the companies that manufacture and distribute mifepristone, claiming they ignored safety information about the drug. The rate of adverse events cited in the EPPC report is far higher than what existing evidence supports and contradicts decades of clinical data, FDA review findings, and the assessments of major medical organizations including the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), the American Medical Association (AMA), and the World Health Organization (WHO) regarding the drug’s long safety record. State-level efforts to limit access to mifepristone are also continuing in response to data on abortion volume that shows that patients in states that ban abortion are obtaining abortions through telehealth. For example, state lawsuits led by Louisiana, Missouri, and Florida are challenging either the FDA’s original approval of mifepristone or subsequent modifications that allow clinicians to dispense the abortion pills by mail. False claims about mifepristone’s safety may be contributing to public perception. KFF’s November 2025 Health Tracking Poll found that while more than twice as many adults say mifepristone is ‘safe’ (42%) than say it is ‘unsafe’ (18%) when taken as directed by a doctor, public confidence in the drug’s safety has declined since 2023 when just over half of the public (55%) viewed the abortion pill as safe.

What To Watch Out For: Will continued false claims about mifepristone’s safety contribute to further legislative and regulatory action, even as major medical organizations and decades of evidence support the drug’s safety record? As misleading claims about mifepristone circulate more widely, will public confidence in the drug’s safety continue to decline?

Claims of Censorship Continue to Shape the Policy and Legal Landscape Around Health Misinformation

Ongoing debates about the limits of free speech and what constitutes censorship are driving policy actions and legal challenges with implications for how false or misleading health claims are addressed and how health-related speech is regulated.

  • Settlement in Federal COVID-19 Social Media Lawsuit: The Trump administration recently settled a high-profile lawsuit, originally brought during the Biden administration, that alleged that federal officials had censored protected speech and violated the First Amendment by pressuring social media companies to remove false content related to the COVID-19 pandemic. Under the settlement, the Surgeon General’s office, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) are prohibited from threatening social media companies with legal or regulatory consequences to compel the removal of online content. The case had previously reached the Supreme Court, which ruled in 2024 that the plaintiffs lacked standing without determining whether the content removals had violated free speech protections. The administration and its allies have framed the settlement as a victory against what they call government censorship. In 2023, KFF polling found that most of the public expressed a desire for a greater government role in limiting the spread of false health information, with at least two-thirds of adults saying at the time that Congress and President Biden were “not doing enough” to limit the spread of false and inaccurate health information.
  • Researchers Challenge Immigration Policy Targeting Misinformation Researchers: A nonprofit coalition of academic researchers has filed a new lawsuit against the administration, arguing that the current administration is itself engaged in censorship through its policy of excluding and deporting noncitizens whose work involves combating misinformation, fact-checking, or content moderation. The coalition argues that using immigration enforcement to penalize researchers who study misinformation is itself a restriction of free speech, the same principle the administration has raised to justify its policy, arguing that fact-checking and content moderation amount to censorship. These competing claims reflect ongoing disagreement about whether independent content moderation and fact-checking amounts to censorship, a framing that may have already contributed to widespread platform policy changes.
  • Ruling Blurs Medical Regulation and Viewpoint Discrimination: The Supreme Court ruled that a Colorado law prohibiting licensed therapists from promoting “conversion therapy” for minors—practices that attempt to change or suppress an LGBTQ person’s sexual orientation or gender identity—may have violated the First Amendment by restricting health providers’ speech based on viewpoint. The ruling centers on the tension between states’ authority to regulate harmful medical practices and therapists’ free speech rights. The case has implications beyond Colorado, as 23 states and D.C. have passed similar laws. Major medical organizations maintain that conversion therapy is ineffective and associated with harm, including increased rates of depression and suicidality. Physician organizations have warned that the ruling may lead to more widespread adoption of harmful practices. As such, removing state protections prohibiting conversion therapy could reinforce false narratives that these practices are generally accepted and/or that being LGBTQ+ is a mental health condition in need of treatment.

What To Watch Out For: Will the settlement barring government agencies from pressuring social media companies affect how these platforms respond to health misinformation? Will courts find that immigration enforcement against misinformation researchers constitutes an unconstitutional restriction of speech? Will the Supreme Court’s conversion therapy ruling impact similar state restrictions around the country, and will the case be cited more broadly to challenge other regulations governing health providers’ speech and practices?

