The Impact of the COVID-19 Recession on Medicaid Coverage and Spending

Published: Mar 1, 2022

Unlike previous recessions in modern history, this past recession was spurred by the spread of a virus (COVID-19), which created a public health crisis with unique health implications. Understanding the impact past recessions have had on Medicaid programs, early in the pandemic we began tracking employment and state revenue indicators, which can signal changes to Medicaid enrollment and have implications for state budgets. Medicaid is a counter-cyclical program, meaning that more people become eligible and enroll during economic downturns; at the same time, states may face declines in revenues that make it difficult to fund the state share of funding for the program. However, the pandemic-induced recession looked different from historical recessions in a number of ways. This brief describes the broader impacts of this most recent recession — which lasted from February 2020 to April 2020 — and also explores how trends in Medicaid spending and enrollment differed from past recessions and what that might mean for state Medicaid programs moving forward. Key differences between the Great Recession and the COVID-19 recession are highlighted in Table 1.

Table 1: Key Differences Between the Great Recession and the COVID-19 Recession

How were the effects of this recession different from the Great Recession?

This recession was the first recession since the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which created new coverage options in Medicaid and through the ACA marketplace (Table 1). Following the implementation of the ACA, the non-elderly uninsured rate dropped by the largest amount ever recorded, and recent data show the number of people who were uninsured and the uninsured rate held steady in 2020, the first year of the pandemic. In comparison, during the Great Recession, the non-elderly uninsured rate grew significantly by 1.9 percentage points from 2007 to 2010.

Numerous legislative actions were taken to combat the health and economic effects of the pandemic (Table 1). Congress passed the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA), which among other provisions, authorized a 6.2 percentage point increase in the federal Medicaid match rate (“FMAP”) for states that meet certain “maintenance of eligibility” (MOE) requirements with the goal of providing broad fiscal relief to states and supporting increases in Medicaid enrollment. The additional funds were retroactively available to states beginning January 1, 2020 and continue through the quarter in which the Public Health Emergency (PHE) period ends. Congress also passed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act) and later the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), which provided unprecedented fiscal relief, increasing the speed and strength of the economic recovery and providing support to families facing household hardships in the wake of the pandemic, including increased premium assistance for ACA marketplace enrollees. Overall, the scale of federal fiscal relief authorized during the pandemic was much larger compared to the Great Recession, providing more direct fiscal relief to families including three rounds of stimulus checks and more flexible relief for state and local governments.

What happened to Medicaid enrollment during the public health crisis and COVID-19 recession?

Medicaid enrollment has increased by over 12 million, or by more than 17 percent through July 2021 (Figure 1). Many factors likely contributed to Medicaid enrollment growth during the pandemic including the MOE and other economic factors. The MOE continuous eligibility requirement kept people enrolled in the program irrespective of changes in income and halted churn, which is when individuals temporarily lose Medicaid coverage and disenroll and then re-enroll within a short period of time. A recent KFF analysis found one in ten Medicaid/CHIP enrollees disenrolled and then re-enrolled within a year. Churn can occur when enrollees face barriers to maintaining coverage despite remaining eligible due to renewal processes and periodic eligibility checks. Churn can also occur because enrollees experience short-term income fluctuations that make them temporarily ineligible; however, much of the federal income support provided during the pandemic, like the $600 additional unemployment benefit, did not count toward Medicaid eligibility.

Monthly Unemployment Rate and Medicaid/CHIP Enrollment Growth During the Pandemic

Despite a historical relationship between the national unemployment rate and Medicaid enrollment, studies have shown that, during the COVID-19 pandemic, increases in Medicaid enrollment have not been directly associated with increases in unemployment.1 ,2 ,3  Employment indicators, such as the unemployment rate, have historically signaled changes to Medicaid enrollment. Following the onset of the pandemic, national employment indicators quickly worsened, creating one of the deepest recessions on record. The unemployment rate soared to a peak of 14.7% in April 2020, which is higher than the highest unemployment rate during the Great Recession (10.0% in October 2009) (Figure 1). Unemployment claims also spiked, and the employment-to-population ratio, which captures what share of the population is working overall, plummeted. While this recession was deep, it was the shortest on record at two months. National economic indicators have improved in recent months, with the national unemployment rate and monthly unemployment claims nearing pre-pandemic levels. However, the employment-to-population ratio, remains below pre-pandemic levels, signaling labor force participation remains depressed. Beyond national indicators, some states are still experiencing unemployment rates higher than the national rate.

Populations and industries affected by the recession were more likely to include people already eligible or enrolled in Medicaid. Job losses were concentrated among low-income workers, as well as workers identifying as Black or Hispanic and younger workers. While national employment indicators have improved, jobs recovery has been slower for low-wage workers compared to higher-wage workers as well as Black and Hispanic workers compared to White workers. So, even without the continuous coverage requirements, it is not clear how many Medicaid enrollees would be experiencing changes or increases in income.

The COVID-19 recession had different implications for Medicaid compared to the Great Recession.  While Medicaid enrollment growth spiked during the Great Recession (Figure 2), the MOE requirements tied to the fiscal relief during the Great Recession did not include a continuous enrollment requirement, though states could not make eligibility or enrollment processes more restrictive. As noted above, the unemployment rate peak in April 2020 exceeded the highest unemployment rate during the Great Recession; however, the Great Recession spanned a much longer timeframe with broader changes in income. The Great Recession widely impacted goods-producing industries, with the largest employment losses among the construction and manufacturing sectors, while service sectors, like leisure and hospitality, experienced the largest employment losses during the pandemic-induced recession (Table 1). During the first year of the pandemic, more women than men left the labor force, which contrasts trends seen in the Great Recession, when more men left the labor force. The Great Recession also predated the ACA, including expanded Medicaid eligibility and premium assistance for people buying individual insurance through the ACA marketplace.

Percent Change in Medicaid Spending and Enrollment,1998-2022

What happened to Medicaid spending?

As during previous recessions, total Medicaid spending growth increased following the onset of the pandemic (Figure 2). In KFF’s annual budget survey, states identified enrollment growth as the primary driver of spending growth, and noted the end of the PHE and the MOE requirements and enhanced FMAP that are tied to the PHE will have significant implications for Medicaid spending and enrollment. Total Medicaid spending also increased during the early 2000s recession and the Great Recession, as more people experienced job or income loss and became eligible for Medicaid and enrolled. However, as the result of enhanced FMAP, state spending on Medicaid declined in 2020 as federal support increased (Figure 3). When fiscal relief expires, the state share and federal shares of Medicaid spending are expected to shift. During the Great Recession, state spending for Medicaid also declined in FY 2009 and FY 2010 due to fiscal relief from a temporary FMAP increase provided in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). State spending increased sharply when that fiscal relief ended.

Percent Change in Medicaid Spending and Average Total Tax Revenue, 2012-2021

Improving state economic conditions as well as federal fiscal relief mitigated the need for the widespread spending cuts experienced in prior recessions. Early in the pandemic, steep state budget shortfalls were projected for FY 2020 and FY 2021 and states adopted conservative FY 2021 budgets. However, revenue declines were not as deep as projected and national tax revenue rebounded in 2021, with some declines in revenue attributed to states delaying their 2020 income tax collections from April to July (the start of FY 2021 for most states) (Figure 3). The quick rebound is due, in part, to federal aid provided to states, improved state sales tax collections on online purchases, and smaller personal income tax revenue declines due to the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on low-income workers. Revenue impacts and the speed of recovery has varied by state depending on state characteristics such as tax structure, industry reliance, social distancing policies and behaviors, and virus transmission. In contrast to budgets adopted for FY 2021, proposed FY 2022 state budgets reflected improving economic conditions, and most states enacted FY 2022 budgets with increased state spending and revenue. State revenues were slow to rebound following the Great Recession, with national revenues remaining depressed until mid-2013, though the recovery varied drastically from state to state (Table 1). Medicaid programs experienced more drastic spending cuts in previous economic downturns, including provider payment cuts, benefit restrictions, and/or eligibility restrictions.

Looking ahead

While national employment indicators show vast improvement from the start of the pandemic, there is variation across states and job sectors that may suggest slower recovery for low-wage workers; so, even after the end of the continuous coverage requirements it is unclear if Medicaid enrollment patterns will reflect broader national economic indicators. It remains unclear how long the period of recovery will last, what will happen once federal fiscal relief ends, and what longer term effects the pandemic-induced recession will have on the economy. For example, shifts in consumer and business behavior, changes in the composition of the labor force, rising inflation, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine may have future impacts on the economy.

Governors have started to propose their FY23 budgets, and their proposals will likely reflect improving fiscal conditions, with some states considering a range of tax cuts in light of improved revenue collections. During this budget season, states will likely grapple with the uncertainty of the duration of the PHE and the fiscal relief tied to the PHE, which was extended to mid-April 2022. The Biden Administration has said that it will give states a 60 day notice before the PHE expires.  Since that notice was not issued in February, it is expected that the PHE will be extended again.

The end date of the PHE will have significant implications for Medicaid enrollment and spending. When the continuous enrollment requirements end, states will begin processing redeterminations and renewals and millions of people could lose coverage if they are no longer eligible or face administrative barriers during the process despite remaining eligible. The Build Back Better Act (BBBA) – which has passed the House but faces uncertain prospects in the Senate – included provisions that would phase-out the continuous enrollment requirement with rules about disenrolling people tied to a phased down enhanced match rate through FY 2022. Within parameters set by the Administration, or legislation if enacted, states will largely be responsible for managing the unwinding of the continuous enrollment requirement, which could lead to variation in practices and in how many people are able to maintain Medicaid coverage, transition to other coverage or become uninsured.

  1. Peggah Khorrami and Benjamin Sommers, “Changes in US Medicaid Enrollment During the COVID-19 Pandemic”, JAMA Network Open 4(5):e219463 (2021), doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2021.9463 ↩︎
  2. Chris Frenier, Sayeh Nikpay, and Ezra Golberstein, “COVID-19 Has Increased Medicaid Enrollment, But Short-Term Enrollment Changes Are Unrelated To Job Losses”, Health Affairs 39,10 (2020): 1822-1831, https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/10.1377/hlthaff.2020.00900. ↩︎
  3. Laura Dague, Nicolás Badaracco, and Thomas DeLeire, et al., “Trends in Medicaid Enrollment and Disenrollment During the Early Phase of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Wisconsin”, JAMA Health Forum 3(2):e214752 (2022), doi:10.1001/jamahealthforum.2021.4752. ↩︎
Poll Finding

KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor: February 2022

Authors: Grace Sparks, Ashley Kirzinger, Liz Hamel, Mellisha Stokes, Alex Montero, and Mollyann Brodie
Published: Mar 1, 2022

Findings

The KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor is an ongoing research project tracking the public’s attitudes and experiences with COVID-19 vaccinations. Using a combination of surveys and qualitative research, this project tracks the dynamic nature of public opinion as vaccine development and distribution unfold, including vaccine confidence and acceptance, information needs, trusted messengers and messages, as well as the public’s experiences with vaccination.

Key Findings:

  • Most adults believe that the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic is over but there are disagreements about what returning to normal means and when it should happen, especially as the public is similarly concerned that lifting and not lifting pandemic restrictions could have negative impacts. Majorities are worried that lifting some pandemic restrictions could leave immune-compromised people behind due to their increased risk of getting sick and half are also worried easing restrictions could lead to an increased number of deaths in their community, or that they personally wouldn’t be able to get needed medical care because local hospitals could be again overwhelmed. On the other hand, at least six in ten are also worried that if masking and testing requirements are not lifted that kids and teenagers’ mental health will suffer or that local businesses will suffer due to loss of revenue.
  • While public leaders and communities are deciding when and how life returns after the COVID-19 pandemic, voters have already moved onto other key issues as they begin to think about the upcoming midterm elections. A large majority of registered voters (91%) say the economy and inflation are “very important” or “somewhat important” in deciding who to vote for in this year’s midterm elections. Other major issues such as voting rights (84%), foreign policy (83%), health care costs (82%), and immigration (79%) generate large levels of interest among voters, but the COVID-19 pandemic doesn’t currently rank among the top four issues for any group of voters.
  • Overall COVID-19 vaccine uptake among adults and children remains relatively unchanged since January. About one-fourth of adults remain unvaccinated including one in six who say they will “definitely not” get vaccinated. Partisanship continues to play an outsized role in vaccination and booster intent among adults and among parents’ intentions to vaccinate their children.
  • On February 11th, Pfizer postponed its application to expand COVID-19 vaccines for children ages 6 months to 4 years. In the latest Monitor, conducted during this announcement, a majority of parents of children under five say they don’t have enough information about the safety and effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccines for children under five (57%). In addition, four in ten (39%) say the information from federal health agencies about the COVID-19 vaccine for that age group is confusing. Amidst these concerns, one in five (21%) parents of children under age five say they’ll get their child vaccinated right away once a COVID-19 vaccine is approved for their age group.

What Does “Return To Normal” Mean?

On February 17th, 2022, California became the first state to formally announce an approach to “return to normal” as they prepare to treat COVID-19 as an endemic rather than a pandemic. This move by California, a state that has had some of the strictest requirements around masking and testing in the country, marks – to some – a clear turning point in the pandemic. The February KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor, fielded February 9th through 21st, explores what “return to normal” means for most people and finds that while many say the worst of the pandemic is over, there is uncertainty about what the future holds.

Overall, people largely think the worst of the pandemic is over with six in ten adults (62%) saying that when it comes to COVID-19 in the U.S., “the worst is behind us.” Another 17% say the worst is still yet to come, while 17% said they don’t think COVID-19 is or will be a major problem in the U.S. This is a reversal from perceptions of the pandemic 14 months ago and prior to widespread availability of COVID-19 vaccines. Back in December 2020, one quarter of the public thought the worst was behind us while half (51%) said the worst was yet to come.

Majority Now Say That The Worst Of The COVID-19 Pandemic Is Behind Us

Majorities of Democrats (69%), independents (61%), and Republicans (62%) agree that the worst of the pandemic is behind us, as do two-thirds of vaccinated adults. About half of unvaccinated adults also agree (49%) but a third of this group say that they don’t think COVID-19 is or will be a major problem in the U.S.

Returning to “Normal” Elicits Some COncerns, uncertainty about Lifting Restrictions

Majorities of adults are worried about some of the possible consequences of both lifting and not lifting pandemic restrictions such as mask requirements and testing. Six in ten are worried about immune-compromised people being left behind due to their increased risk of getting sick (61%) while about half are worried there will be an increased number of deaths in their community if the government lifts pandemic restrictions (49%) or that they personally wouldn’t be able to get needed medical care because local hospitals could be again overwhelmed if restrictions are relaxed (48%).