FDA Expected to Lift Restrictions on Peptides as Unproven Claims Reach Large Audiences

Recent reporting indicates that the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) plans to lift restrictions on roughly 14 peptides that in 2023 the agency had removed from a list of products that compounding pharmacies could use due to potential safety risk. Peptides are injectable substances popular in some wellness communities for their purported effects on muscle recovery, injury healing, and anti-aging properties. Many of the claims about their health benefits are unproven, yet they are reaching large audiences and may be influencing federal policy. Peptide-related Google searches reached 10.1 million in January, according to an analysis cited by CBS News, with searches for peptides marketed for anti-aging and longevity up nearly 300% year-over-year. Many of these substances lack robust clinical evidence for the uses being promoted and are currently sold through an online gray market labeled “for research use only.” Still, imports of hormone and peptide compounds from China roughly doubled to $328 million in the first three quarters of 2025, according to U.S. customs data. Sellers of unregulated peptides regularly promote unsupported claims about both benefits and safety, despite a lack of evidence behind those claims. Their marketing can blur the line between research chemicals and legitimate medical treatments, leaving buyers with little sense of the uncertainties involved.

The move is reported to have surprised some current and former FDA staff amid concerns that the shift could heighten criticism that the agency is basing decisions on politics rather than science. Some career scientists have warned that the supposed benefits of these substances have not been proven in clinical trials and that expanding access without an established evidence base may pose risks to patients. Supporters of the move, including Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has called himself a “big fan” of these treatments and said he has personally used them, have argued that expanding access through licensed pharmacies would help ensure safety standards that cannot be enforced through the current gray market.  When unproven claims about a treatment’s benefits spread widely through social media and are amplified by senior officials, it can be difficult for the public to distinguish between evidence-based decisions and those motivated by personal beliefs.

What To Watch Out For: KFF polling finds fewer than half of the public (38%) and partisans have at least “some” confidence in federal health agencies like the CDC and FDA to make decisions based on science rather than the personal views of agency officials. Will this decision be interpreted as evidence-based, or will it reinforce existing doubts about whether regulatory decisions reflect science rather than personal views?

While Most Users of AI for Health Information Cite Quick Access, Cost Concerns Also Drive Some to These Tools

Recent KFF polling has found that difficulty affording health care is driving some adults to rely on AI for health advice at a time when many people are reporting increasing health care costs. Overall, about one-third of the public (32%) has turned to AI for health information and advice in the past year, according to KFF’s March Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust. While most users say a desire for quick and immediate information drove them to these tools, one in five (19%) say a “major reason” they turned to AI was because they couldn’t afford the cost of seeing a provider. The share who report turning to AI because of costs rise to three in ten (29%) among younger users (under 30 years old) and one-third (32%) of users with incomes below $40,000.

Split bar chart showing percent who say specific reasons were "major" reasons for using AI for health information. Results shown by total adults, age, and household income.

These findings come as KFF’s January 2026 Health Tracking Poll found more than half (55%) of adults said their health care costs had increased in the past year, including two-thirds of people with employer-based health insurance (64%) and those who purchase their own coverage (66%). The cost of health care can also lead some to forego needed care. One-third (36%) of adults say they skipped or delayed needed health care in the past year because of the cost, rising to just under half (45%) among adults under 30 and three quarters of uninsured adults, according to KFF’s May 2025 Health Tracking Poll. Notably, KFF’s latest poll on AI use found that younger adults were more likely to say they used AI for health information and then did not follow up with a health care provider.

For those already facing barriers to accessing care, the risk of acting on incomplete or unreliable information provided by AI without clinical follow-up may be greatest.

What To Watch Out For: Will rising costs widen this information gap and increase reliance on unvetted sources among people facing the greatest barriers to care?

About The Health Information and Trust Initiative: the Health Information and Trust Initiative is a KFF program aimed at tracking health misinformation in the U.S., analyzing its impact on the American people, and mobilizing media to address the problem. Our goal is to be of service to everyone working on health misinformation, strengthen efforts to counter misinformation, and build trust. 


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The Monitor is a report from KFF’s Health Information and Trust initiative that focuses on recent developments in health information. It’s free and published twice a month.

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Support for the Health Information and Trust initiative is provided by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF). The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of RWJF and KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities. The data shared in the Monitor is sourced through media monitoring research conducted by KFF.

The HPV Vaccine: Access and Use in the U.S.

Published: Apr 8, 2026

The human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine is the first and only vaccination that helps protect individuals from getting several cancers that are associated with different HPV strains. The vaccine holds the promise to safely prevent many kinds of cancers attributable to HPV that have long been responsible for the deaths of women and men. Since its introduction to the U.S. in 2006, the vaccine covers more strains of HPV, the dosage has dropped from three to two shots and the cost is fully covered by private insurance and public programs. The vaccine was originally recommended only for girls and young women, but was subsequently broadened to include boys, young men, and people of all genders. Uptake in the vaccine has risen over time, though there have been notable declines in vaccination rates since the COVID-19 pandemic. This factsheet discusses HPV and related cancers, use of the HPV vaccines for both females and males, and insurance coverage and access to the vaccine.