On the other hand, majorities of the public are also worried that if masking and testing requirements are not lifted that kids’ and teenagers’ mental health will suffer (65%) or that local businesses will suffer due to loss of revenue (63%). About four in ten (38%) are worried that their own family’s personal financial situation will get worse.

Majorities Are Worried About Some Consequences Of Lifting And Not Lifting Pandemic Restrictions

Larger shares of Democrats and independents than Republicans are worried that the government lifting pandemic restrictions could have negative consequences, including leaving immune-compromised people behind (82% and 62%, compared to 30%), an increased number of deaths (70%, 46%, and 23%), or hospitals being overrun and being unable to get needed medical care (66%, 46%, and 22%).

Most Democrats And Large Shares Of Independents Are Worried Lifting Pandemic Restrictions Could Have Negative Consequences

On the other hand, majorities of Republicans, independents, and Democrats are worried that if the government doesn’t lift masking and testing requirements there could be negative mental health consequences for children and teenagers or negative economic consequences on local businesses.

Majorities Across Partisans Are Worried About Negative Effects On Children And Businesses If Restrictions Aren't Lifted

The scientific debate about mask requirements in schools has received notable attention recently as many school districts ease their masking requirements. Along with concerns over children’s mental health, overall support for masking in K-12 schools has decreased among the public since this past fall. Almost six in ten support any mask requirements in schools including four in ten (43%) who say all students and staff should be required to wear masks and 14% who say this requirement should only be for unvaccinated students and staff.

Four In Ten Say All Students And Staff Should be Required To Wear Masks In Schools, Eight In Ten Republicans Oppose Any Mask Requirement

The overall share who support any mask requirement has decreased 9 percentage points since September 2021, when two-thirds supported some level of masking requirement. While there are still large partisan differences in support for such requirements , overall support for mask requirements in schools has decreased since September among Democrats, independents, and Republicans.

Balancing concerns on both sides has proven to be a difficult task for leaders. Most (57%) say states and local communities should be taking the lead on when to relax masking and testing requirements, while four in ten (39%) say states and local communities should follow federal guidance. An overwhelming majority of Republicans say the decisions should be made locally or at the state level (83%), while two-thirds of Democrats (65%) say that communities should be following guidance from the federal government.

Majority Say State And Local Communities Should Decide When To Relax COVID-19 Testing And Masking Requirements

When Will “Return to Normal” Be?

Nearly half of U.S. adults think it will be safe for most people to resume their normal pre-pandemic activities by late spring or sooner, including one-third (35%) who say it safe to do so “now,” 4% in “the next month or so” and one in ten who say it will be safe “by late spring.” Another one in five say they think it will be safe to resume activities by mid-summer (13%) or mid-fall (5%). Yet, around one-fourth of adults (26%) say it will be at least another year or longer before it will be safe for most people to resume normal pre-pandemic activities.

Views Of When It Is Safe For Return-To-Normal Vary Sharply By Party Identification And Vaccination Status

Throughout the pandemic, Republicans and Democrats have held strikingly different views of the coronavirus and the precautions needed to prevent its spread. The same is true of views of returning to normal with two-thirds of Republicans believing it is safe to resume normal pre-pandemic activities either “now” (65%) or “in the next month or so” (2%). Democrats, on the other hand, are far more cautious with about one in ten saying it is safe to resume activities “now” and an additional 5% saying “in the next month or so.” More than one-third of Democrats say it will be at least another year before it is safe to resume activities compared to a quarter of independents and one in ten Republicans who say the same. Six in ten unvaccinated adults say it is safe for most people to resume their normal pre-pandemic activities “now” compared to one-quarter of vaccinated adults who say the same. This is consistent with previous KFF research finding unvaccinated adults were far more skeptical of the severity of the virus and less worried about them or their family members getting seriously sick.

For Many, Day-To-Day Life is Almost Back To Normal

About half of adults say that when it comes to their personal situation in terms of the pandemic, their day-to-day lives are already “largely” (22%) or “almost” back to normal (31%), while four in ten say their lives are still “somewhat” or “very” disrupted. Republicans are more than twice as likely as Democrats to report that their day-to-day life is “largely back to normal” (34% v. 15%). A larger share of unvaccinated adults compared to vaccinated adults say their life is “largely back to normal” (32% vs. 19%), with an additional 9% of unvaccinated adults (compared with 2% of vaccinated adults) volunteering that their life never changed. Adults under age 65 are slightly more likely than those ages 65 and over to say their lives are largely back to normal. With most kids back at in-person schooling and fewer omicron cases, at least half of parents and non-parents say their lives are at least almost back to normal.

About One In Five Say Their Daily Lives Are Largely Back To Normal, Including Twice As Many Republicans As Democrats

One thing that Republicans, Democrats, vaccinated adults, and unvaccinated adults agree on is that normal life will look different going forward. Large majorities of adults, regardless of age, parental status, gender, and party identification say normal life will look like something different rather than going back to the way things were before the pandemic.

Across Key Demographic Groups, Most Say Normal Life Will Look Different Going Forward

When asked to say in their own words how normal life will be different going forward, about one in five (18%) offer responses related to either continuing to wear masks and the same share (18%) mention being more cautious or continuing precautions in their daily lives. One in ten offer responses related to changing the way we work (11%) or social distancing or avoiding crowds (11%). Some (9%) simply offer that everything will be different and this the current situation is our new normal. Smaller shares offer responses related to government control (5%), an ongoing need for vaccines (4%), that COVID-19 is here to stay and there will be new variants (4%), or increased paranoia or fear (4%).

Mask-Wearing And Other Precautions Top List Of Ways People Think Normal Life Will Be Different Going Forward

Voters, Midterms, And COVID-19

While the COVID-19 pandemic still looms large for many people in the U.S., it is not the top issue on voters’ minds as they begin to think about the 2022 midterm elections.

Large majorities of registered voters are pessimistic about the current state of key issues facing the country. About four in ten say the state of the country’s pandemic response is “excellent” (3%) or “good” (35%), while six in ten call it “not so good” (27%) or “poor” (33%). Even fewer voters rate the state of the country’s economy (28%), the country’s democracy (21%), or the state of the country’s race relations (21%) as “excellent” or “good.” In fact, across the board, at least six in ten voters say the state of the country in each of these four areas is either “not so good” or “poor.”

The Country's Pandemic Response, Economy, Democracy, And Race Relations All Receive Negative Marks From Voters

Democratic voters are three times as likely as Republican voters to say the state of the country’s pandemic response is “excellent” or “good” (60% compared to 20%). They are also more positive than Republican voters about the state of the country’s economy (48% compared to 9%) and democracy (34% compared to 9%). The state of the country’s race relations receives equally poor marks across partisans, with 19% of Democratic voters, 22% of independent voters, and 24% of Republican voters saying it is “excellent” or “good.”

Three Times As Many Democrats As Republicans Rate The State Of The Country's Pandemic Response As Excellent Or Good

When it comes to President Biden’s handling of the pandemic, 46% of voters say he deserves more credit for helping the country through the pandemic while a similar share say he deserves more blame for hurting the country during the pandemic (41%). Eight in ten Republican voters (80%) say Biden deserves more blame than credit, as do 72% of unvaccinated voters. Democrats and vaccinated voters reflect the opposite view, with 85% and 58% respectively saying that Biden deserves more credit than blame. President Biden also fares better with groups who tend to vote more Democratic including Black voters and those living in urban areas.