HPV and Cancer

HPV is the most common STI in the U.S. and is often acquired soon after initiating sexual activity. Approximately 42.5 million Americans are infected with HPV and there are at least 13 million new infections annually. There are more than 200 known strains of HPV, and while most cases of HPV infection usually resolve on their own, persistent infection with high-risk strains can cause cancer. HPV-related cancers have increased significantly in the past decade—between 2018 and 2022, over 49,000 people in the United States developed an HPV-related cancer compared to 30,000 in 1999. While HPV-related cervical and vaginal cancer rates have decreased since 1999, rates for oropharyngeal and anal HPV-related cancers have increased. 

Cervical Cancer

Over 90% of cervical cancer cases are HPV related, with two strains (16 and 18) responsible for approximately 66% of cervical cancer cases worldwide. In the U.S., it is estimated that 13,360 new cervical cancer cases were diagnosed in 2025. While cervical cancer is usually treatable, especially when detected early, approximately 4,320 deaths from cervical cancer occurred in 2025.

Despite widespread availability of cervical cancer screening, racial disparities in cervical cancer incidence and mortality rates persist in the U.S. For example, although Hispanic women have the second highest incidence rate of cervical cancer, cervical cancer mortality rates among this population are comparable to the national mortality rate. Black women, on the other hand, have the third highest incidence rate of cervical cancer, yet have the highest mortality rates of the disease (Figure 1). Another notable paradox is that Black and Hispanic women have the highest rates of recent Pap testing but higher rates of mortality attributable to cervical cancer. Lower rates in follow-up treatment after an abnormal screening result, differences in treatment options, diagnosis at later stages of disease progression, and negative experiences in the medical system may account for some of the disproportionate impact of cervical cancer.

Cervical Cancer Incidence and Mortality Rates by Race/Ethnicity, 2018-2023 (Grouped column chart)

Oropharyngeal and Anal Cancers

Approximately 22,585 cases of oropharyngeal (throat) cancer occur annually in the U.S, most of which (70%) are probably caused by HPV. Oropharyngeal cancers are the most common HPV-associated cancer among men and are more common among men than women (Figure 2). However, anyone who heavily uses both tobacco and alcohol is at much higher risk of developing these cancers. Research suggests that HPV vaccines can help protect against throat cancer since many are associated with HPV 16 and 18, two of the strains that the vaccine protects against. HPV is also responsible for the majority (91%) of the estimated 7,600 annual cases of anal cancer in the U.S. While cases of anal cancer are higher among women, men who have sex with men are at higher risk of developing anal cancer linked to HPV 16 and 18. Additional risk factors for anal cancer include a history of cervical cancer and having a suppressed immune system. Like oropharyngeal cancer, there has been an increase in the rate of anal cancers in the past 15 years.

Rates of HPV-Associated Oropharyngeal and Anal Cancers Among Men and Women, 2018-2022 (Grouped column chart)

HPV Vaccine Recommendations

Since 2016, Gardasil®9 has been the only HPV vaccine available in the U.S. The FDA approved first-generation Gardasil®—produced by Merck—in 2006, which prevented infection of four strains of HPV: 6, 11, 16, 18. In December 2014, Gardasil®9 was approved for use in individuals ages nine to 45 years old. This vaccine protects against the 9 strains of HPV associated with most cervical cancer, anal cancer, and throat cancer cases as well as most genital warts cases and some other HPV-associated ano-genital diseases. The vaccine was initially approved for cervical cancer prevention, but in 2020 the FDA broadened its approval to include the prevention of oropharyngeal cancer and other head and neck cancers. Current global research suggests Gardasil®9 protection is long-lasting: more than 10 years of follow-up data in both boys and girls indicate the vaccines are still effective and there is no evidence of waning protection, although it is still unknown if recipients will need a booster in the future. Other HPV vaccines show similar effectiveness. In Scotland, recipients of the bivalent HPV vaccine Cervarix®—which protects against HPV 16 and 18—who became fully vaccinated against HPV at age 12 or 13 have had no cases of cervical cancer since the vaccine program started in 2008. Additionally, new data from the American Society of Clinical Oncology shows that the vaccine reduced the risk of all HPV-associated cancers—including oropharyngeal, head, and neck cancers—by 50% in men. 

The federal Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) is responsible for issuing immunization recommendations for the U.S. population. ACIP is convened by the CDC and has historically been comprised of clinicians, scientists, public health experts, and other professionals with expertise in vaccine-related policies. In June 2024, during the Biden administration, the ACIP recommended that most adolescents receive a two-dose series of the HPV vaccine (Table 1). This recommendation was designed to promote immunization when the vaccine is most effective—before the initiation of sexual activity. Those already infected with HPV can also benefit from the vaccine because it can prevent infection against HPV strains they may not have contracted, but the vaccine does not treat existing HPV infections.

After the second Trump Administration took office, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) made changes in vaccine policy more broadly that also affected the HPV vaccine recommendations. In June 2025, Secretary of HHS, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., dismissed the entire membership of the ACIP and replaced them with new advisers, many of whom are known to be skeptical of vaccines. In December 2025, the newly reconstituted ACIP changed the recommendation from two doses to a single dose for adolescents. This recommendation, along with the other pediatric vaccine recommendation revisions made by the newly appointed committee, were blocked for the time being by a federal court in a legal challenge brought on by public health and health professional organizations led by the American Academy of Pediatrics. The ruling also blocked the changes that HHS made to the ACIP membership. As a result, the 2024 recommendations are currently in effect, for now.

HPV Vaccine Recommendations by Age (Table)

While the FDA expanded its approval of the HPV vaccine to include adults ages 27 to 45, ACIP has not recommended routine catch-up vaccinations for all adults in this age group. ACIP recommends that adults ages 27 to 45 who have not been properly vaccinated and who may be at risk for new HPV infections consult with a medical professional about receiving the vaccine. 

Uptake

In 2024, over 60% of adolescents aged 13-17 in the U.S. were up-to-date with their HPV vaccinations (HPV UTD)On average, adolescents who were Asian, Black, or covered by Medicaid were more likely to be HPV UTD compared to adolescents who were White, privately insured, or uninsured. HPV vaccination rates among teen boys are slightly lower than for girls (61% vs. 64% HPV UTD in 2024), but they have been rising since 2016.

HPV Vaccination Rates of Adolescents by State, 2024 (Choropleth map)

HPV vaccination rates vary by state, ranging from a low of 39% of adolescents being HPV UTD in Mississippi to a high of 80% in Massachusetts (Figure 3). Some states, such as Hawaii, Rhode Island, Virginia, and D.C., have laws that require HPV vaccination for school entry. In California, the Cancer Prevention Act requires schools to notify families of 6th grade children about HPV vaccine recommendations and advise them to follow guidelines but does not require them to adhere to them for school entry. Vaccine exemptions due to religious or personal beliefs are permitted in most states.

Some people begin the vaccine series but do not complete it. In 2024, 79% of adolescent girls and 77% of boys received at least one dose of the HPV vaccine. Recent trends in vaccination coverage show that overall HPV vaccination initiation has stalled for the third consecutive year, and throughout the last decade, rates continue to remain lower among adolescents who live in predominately rural areas compared to those in urban areas. The findings indicate that children were more likely to be vaccinated when their parent/guardian received a vaccine recommendation for their child from a healthcare provider. In addition, while vaccine initiation among adolescents overall remained steady, initiation rates in recent years have slightly declined among adolescents who were uninsured or covered by Medicaid (Figure 4).

Rates of HPV Vaccine Initiation Among Adolescents Ages 13-17 in the U.S., by Insurance Status (Line chart)

Vaccine hesitancy may also contribute to lower HPV vaccination coverage among these subgroups. Prior to the pandemic, parents’ top reasons for not vaccinating their children were perceptions of safety concerns and the belief that the vaccine was not needed. Since the pandemic began, some providers have observed an increase in vaccine hesitancy or refusal in parents of adolescents they attribute to difficulties cased by COVID-19 or mistrust in vaccines. HHS Secretary Kennedy also has a history of vaccine skepticism, and his views along with the vacillating recommendations for the HPV vaccine over the course of the second Trump administration will likely add to the hesitancy and confusion among parents and clinicians.

Vaccine Financing

There are multiple sources of private and public financing that assure that nearly all children and young adults in the U.S. have coverage for the HPV vaccine. Many of the financing entities base their coverage on ACIP recommendations.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) requires public and private insurance plans to cover a range of recommended preventive services and ACIP recommended immunizations without consumer cost-sharing. Plans must cover the full charge for the HPV vaccine, as well as pap tests and HPV testing for women. 

Public Financing 

Vaccines for Children — Through the VFC program, the CDC purchases vaccines at a discounted rate and distributes them to participating healthcare providers. All children are eligible through age 18 if they are uninsured, underinsured, Medicaid-eligible, Medicaid-enrolled, or American Indian or Alaska Native.  

Medicaid — Medicaid covers ACIP-recommended vaccines for enrolled individuals under age 21 through the Early and Periodic Screening Diagnosis and Treatment program (EPSDT). Adults 21 and older who are insured through Medicaid are covered for approved adult ACIP-recommended vaccinations without cost-sharing.  

Public Health Service Act — Section 317 of the Public Health Service Act provides grants to states and local agencies to help extend the availability of vaccines to uninsured adults in the United States. These are often directed towards meeting the needs of priority populations, such as underinsured children and uninsured adults.  