Voters Split On Whether Biden Deserves More Credit Or Blame For Pandemic Response, With Large Differences By Partisanship And Vaccination Status

The economy and inflation are top of mind for voters as they begin thinking about the upcoming 2022 midterm elections. A large majority of registered voters (91%) say the economy and inflation will be “very important” or “somewhat important” in deciding who to vote for in this year’s midterm elections. About eight in ten also say voting rights (84%), foreign policy (83%), health care costs (82%), and immigration (79%) will be at least somewhat important to their vote. (The survey was fielded just prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.) Roughly seven in ten say abortion (71%), and COVID-19 (69%) will be important to their vote, while climate change ranks at the bottom of the list with six in ten (61%) voters saying it is important to their vote.

Voters Weigh Several Major Issues Early In Midterm Election Year, Including The Economy, Voting Rights, And Foreign Policy; COVID-19 Currently Ranks Lower As A Voting Issue

Looking at issues that partisan voters rate as “very important,” the economy/inflation is the top issue for Republican voters with nearly nine in ten (86%) saying it will be “very important” to their vote, while voting rights (81%) is currently top of mind for Democratic voters. Independent voters are focused similarly on the economy and inflation (69%) and voting rights (64%). Partisan voters also differ on the importance of other key domestic issues. For example, Democratic voters are more likely than Republican voters to say race relations (68% vs. 31%), climate change (65% vs. 11%), and health care costs (63% vs. 45%) will be very important to their vote, while Republican voters are more likely to say the same of immigration (61% vs. 40%) and foreign policy (55% vs. 36%). Voting rights are also among the top issues for Black voters (81% say very important) and Hispanic voters (73%).  Notably, the COVID-19 pandemic doesn’t break into the top three issues across partisan voting groups.

oters Across Key Voting Groups Are Weighing Several Major Issues At The Beginning Of A Midterm Election Year Including The Economy, Voting Rights

COVID-19 Vaccinations and Booster Uptake

The latest Monitor survey finds that about three-quarters (73%) of adults say they have gotten at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine, a share that has held relatively steady since last September. While last month’s survey suggested that initial vaccine uptake may have been inching up among adults amid the omicron wave, that trend does not appear to be continuing with about one-fourth of adults remaining unvaccinated including one in six who say they will “definitely not” get vaccinated.

Three-Fourths Of Adults Have Received A COVID-19 Vaccine, One In Six Continue To Say They Definitely Won't Get Vaccinated

Nearly half of adults now report they have received a booster dose (47%) with partisanship continuing to play an outsized role in vaccination and booster intent. Nearly three-fourths of Democrats reporting being vaccinated and having received a booster dose (72%), compared to 44% of independents and one-fourth (27%) of Republicans.

Nearly Half Of Adults Have Received A Booster Dose Of A COVID-19 Vaccine

Black adults (41%) and Hispanic adults (39%) continue to lag behind White adults (52%) in the share who have gotten a booster dose of a COVID-19 vaccine as do younger adults and those earning lower levels of income. These population groups were also some of the later groups to receive an initial vaccination and therefore, larger shares of them are not yet eligible for a booster dose. Among those likely eligible for a booster, at least six in ten across age groups, racial and ethnic identities, and party identification have received a booster dose. White adults continue to outpace Black adults and to a lesser degree, Hispanic adults, in receiving a booster dose even among those likely eligible for a shot.

Large Shares Of Those Eligible For Booster Doses Have Received Their Shot, Including Those Across Key Demographic Groups

Among vaccinated adults who have not yet received a booster dose, more than one-third continue to say they plan to get an additional dose “as soon as they can,” while 16% say they want to “wait to see” how the booster is working for other people before they decide to get an additional dose. About half of vaccinated adults who have not yet received a booster dose say they will “only get it if required” or say they will “definitely not” get a booster shot, including more than two-thirds of Republicans (68%), half of independents (53%), and one in five Democrats (18%).

Many Vaccinated Adults Still Plan On Getting Their Booster Shots, But Nearly Half Say They Will Either Not Receive A Booster Dose Or Will Only If It Is Required

Parents’ Vaccination Intentions For Their Children, Views Of Vaccine Requirements In Schools

Parents’ intentions to vaccinate their children have remained relatively steady over the past month. About six in ten parents of teenagers, ages 12-17, say their child has been vaccinated (57%), with an additional one in ten who say they will either get them vaccinated right away (1%) or want to “wait and see” (8%) before deciding. The remaining share (about a third of parents of 12-17 year-olds) say they will definitely not get their child vaccinated (30%) or will only get them vaccinated if it is required (3%).

Nearly Six In Ten Parents Of Teenagers Say Their Child Is Now Vaccinated, Three In Ten Will Definitely Not Get It

With COVID-19 booster shots recently approved for children between the ages of 12-17, 31% of parents of vaccinated teenagers now report that their teen has received a COVID-19 booster dose. Most parents of vaccinated teenagers say their teen has already gotten a booster dose or that they will definitely (41%) or probably (13%) be getting one – only about one in seven (14%) say their teenager will “probably not get” or “definitely not get” a booster shot.

Three In Ten Parents Of Vaccinated Teens Say Their Teen Has Gotten A Booster Shot For COVID-19

About a third of parents of kids ages 5-11 now report their child has gotten vaccinated (35%). A small share now say they will get their child vaccinated right away (4%), while one in ten parents of 5-11 year-olds still want to wait and see. The latest survey suggests there is some trepidation among parents of younger kids with nearly half of them saying they either will only get them vaccinated if required (11%) or saying they definitely won’t get their 5-11 year-old vaccinated (36%).

About A Third Of Parents Of Kids Ages 5-11 Say Their Child Has Gotten Vaccinated, But More Than A Third Say They Will Definitely Not

Concern and Confusion Among Parents Of Children UNDER age Five

Amid Pfizer’s decision to postpone their FDA request to authorize a COVID-19 vaccine for children ages 6 months to 4 years due to the need for more research on whether are necessary to produce a sufficient immune response in young children, one in five parents of children under 5 (21%)1  now say they’ll get their child vaccinated right away once a COVID-19 vaccine is authorized for their age group. A quarter of parents (26%) report they’ll wait and see before getting their young child vaccinated, 15% will only get them vaccinated if required, and 35% definitely won’t get them vaccinated.

One In Five Parents Of Children Under Five Say They'll Vaccinate Their Child Right Away Once Available, But Most Remain More Cautious

A majority of parents of children under five say they don’t have enough information about the safety and effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccines for children under five (57%). On the other hand, majorities of parents of children ages 12-17 and 5-11, groups that have already received FDA authorization for COVID-19 vaccines, say they have enough information about the safety of vaccines for their age groups – with 66% parents of kids ages 12-17 saying they have enough information and 61% parents of kids ages 5-11.

Most Parents Of Children Under Age Five Don't Have Enough Information About The Safety And Effectiveness Of The COVID-19 Vaccines For Kids In Their Age Group

In addition, four in ten (39%) parents of kids under age five say the information from federal health agencies about the COVID-19 vaccine for that age group is confusing while 52% say the information is clear.

Reflecting vaccine intentions among parents of children from different age groups, parents of teenagers express the most confidence in the safety of the vaccines for their kids. Over half of parents say they are confident in the safety of the COVID-19 vaccines for children ages 12-17 (57%), many of whom have already been vaccinated. Fewer parents (45%) are confident in the safety of the vaccines for children ages 5-11, while 32% say they are confident the COVID-19 vaccines are safe for children under the age of 5. Majorities of parents say they are not confident in the safety of the vaccines for children under five (64%) and ages 5-11 (54%).

Majority Of Parents Are Not Confident The COVID-19 Vaccines Are Safe For Children Under Age 5

Vaccine Requirements in Schools

The public is divided on whether K-12 schools should require their staff and eligible students to get a COVID-19 vaccine, with similar shares saying  schools should (46%) and should not (51%) require vaccines. Three-fourths of Democrats (76%) say schools should require COVID-19 vaccinations while more than eight in ten Republicans (84%) say schools should not. Independents are more likely to say school should not require COVID-19 vaccines (56%) than to say they should be required (40%). Six in ten parents say schools should not require vaccines including majorities of parents of teens ages 12-17 (58%), children 5 to 11 years old (66%), and children under age 5 (59%).

Adults Split On Whether K-12 Schools Should Require COVID-19 Vaccines, With Significant Partisan Divides

Methodology

This KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF). The survey was conducted February 9-21, 2022, among a nationally representative random digit dial telephone sample of 1,502 adults ages 18 and older (including interviews from 301 Hispanic adults and 279 non-Hispanic Black adults), living in the United States, including Alaska and Hawaii (note: persons without a telephone could not be included in the random selection process). Phone numbers used for this study were randomly generated from cell phone and landline sampling frames, with an overlapping frame design, and disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents as well as those living in areas with high rates of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity subgroups and vaccine hesitancy within each frame. High hesitancy was defined as living in the top 25% of counties as far as the share of the population not intending to get vaccinated based on the U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey.  The sample also included 130 respondents reached by calling back respondents that had previously completed an interview on the KFF Tracking poll at least nine months ago. Another 87 interviews were completed with respondents who had previously completed an interview on the SSRS Omnibus poll (and other RDD polls) and identified as Hispanic (n=25; including 1 in Spanish) or non-Hispanic Black (n=62). Computer-assisted telephone interviews conducted by landline (172) and cell phone (1,330; including 1,017 who had no landline telephone) were carried out in English and Spanish by SSRS of Glen Mills, PA. To efficiently obtain a sample of lower-income and non-White respondents, the sample also included an oversample of prepaid (pay-as-you-go) telephone numbers (25% of the cell phone sample consisted of prepaid numbers) Both the random digit dial landline and cell phone samples were provided by Marketing Systems Group (MSG). For the landline sample, respondents were selected by asking for the youngest adult male or female currently at home based on a random rotation. If no one of that gender was available, interviewers asked to speak with the youngest adult of the opposite gender. For the cell phone sample, interviews were conducted with the adult who answered the phone. KFF paid for all costs associated with the survey.

The combined landline and cell phone sample was weighted to balance the sample demographics to match estimates for the national population using data from the March 2021 U.S. Current Population Survey (CPS) on sex, age, education, race, Hispanic origin, region, and marital status, within race-groups, along with data from the 2010 Census on population density. The sample was also weighted to match current patterns of telephone use using data from the January-June 2021 National Health Interview Survey. The sample is also weighted to account for the possibility of nonresponse, including partisan nonresponse, based on previous months of KFF national polls and this current survey. The weight takes into account the fact that respondents with both a landline and cell phone have a higher probability of selection in the combined sample and also adjusts for the household size for the landline sample, and design modifications, namely, the oversampling of potentially undocumented respondents and of prepaid cell phone numbers, as well as the likelihood of non-response for the recontacted sample. All statistical tests of significance account for the effect of weighting.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. Kaiser Family Foundation public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

This work was supported in part by grants from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF (an advised fund of Silicon Valley Community Foundation), the Ford Foundation, and the Molina Family Foundation. We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total1,502± 3 percentage points
COVID-19 vaccination status
Have gotten at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine1,090± 4 percentage points
Have not gotten the COVID-19 vaccine386± 7 percentage points
Race/Ethnicity
White, non-Hispanic780± 4 percentage points
Black, non-Hispanic279± 8 percentage points
Hispanic301± 7 percentage points
Parents
Total parents383± 6 percentage points
Parent with a child under age 5142± 10 percentage points
Parents with a child ages 5-11188± 9 percentage points
Parents with a child ages 12-17203± 9 percentage points
 
Party identification
Democrats460± 6 percentage points
Republicans335± 7 percentage points
Independents480± 6 percentage points
Registered voters
Registered voters1186± 4 percentage points
Democratic voters410± 6 percentage points
Republican voters296± 7 percentage points
Independent voters349± 7 percentage points

 

Endnotes

  1. While the share of parents of children under the age of 5 who plan to get their child vaccinated as soon as possible decreased 10 percentage points since January 2022, this shift is not statistically significant due to the small number of parents of kids under the age of 5 included in the monthly KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor. We will continue to track parents’ vaccine intentions over the coming months and examine whether there has been any shift in parents’ vaccine intentions for their children. ↩︎
News Release

Large Shares of the Public Worry about the Consequences of Both Ending and Keeping COVID-19 Restrictions, with Partisans Largely Split on Which Direction is Most Concerning

The Pandemic Isn’t a Top Issue for Voters Eight Months Ahead of the Midterm Elections

Published: Mar 1, 2022

As federal, state, and local authorities move to roll back COVID-19 restrictions, a new KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor survey finds many people ready to get back to normal but a public also nervous about the potential consequences. Large shares of the public are worried about the implications of both keeping and easing pandemic restrictions – with partisans split on which direction worries them the most.

Overall, majorities say they worry about the potential consequences of keeping restrictions on the mental health of kids and teenagers (65%) and local businesses’ revenue (63%). At the same time, most (61%) say that they worry that lifting restrictions will put immune-compromised people at increased risk of getting sick, and nearly half worry that it could lead to more deaths in their communities (49%) or people being unable to get needed medical care due to overwhelmed hospitals (48%).

Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to worry about the consequences of lifting restrictions on immune-compromised people (82% v. 30%), deaths in their community (70% v. 23%), and overwhelmed hospitals (66% v. 22%), while more Republicans than Democrats worry about the impact of not lifting restrictions on teenagers and children (73% v. 56%) and on local businesses (74% v. 50%).

That divide highlights the realities facing federal, state and local officials as they seek to balance public-health needs with the conflicting concerns worrying different constituencies as COVID-19 cases and deaths fall following the omicron variant surge.

“The conventional wisdom seems to be that Americans are ready to throw off all COVID restrictions and be done with it, but the survey shows that reality is much more complicated,” KFF President and CEO Drew Altman said. “Much of the public is sensibly both anxious and eager about returning to normal.”

Overall, about half (49%) of the public expects it will be safe for most people to resume normal pre-pandemic activities by late spring, including a third (35%) who say it is already safe to do so. Smaller shares expect it will be safe by mid-summer (13%) or mid-fall (5%), while a quarter (26%) say it will be at least another year before it will be safe for most people to resume pre-pandemic activities.

Republicans (65%) and unvaccinated adults (60%) are far more likely to say that it is safe to resume normal activities now than are Democrats (11%), independents (38%) and vaccinated adults (26%). Three quarters (78%) of the public – including substantial majorities across partisan groups, age, and vaccination status – expect normal life to look different going forward than it did before the pandemic.

When asked to say in their own words how normal life would be different, about 1 in 5 cite continuing to wear masks (18%) and being more cautious in their daily lives (18%). About 1 in 10 cite changes in the way we work (11%), social distancing or avoiding crowds (11%), and that everything will be different or that the current situation is the new normal (9%).