Merck Vaccine Patient Assistance Program — Merck, the manufacturer of Gardasil®9 has established assistance programs to provide free HPV vaccines in the United States. To qualify, individuals must be aged 19 or older, uninsured, and low-income.  

Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) — Children who qualify for CHIP are part of families whose incomes are too high to qualify for Medicaid but too low to afford private insurance. Each state has its own set of specific qualifications for CHIP. The program is managed by the states and is jointly funded by the states and the federal government. CHIP programs that are separate from the Medicaid Expansion must cover ACIP-recommended vaccines for beneficiaries since they are not eligible for coverage under the federal VFC. 

State and Federal Reproductive Rights and Abortion Litigation Tracker

Last updated on

The Supreme Court’s Dobbs ruling, overturning Roe v. Wade, returned the decision to restrict or protect abortion to states. In many states, abortion providers and advocates are challenging state abortion bans contending that the bans violate the state constitution or another state law. The state litigation tracker presents up-to-date information on the ongoing litigation challenging state abortion policy.

In addition, since the Dobbs decision, new questions have arisen regarding the intersection of federal and state authority when it impacts access to abortion and contraception. Litigation has been brought in federal court to resolve some of these questions. The federal litigation tracker presents up-to-date information on the litigation in federal courts that involves access to contraception and abortion.

Litigation Involving Reproductive Health and Rights in the Courts, as of April 7, 2026 (Table)

Tracking Key Mental Health and Substance Use Policy Actions Under the Trump Administration

Published: Apr 7, 2026

In 2024, over 61 million adults in the U.S. experienced a mental illness and deaths due to suicide, gun violence, and drug overdose remained high. Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic and necessary public health responses exacerbated an already existing mental health and substance use crises. At the same time, many people experience difficulties affording mental health treatment or finding providers. Among insured adults who described their mental health as fair or poor, 43% reported at least one time in the past year when they needed mental health services or medication but did not receive them; some groups – including communities of color, youth and young adults – experience greater barriers.

Many policy actions were initiated in response to these rising mental health and substance use concerns. During the first Trump administration, the SUPPORT Act – legislation that expanded access to opioid treatment and overdose prevention – was passed along with legislation that created the 988 crisis hotline. During the following Biden administration, federal policies focused on expanding coverage, improving access to care, implementing evidence-based treatments, and strengthening support for federal agencies, such as the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Administration (SAMHSA). Recent data shows that some opioid and mental health related indicators have stabilized or improved.

The second Trump administration, beginning in 2025, marked a change in federal mental health and substance use policy. The administration moved toward a heavier law-and-order approach and simultaneously narrowed the scope of federal leadership capacity in mental health and substance use services, while also continuing some treatment-focused initiatives (such as the SUPPORT Act reauthorization). Many of these policy directions are consistent with themes highlighted in President Trump’s campaign materials and are aligned with proposals in Project 2025.

This tracker lists and briefly describes key actions during President Trump’s second term, organized into the following four broad categories: Opioids (for example, signing the HALT Act); Mental Health (e.g., canceling school-based mental health grants); Federal Infrastructure/Data/Guidance (e.g., proposals to reduce and reorganize SAMHSA under another agency); and Gun Violence (e.g., rescinding community violence intervention grants). It will be updated as new changes occur. This tracker is not meant to be exhaustive; other state and federal policy changes may also affect mental health and substance use but are not captured here.

The tracker can be viewed in the order that each mental health or substance use policy action was implemented. Alternatively, the tracker can be filtered by category (Mental Health; Opioids/Substance Use Disorder; Federal Infrastructure/ Data/Guidance; and Gun Violence).

Table

Measles Elimination Status: What It Is and How the U.S. Could Lose It

Author: Josh Michaud
Published: Apr 7, 2026

Originally published in July 2025, this policy watch has been updated in April 2026 to reflect additional developments and updated measles trends.

Measles has been officially “eliminated” from the U.S. since 2000, which means the country had not seen very large outbreaks and had not had 12 months or more of uncontrolled domestic transmission of the virus since before that time. However, a series of measles outbreaks began in the U.S. in early 2025 that continue today: from January 2025 through the end of March 2026, U.S. states have reported over 3,800 measles cases. Several factors have contributed to the ongoing transmission of measles in the U.S. These include funding and staffing cuts for public health efforts at the federal, state, and local levels that have affected measles prevention and response efforts across the country, along with mixed messages from federal health officials such as Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. regarding measles response at the same time there has been no Senate-confirmed leader at CDC for almost the whole period since these outbreaks began. Further, there is increased skepticism among the public about the safety and effectiveness of measles vaccines and a decline in trust of health authorities in general, which has contributed to lower measles vaccination rates and complicated outreach and communication efforts in addressing the current outbreak.

What does this mean for U.S. elimination status and control of the disease going forward? This policy watch provides an overview of the definition of measles elimination, including how this status is decided and declared, and its significance. Further, it assesses how the current measles outbreak may threaten elimination status and what that might mean for control of measles in the U.S.

Measles and the Measles Vaccine

Measles is one of the most contagious human viruses. When spreading in a population with no prior immunity, it is estimated that on average one measles case can result in 12- 18 other cases (this is the basic “reproduction number” of measles). While most measles infections are not severe, health complications can occur in about 30% of measles cases, and around 1 in 1,000 measles infections lead to death. There is a higher risk of severe outcomes in young children and immunocompromised individuals. Among the 1,309 confirmed measles cases so far in 2025, 164 (13%) were hospitalized and three deaths have occurred. Besides the risk of the infection itself, measles can also have long-lasting negative impacts on the immune system more broadly, especially in children, leaving people more prone to serious outcomes from other infections. Those who recover from a measles infection usually develop long-term immunity to further measles infection.

Measles vaccines have been available in the U.S. since 1963 and are safe and effective at providing protection against illness and, importantly, against infection and onward transmission of the virus. It is estimated that two doses of a measles-containing vaccine are 97% effective in preventing infection. CDC recommends children get their first measles vaccine dose between 12 and 15 months of age, and the second dose between 4 and 6 years of age, before entering school. Currently, the most common measles-containing vaccine in the U.S. is the combination measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) vaccine. Epidemiologists estimate that when >95% of a population has immunity to measles, through previous infection or vaccination, then “herd immunity” is reached and measles transmission is interrupted and large outbreaks will not occur. Therefore, at least 95% coverage with two doses of the measles vaccine is a common goal for immunization campaigns and is the current Healthy People 2030 target in the U.S. However, it is estimated that national two-dose MMR coverage in the United States is for children entering kindergarten in 2024 was 92.5%, a figure that had declined from 94.7% in 2011. In addition, this coverage varied significantly across states, ranging from 78.5% in Idaho to 98.2% in Connecticut. Just 10 states had reported coverage levels at 95% or above in 2024-2025.

National, Regional, and Global Measles Elimination Goals and Prior U.S. Certifications

The first national goal to interrupt measles transmission in the U.S. was announced in 1966, just a few years after licensure of the first measles vaccine, and CDC announced further measles elimination goals in 1978 and 1993. In 1994, the member states of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO, the Americas regional office of the World Health Organization (WHO) that includes the U.S.) set a goal of interrupting endemic measles virus transmission in the region by the year 2000 and in 2012, member states of the WHO endorsed a Global Vaccine Action Plan that included a measles elimination goal for all six WHO regions by 2020. 

Despite setting multiple goals since 1966, the U.S. did not officially achieve measles elimination status until 2000. Verification of elimination was carried out first through internal CDC and external expert review of U.S. strategy and programs to address measles, and epidemiological data on cases and vaccinations, which were compared against predetermined benchmarks for success. In March 2000, the National Immunization Program at CDC convened an external panel of experts to review the available data, and the panel concluded that criteria for elimination had been met, and officially stated that measles had eliminated from the U.S. Subsequently, a process was undertaken to re-verify U.S. elimination status in 2011, when the CDC’s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases assembled panel of external experts to review available evidence on U.S. measles programs and epidemiology since 2000. The panel agreed that measles elimination had been maintained, issuing a final report in March 2012. The U.S. has continued to review measles elimination status over time, including through an external expert committee known as the U.S. National Sustainability Committee for the Elimination of Measles, Rubella, and Congenital Rubella Syndrome.

Given the region-wide goal set in 1994, PAHO has also reviewed and verified national measles elimination for countries of the Americas, including the U.S. In 2007, PAHO member states created an international committee to verify country-level interruption of measles transmission and called for the creation of national-level commissions to help compile and submit related documentation to PAHO for review by an expert committee. Subsequently, PAHO’s Measles and Rubella Elimination Regional Monitoring and Re-Verification Commission (MRE-RVC) has met annually to review available evidence and issue reports on the status of elimination in PAHO member states with the U.S. consistently being designated as having sustained elimination. However, at its most recent meeting (in November 2025), the MRE-RVC placed the U.S. in the category of “sustained with major concerns.”

What Does it Mean to “Eliminate” Measles?

According to the guidelines developed by the U.S. and other PAHO member states, measles elimination has been defined at a basic level as: “Interruption of endemic measles virus transmission for a period greater than or equal to 12 months, in the presence of high-quality surveillance.” By contrast, measles is considered endemic in a given area if there is continuous transmission over a 12-month period.