Economy/Inflation Is Voters’ Top Issue with Midterm Elections Looming, with Pandemic Well BehindWhile the COVID-19 pandemic still looms large for many people in the U.S., it is not looking like it will be a top issue for voters as they begin to think about the 2022 midterm elections.

Eight months ahead of the midterm elections, voters are focusing on other issues with large majorities saying the economy and inflation (91%), voting rights (84%), foreign policy (83%), health care costs (82%), and immigration (79%) will be at least somewhat important to their vote. The pandemic ranks lower with 69% saying it will be at least somewhat important to their vote, similar to the share who cite abortion as an important voting issue (71%). (The survey was fielded just prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.)

Looking at the issues that partisan voters rate as “very” important, the economy and inflation is the top issue for Republicans (86%), while Democrats most often cite voting rights as “very important” (81%). The pandemic does not rank among the top four issues that voters in any partisan group say is going to be “very important” to their vote.

When asked about President Biden’s actions during the pandemic, similar shares of voters say he deserves more credit for helping the country through the pandemic (46%) and that he deserves more blame for hurting the country during the pandemic (41%). Democratic voters overwhelming give President Biden more credit (85%), while Republican voters overwhelmingly give him more blame (80%). Independent voters are more evenly split (41% more credit, 43% more blame).

Parents of Young Children Show Concern and Confusion About Potential Vaccine Authorization

Amid a delay in the expected authorization of a COVID-19 vaccine for children under age 5, the latest survey shows that most (57%) parents with children in that age range say they don’t have enough information about the safety and effectiveness of a vaccine for those children.

At this point, prior to federal approval of any COVID-19 vaccine for children under age 5, around two thirds (67%) of parents of children under 5 say that they are “not too confident” or “not at all confident” that the vaccines are safe for children in that age group. In addition, 39% of those parents say that the information from federal health agencies on the subject is confusing.

Reflecting those concerns, about 1 in 5 (21%) parents of children under age 5 say that they plan to get their child a COVID-19 vaccine right away once it is authorized for their age group. A quarter (26%) say they want to wait and see how it works for other young children before getting their child vaccinated, 15% say they would only get them vaccinated if required.

Parents Are Divided on Mask Requirements in Schools

With many schools around the country easing mask requirements and other restrictions, the new report shows parents are roughly split on the issue: 43% say that schools should require masks for all students and staff; 9% say they should require masks only for unvaccinated students and staff; and 46% say they should not have any mask requirements at all. That reflects falling support for masks in schools since September, when two thirds of the public and more than 6 in 10 parents favored some level of mask requirements.

Most parents say that schools should not require that students and staff get a COVID-19 vaccine, including majorities of parents with teens ages 12-17 (58%), children ages 5-11 (66%), and children under age 5 (59%). The public overall is divided on the issue, with similar shares saying schools should (46%) and should not (51%) require vaccines. Most Democrats (76%) favor a vaccine requirement in schools, while most Republicans (84%) and independents (56%) oppose one.

Three Quarters of Those Likely Eligible for a Booster Shot Report Having Gotten One

The latest report shows nearly half (47%) of all adults report having gotten a booster dose of a COVID-19 vaccine. This includes three quarters (75%) of those likely to be eligible for a booster shot because they completed their full initial vaccination at least six months ago.

Black adults (41%) and Hispanic adults (39%) continue to lag behind White adults (52%) in the share who have gotten a booster dose of a COVID-19 vaccine. These population groups were also some of the later groups to receive an initial vaccination and therefore, larger shares of them are not yet eligible for a booster dose. However, White adults (79%) continue to outpace Black adults (67%) and, to a lesser degree, Hispanic adults (69%), even among those likely eligible for a shot.

Designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF, the Vaccine Monitor survey was conducted from February 9-21, 2022 among a nationally representative random digit dial telephone sample of 1,502 adults. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish by landline (172) and cell phone (1,330). The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3 percentage points for the full sample. For results based on subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher.

The KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor is an ongoing research project tracking the public’s attitudes and experiences with COVID-19 vaccinations. Using a combination of surveys and qualitative research, this project tracks the dynamic nature of public opinion as vaccine development and distribution unfold, including vaccine confidence and hesitancy, trusted messengers, and messages, as well as the public’s experiences with vaccination.

Prices Increased Faster Than Inflation for Half of all Drugs Covered by Medicare in 2020

Published: Feb 25, 2022

While momentum to enact the Build Back Better Act (BBBA) has stalled in Congress, public support for  legislation to lower prescription drug costs is likely to persist, particularly in light of concerns about rising prices due to inflation. The House-passed BBBA would allow the federal government to negotiate drug prices in Medicare, cap Medicare beneficiaries’ out-of-pocket drug spending under Part D, cap monthly insulin costs, and require drug companies to pay rebates to the federal government when annual increases in drug prices for Medicare and private insurance exceed the rate of inflation.

As context for understanding the possible impact of the inflation rebate proposal, this analysis compares price changes for drugs covered by Medicare Part B (administered by physicians) and Part D (retail prescription drugs) between 2019 and 2020 to the inflation rate over the same period (1%) (prior to the recent surge in the annual inflation rate, which is currently 7.5%). Our analysis is based on changes in unit prices reported in the most recent drug spending data released by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) through 2020. For Part D, prices are based on total gross spending, including Medicare, plan, and beneficiary spending, but not reflecting manufacturer rebates and discounts to plans because they are considered proprietary and therefore not publicly available. For Part B, prices are based on total spending, including beneficiary liability and Medicare’s payment, which is based on the average sales price; this measure takes rebates and discounts into account. We believe our approach to measuring price changes is reasonable because the BBBA’s inflation rebate proposal for Part D drugs is based on changes in the average manufacturer price, which also doesn’t take rebates paid to plan sponsors or pharmacy benefit managers into account; and for Part B drugs, is based on changes in the average sales price. (See Methods box for additional details.)

Price Increases Outpaced Inflation for Half of all Drugs Covered by Medicare in 2020

Half of all Part D covered drugs (50% of 3,343 drugs) and nearly half of all Part B covered drugs (48% of 568 drugs) had price increases greater than inflation between July 2019 and July 2020, which was 1.0% (Figure 1).

Among the 1,947 Medicare-covered drugs with price increases above the rate of inflation in 2020, one-third (668 drugs) had price increases of 7.5% or more – the current annual inflation rate.

Half of All Drugs Covered by Medicare Had Price Increases Between 2019 and 2020 Above the Rate of Inflation (1.0%)

Among drugs covered under Part D, 17% (567 drugs) had price increases of 7.5% or more between 2019 and 2020; 11% (1,106 drugs) had price increases above the rate of inflation but below 7.5%; 9% (285 drugs) had price increases below inflation; and 41% (1,385 drugs) had price reductions.

For Part B drugs, 18% (101 drugs) had price increases of 7.5% or more between 2019 and 2020; 30% (173 drugs) had price increases above the rate of inflation but below 7.5%; 6% (35 drugs) had price increases below inflation; and for the remaining 46% (259 drugs), prices decreased.

Across all Part D drugs with price increases greater than inflation, the median price increase was 5.6%; for Part B, the median price increase was 5.4%.

Prices Rose Faster Than Inflation for Most of the 25 Top-Spending Drugs in Both Part B and Part D in 2020

In terms of drugs with the highest total spending, 23 of the top 25 Part D drugs and 16 of the top 25 Part B drugs had price increases above inflation between 2019 and 2020 (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Price Increases Outpaced Inflation for Most of the Top 25 Medicare Part D and Part B Drugs by Total Spending in 2020

Among the 25 drugs covered by Medicare Part D with the highest total gross spending (not accounting for rebates), 23 had price increases greater than inflation in 2020 (Table 1). This includes the top 3 drugs by total gross spending in 2020: Eliquis, a blood thinner used by 2.6 million beneficiaries in 2020, with a 5.9% price increase; Revlimid, a treatment for multiple myeloma used by nearly 44,000 beneficiaries in 2020, with a 6.5% price increase; and Xarelto, a blood thinner used by 1.2 million beneficiaries in 2020, with a 4.1% price increase.

Among the 25 drugs covered by Medicare Part B with the highest total spending, 16 had price increases greater than inflation in 2020 (Table 2). This includes 2 of the top 3 drugs by total spending in 2020: Keytruda, a cancer treatment used by nearly 59,000 beneficiaries in 2020, with a 3.3% price increase in 2020; and Prolia, a treatment for osteoporosis used by nearly 600,000 beneficiaries in 2020, with a 4.7% price increase in 2020.

While drug price inflation based on changes in spending per dosage unit may appear relatively modest in dollar terms for many of the top spending drugs, administration or use of most of these drugs requires multiple dosage units. This means that a relatively small price change per dosage unit can translate to a large change in overall spending per claim.

  • For example, the $50 increase (6.5%) in the average spending per dosage unit for Revlimid translates to an increase of more than $1,000 per claim (from $15,178 in 2019 to $16,237 in 2020) and nearly $12,000 in higher total costs per user in 2020 compared to 2019 (from $110,713 to $122,432). (Although these total spending amounts for Part D drugs do not account for rebates, for many higher-cost specialty drugs with less competition, like Revlimid, rebates are likely to be quite low.)
  • Similarly, while the price per dosage unit for the Part B drug Keytruda increased by only $1.44 (3.3%) between 2019 and 2020, from $43.87 to $45.31, this price increase contributed to an increase of nearly $750 in average spending per claim (from $9,102 in 2019 to $9,843 in 2020) and an increase of nearly $6,000 in average spending per user (from $53,745 in 2019 to $59,642 in 2020).

Annual increases in drug price increases can translate to higher Medicare spending and higher out-of-pocket drug costs by patients. Higher out-of-pocket spending occurs when beneficiaries are required to pay coinsurance, or a percent of the drug’s price – which is common for many brand-name Part D drugs and standard for all Part B covered drugs in the form of a 20% coinsurance requirement.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates a net federal deficit reduction of $83.6 billion over 10 years (2022-2031) from the drug inflation rebate provisions in the BBBA for Medicare and private insurance. Actual savings would depend in part on the degree to which drug price increases exceed the inflation rate. In periods when inflation is running low, as it was in 2019-2020, even relatively modest drug price increases would trigger inflation rebates. But in periods of high inflation, as it is currently, only more sizable drug price increases would trigger rebates. In the absence of Congressional action on prescription drug proposals, rising drug prices are likely to continue to pose affordability challenges for many people.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Methods

The analysis is based on data from the CMS’s most recent releases for Medicare Part D drug spending and Medicare Part B drug spending. In this analysis, we use weighted average spending per dosage unit as the measure of list price, which is reported by CMS for each drug per year. Changes in list prices are measured by the one-year (2019-2020) change in average spending per dosage unit amounts reported in the datasets. We compare this to the rate of increase in the Consumer Price Index for all urban consumers (CPI-U) over the same time, based on the values for CPI-U in July 2019 and July 2020. We analyze price changes for all drugs reported in the datasets in both 2019 and 2020 (3,343 Part D drugs and 568 Part B drugs), along with the top 25 drugs by total spending in each part in 2020.

Tables

Table 1: 23 of the Top 25 Medicare Part D Drugs by Total Gross Spending Had Price Increases Above Inflation in 2020
Table 2: 16 of the Top 25 Medicare Part B Drugs by Total Spending Had Price Increases Above Inflation in 2020

Disparities in Health and Health Care Among Black People

Published: Feb 24, 2022

This infographic looks at the persistent disparities in health and health care for Black people, which reflect structural and systematic inequities rooted in racism and discrimination. Although disparities in health coverage for Black people narrowed after passage of the Affordable Care Act, they continue to face higher rates of illness and death compared to White people. Black people are also more likely to experience barriers to receiving care and face discrimination while seeking care for themselves or a family member. Inequities outside the health care system – in terms of measures like poverty, food insecurity, and family wealth – also negatively affect the health of Black families.

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought to the forefront and exacerbated underlying health and health care disparities for Black people. Addressing these disparities is key to improving the health and well-being of Black people. (Click on a slide below to expand for a larger view).

The source charts for this infographic can be found in these reports:

Medicaid Covers a Disproportionate Share of Women in Underserved Populations

Author: Ivette Gomez
Published: Feb 18, 2022

Medicaid, the nation’s health coverage program for poor and low-income people, provides millions of low-income women across the nation with health and long-term care coverage. Women comprise the majority of the adult Medicaid population, and the program offers coverage of a wide range of primary, preventive, specialty, and long-term care services that are important to women across their lifespans.

The diverse population of women covered by Medicaid face many social, economic, and health challenges that affect their ability to receive timely and high-quality health care. In 2020, Medicaid covered 16% of nonelderly adult women in the United States, but coverage rates were higher among certain groups, such as those in fair or poor health, women of color, single mothers, low-income women, and women who have not completed a high school education.

Nursing Home Staff Vaccination Rates Vary Widely by State as Vaccination Mandates Take Effect

Authors: Priya Chidambaram and MaryBeth Musumeci
Published: Feb 17, 2022

Nearly one in four COVID-19 deaths has been in a long-term care facility since the start of the pandemic. Due to the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on this population, nursing home residents and staff were prioritized to receive the vaccine when the vaccine rollout began in Winter 2020-2021. Since then, CMS has implemented a health care worker vaccination mandate for providers that participate in Medicare and/or Medicaid. Although some states have sued to challenge this rule, it was recently allowed to take effect by the Supreme Court.

In part due to the litigation, facilities in different states have different deadlines to comply with the new rule. CMS guidance requires staff to have received their first vaccine dose or have a pending or approved exemption by January 27th in 26 states (25 states plus D.C.), including 25 that did not sue to challenge the rule, and Florida, where courts refused to block the rule. Additional CMS guidance sets a February 14th deadline for staff to have received their first vaccine dose or have a pending or approved exemption request after the Supreme Court allowed the rule to take effect in 24 other states that challenged the rule. Finally, CMS guidance sets a February 21 deadline for Texas, where a lawsuit was dismissed after the Supreme Court’s decision. All guidance specifies that if by the dose one deadline, a facility is above 80%, and has a plan to achieve a 100% single-dose staff vaccination rate within 60 days of the deadline, they will not be subject to additional enforcement action.

This data note presents completed vaccination and booster rates among nursing home staff, by state. This analysis does not categorize states or facilities by compliance since deadlines for all states have not passed and facility-level data is lagged. This analysis presents data on completed vaccinations at the state-level rather than at the facility-level, though this policy will be enforced at the facility-level. Future analyses will evaluate the share of facilities in each state in compliance with the rule once compliance deadlines for both doses have passed.