In their review processes, CDC and external experts have used a variety of epidemiological and programmatic indicators, such as measles cases and transmission patterns, public health measures and response capabilities, and vaccination rates to help determine if endemic measles transmission has been “interrupted” and whether surveillance is “high-quality.” For example, when experts reviewed data for re-certification of measles elimination for the U.S. in 2011, the following primary lines of evidence were used (most covering the period 2001 to 2011) and the committee decided collectively that the data supported the conclusion that endemic measles virus transmission was interrupted in the presence of high-quality surveillance:

  • There were fewer than one reported measles case per 10 million population;
  • The great majority of measles cases were imported from areas outside the U.S. and most imported cases did not lead to further spread inside the U.S. – over the study period, 40% of cases were found to be imported;
  • The number and size of measles outbreaks over that period were small: a total of 64 outbreaks (median 4 outbreaks/year), with a median outbreak size of 6 cases. Only 16 outbreaks included 10 or more cases;
  • Measles vaccination rates among children had been sustained at high levels (>95%) over the study period, with no significant differences in coverage by race/ethnicity;
  • Data from national surveys indicated that population immunity to measles was above the “herd immunity” threshold; almost all age groups had seropositivity rates for measles antibodies over >95%, and;
  • Programmatic data on laboratory testing and case investigation performance indicated that U.S. surveillance adequately and quickly identified measles cases and transmission chains.

Prior to 2025, the largest outbreak of measles since U.S. elimination was declared occurred in 2018-2019. Imported measles cases in late 2018 had started a large outbreak centered in several close-knit communities with low vaccination rates in New York City and surrounding counties. As more measles cases came to be identified, state and local officials began to implement public health measures to combat the outbreak including declaring a public health emergency, mandating vaccinations and instituting fines for parents not vaccinating their children, which led to 60,000 MMR vaccine doses administered in affected areas in a few months. Authorities also closed schools where measles transmission occurred, prohibited unvaccinated children from attending school, and engaged in extensive communication and outreach efforts. At the time, federal agencies such as CDC provided technical assistance and other support and made clear statements about the importance of measles vaccinations, with then-CDC Director Robert Redfield stating “I encourage all Americans to adhere to CDC vaccine guidelines in order to protect themselves, their families, and their communities from measles” and pointing out that “organizations had been deliberately targeting these communities with inaccurate and misleading information about vaccines.” The White House also echoed this, with President Trump stating “vaccinations are so important” and encouraging parents to vaccinate their children against measles.  These combined efforts were effective in containing the New York outbreak in under 12 months, as transmission was interrupted by August 2019.

Does the Current Outbreak Threaten U.S. Measles Elimination Status?

In 2025, the U.S. had more reported measles cases, outbreaks, affected states, and deaths than in any year since 1992, and measles outbreaks have continued to occur in 2026. The pace of reported measles cases has fluctuated from early 2025 until March 2026, but there have been continual outbreaks and more states affected over that time period. A higher percentage of cases since 2025 have been due to local transmission vs. importation compared to prior years indicating local transmission has been the primary source of reported cases. Further, U.S. MMR vaccination rates have continued their steady decline and in many locations across the country levels of vaccination are below that needed for herd immunity. Table 1 summarizes key U.S. measles outbreak indicators as reported by CDC for 2025 and year-to-date (through March) 2026.

Key U.S. Measles Outbreak Indicators, 2025 and 2026 (through March) (Table)

Compared to the elimination period of 2001 to 2011 discussed above, these metrics are notably worse. There were 64 measles outbreaks in total over ten years (2001 -2011) but in 2025 there were 48 outbreaks, and there have been 16 new outbreaks in 2026 through March. While 40% of measles cases were imported in the 2001-2011 period, in 2025 just 10% of cases were imported and just 6% in 2026 (meaning more local transmission chains). There was one measles death over ten years during the elimination period, while there three in 2025 (none have been reported in 2026 to date). Many of these 2025 and 2026 data points are also worse than those from 2019, when U.S. measles elimination status was last threatened. For example, from January to October 1, 2019 (by which time the large outbreaks centered in New York had been contained), there had been 1,249 total measles cases, and 22 total outbreaks across 17 states; 2025 far surpassed those numbers. 

Primary responsibility for public health responses to measles sits with state and local health departments. At the moment, metrics on state and local capacities and response times for measles are not available, so gauging whether U.S. surveillance remains “high-quality” is challenging. However, in 2025 and 2026, state and local public health departments have faced cuts in funding and support from the federal government compared to previous years, which may impact their ability to track and respond to measles outbreaks. In recent years, the federal government has provided over half of state and local health public health departments’ budgets. There is little evidence that states most affected by measles in 2025, such as Texas, New Mexico, and South Carolina, have taken the kinds of measures that New York officials implemented to contain outbreaks in 2019: vaccination mandates, school restrictions and fines. While federal agencies such as CDC have been providing technical assistance and funding to affected areas, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. has downplayed the risks of measles and has provided mixed messages about the importance of vaccination compared to alternative treatments for measles, and CDC has been without a permanent Director since late August 2025. In January 2026, then Deputy Director of CDC Ralph Abraham stated that the measles outbreaks experienced by the U.S. were “just the cost of doing business…we have these communities that choose to be unvaccinated. That’s their personal freedom.” More recently, acting CDC Director Jay Bhattacharya has made stronger statements of support for measles vaccinations, saying in March 2026 that “measles is preventable and vaccination remains the most effective way to protect yourself and those around you.”

Data also show that national measles vaccination levels declined over the past five years, with kindergarten and childhood measles coverage rates dipping well below the 95% goal. Measles vaccination rates for kindergarteners at the national level declined from 95.2% in 2019-2020 to 92.5% in 2024-2025 (the latest available data), and over three-quarters of states had MMR vaccination rates below the target rate of 95% in the latest data. Additional studies have found that 78% of U.S. counties reported a decline in two-dose measles vaccine coverage in children, with the average county-level measles vaccination rate falling from 93.9% in 2019 to 91.3% in 2024. In 2025, 8% of U.S. measles cases had history of MMR vaccination while 92% of cases were unvaccinated or had unknown vaccination status; in 2026 so far 93% of cases were in unvaccinated individuals. Lower MMR vaccination rates have occurred in the context of broad declines in people’s trust in health authorities and in vaccinations in general. For example, KFF polling has found that parents are frequently exposed to misinformation about measles and the MMR vaccine, and in 2025 almost 20% of adults report they believed the false claim that “getting the measles vaccine is more dangerous than become infected with measles” is probably or definitely true.

Therefore, if current trends hold through the rest of the year there would appear to be grounds for the U.S. to lose measles elimination status, using prior definitions and benchmarks.

U.S. Measles Outbreaks in a Regional and Global Context

The U.S. is not alone in facing higher numbers of measles cases since 2025. There have also been large outbreaks in Mexico (6,213 reported cases in 2025) and Canada (5,463 reported cases in 2025). In fact, in November 2025 PAHO declared that Canada no longer holds measles elimination status due to having over 12 months of continual measles transmission. Like in the U,S., these outbreaks have been concentrated in communities with low vaccination rates. According to PAHO, in the region of the Americas, a total of 14,975 cases of measles were reported in 2025 across 13 countries, with almost all of these cases coming from North America. WHO reports that through June of this year, there were a total of 276,240 measles cases globally with large outbreaks occurring in the European and Eastern Mediterranean regions, in addition to the Americas. Outside of North America, the countries with the highest numbers of measles cases between August 2025 and January 2026 were India (12,135 cases), Angola (11,941), and Indonesia (8,892). As indicated in a standing travel warning from CDC, more circulation of measles regionally and globally means a higher risk that U.S. residents traveling internationally can be exposed, which raises the risk of importing measles and sparking new domestic outbreaks.

Looking Ahead

The next steps in determining U.S. measles elimination status include an internal federal-led review of state and CDC epidemiological data. A key outstanding question is whether transmission over the past year derived from the outbreak that began in January 2025 in West Texas, or whether outbreaks have been due to unconnected importation events. If cases over the past year across different states are epidemiologically linked to those from the Texas outbreak it would indicate continual chains of transmission extending more than 12 months, jeopardizing measles elimination status. Using genetic testing of measles virus isolated from patients, scientists can determine transmission patterns. CDC is currently working with partners to perform such sequences and publish the findings. These, along with other data, will be reviewed by the external expert PAHO committee (the Measles, Rubella, and Congenital Rubella Syndrome Elimination Regional Verification Commission, MRE-RVC), which is responsible for a determination of U.S. elimination status. After initially announcing a review meeting would take place in April 2026, PAHO changed the date for the U.S. measles elimination review to November 2026, which coincides with the regularly scheduled annual MRE-RVC meeting.

The elimination of measles in the U.S. was a notable public health achievement made possible by sustained investments in prevention and response capacities, support of vaccination, and commitment to the goal of elimination. However, this status is currently at risk, as demonstrated by the many factors discussed above. Losing measles elimination status would signify that the same commitment to measles prevention and control may no longer be present in the U.S. It could signify a future where measles is endemic and continuously circulating, especially if vaccination rates continue to decline. That would bring more hospitalizations and more deaths, particularly among vulnerable children, from a very preventable disease. There could be broader implications for communities across the country, which may have to contend with more frequent decisions about whether and when to close day cares and schools in the face of transmission risks. The societal costs of measles outbreaks are high, so continuous outbreaks would place an additional burden on already weakened and depleted public health systems, and would raise questions about what the appropriate level of support and funding should be from the federal government for outbreak response at the state and local levels.