Completed vaccination refers to those who have completed a 2-dose Pfizer, 2-dose Moderna, or a single dose of J&J. Booster data reflect any additional dose of vaccination. This analysis uses federal nursing home data as of January 30th, 2022 to calculate staff vaccination and booster rates among the 26 states with the January 27th first-dose deadline, and as a baseline for assessing the remaining 25 states with first-dose deadlines that follow in February. The analysis is based on 10,627 nursing homes reporting complete data (approximately 70% of all nursing homes). The data in this piece were reported after the January 27 dose one deadline in 26 states; the dose one deadline has not yet passed in the remaining 25 states, as noted above. Table 1 provides detailed state-level data.

Nursing Home Staff Completed Vaccination Series and Booster Rates, as of 1/30/2022

As the deadline for first doses for health care workers passed in 25 states + D.C., and approached in the remaining states, nursing home staff completed vaccination rates varied widely by state, ranging from 70% in Ohio to 99% in Maine, Rhode Island, New York, and Massachusetts for the week ending January 30th, 2022 (Figure 1 and Table 1). Nationally, the nursing home staff vaccination rate is about 84%. Twenty-three states reported staff vaccination rates higher than the national average. Of these 23 states, 14 states plus D.C. reported staff vaccination rates of over 90%. Four states reported a near-universal staff vaccination rate of 99%. Twenty-six states reported staff vaccination rates lower than the national average, with 16 of these states reporting even lower staff vaccination rates under 80% (Figure 2). All 16 of these states are located in the South, Midwest, and Rocky Mountain regions of the U.S. (Figure 2). CMS cited variation in staff vaccination rates by state and region as a factor leading to the adoption of the rule.

Nursing Home Staff Completed Vaccination Series and Booster Rates, as of 1/30/2022

The 26 states that were subject to the January 27th deadline for the first dose of the COVID-19 vaccine reported higher completed vaccination rates (89%) than the 25 states subject to the February deadlines (77%) (Table 1). In the 26 states where staff were required to receive their first dose by January 27th, the completed staff vaccination rate was 89% as of January 30th. Nursing homes in the remaining 25 states subject to the February deadlines – February 14th (24 states) and February 21st (1 state) – reported a lower staff vaccination rate of 77%, likely reflecting a mix of federal mandate deadlines not yet passing, a lack of state and/or local mandates, and different degrees of vaccine hesitancy among staff.

While the new CMS rule does not require staff to receive booster shots, nursing home staff booster rates also vary across states, ranging from 17% in three states (Louisiana, Missouri, and Mississippi) to 56% in California (Figure 1 and Table 1). Nationally, booster rates among nursing home staff are about 28%. These values represent the share of all staff who have received their booster, although some who were vaccinated more recently may not have been eligible for their booster by January 30th (the most recent data published). Individuals who received the Pfizer-BioNTech or Moderna vaccines become eligible for boosters five months after completing their primary vaccination series. Individuals who received Johnson & Johnson’s Janssen vaccine are eligible for boosters two months after receiving their shot. States with the earlier dose one vaccination deadline also report higher booster rates than states with a later dose one vaccination deadline. State level variation in booster rates may reflect differences in attitudes or hesitancy about boosters.

In the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s decision allowing the rule to take effect, litigation challenging this rule continues in Louisiana, where 14 states challenging the rule are seeking to add new claims to their lawsuit, and Tennessee and Virginia are seeking to join the challengers' case against the federal government. The rule, which was issued as interim final, may also be revised as CMS reviews public comments before issuing a final rule. As the various deadlines pass, nursing homes could be subject to enforcement of this rule through a number of mechanisms, including civil monetary penalties, denial of payments, and termination of participation from the Medicare and Medicaid programs. CMS guidance emphasizes that their “primary goal is to bring health care facilities into compliance” and  termination would likely occur “only after providing a facility with an opportunity to make corrections and come into compliance.” When issuing the rule, CMS acknowledged that some staff may leave their jobs because they do not want to receive the vaccine but cited examples of vaccine mandates adopted by health systems in Texas and Detroit and a long-term care parent corporation with 250 facilities as well as the New York state health care worker mandate, all of which resulted in high rates of compliance and few employee resignations. As with other Medicare and Medicaid federal provider requirements, state surveyors will have primary responsibility for enforcing the rule as part of routine inspections. However, CMS has notified states that it may reduce the amount of federal money that states receive to support facility oversight and redirect those funds to support federal oversight activities if states do not include facility compliance with all federal requirements in their oversight.

Table 1: Nursing Home Staff Completed Vaccination Series and Booster Rates, as of 1/30/2022

 

Medicaid Coverage of Family Planning Benefits: Findings from a 2021 State Survey

Authors: Usha Ranji, Ivette Gomez, Alina Salganicoff, Carrie Rosenzweig, Rebecca Kellenberg, and Kathy Gifford
Published: Feb 17, 2022

Key Findings

Introduction

Medicaid is the primary funding source for family planning services for low-income people and is jointly financed and administered by the federal and state governments. The federal Medicaid statute establishes minimum federal standards, and for decades, has classified family planning as a mandatory benefit category that all state programs must cover, but does not define exactly what services must be included. For the most part, these services are defined by the states within broad federal guidelines. This report presents findings from a 2021 survey of states on policies related to coverage of family planning services under Medicaid.

The range of family planning services that states make available to their beneficiaries is shaped by many factors, including longstanding federal policies related to coverage of family planning services, federal requirements for coverage of preventive services and prescription drugs, and states’ application of utilization controls such as maintaining preferred drug lists (PDL), requiring the use of generics before brand names, step therapy protocols, and prior authorization. States have considerable discretion regarding Medicaid eligibility criteria, managed care enrollment, and payment structures which also affect beneficiaries’ coverage for and access to family planning care as well as the amount, duration and scope of the services that are covered.

To obtain information about state Medicaid family planning coverage policies for adults, KFF and Health Management Associates (HMA) conducted a survey of state Medicaid agencies regarding coverage of sexual and reproductive health care services. Federal standards for different Medicaid eligibility pathways may vary: traditional Medicaid eligibility, which was in place prior to the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the Medicaid expansion pathway in states that have expanded eligibility under the ACA, and limited scope family planning programs for individuals who do not qualify through other pathways. Where relevant, differences in state policies between these pathways are highlighted. This report presents survey findings from the states that responded (41 states and District of Columbia) about coverage policies for fee-for-service Medicaid in place as of July 1, 2021, for the following categories of family planning benefits: prescription contraceptives, over-the-counter methods, STI and HIV services, well woman care, breast and cervical cancer services, and managed care services. Figure 1 summarizes key themes from the survey findings.

Figure 1: Medicaid Coverage of Family Planning Benefits: Key Themes

Key Takeaways

Contraception

While all responding states (41 states and DC) cover prescription contraceptive methods approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), many apply utilization controls such as quantity limits, age restrictions, generic requirements, and Preferred Drug Lists (PDLs). Federal rules require state Medicaid programs to cover all prescription drugs from manufacturers that have entered into a federal rebate agreement. As a result, all state Medicaid programs have open formularies that include coverage for all prescription contraceptives. However, to control costs and promote quality, states may employ utilization controls that can restrict access to specific drugs. Common controls include limiting the medication quantity that can be prescribed at one time, requiring use and trial of generics before a brand name product, implementing a preferred drug list, and requiring prior authorization before a certain product can be reimbursed. Some states, for example, use utilization controls to limit access to newer contraceptive products like the Annovera Ring and Phexxi.

Few states reported imposing utilization controls on coverage of intrauterine devices (IUDs) and implants. Most states also reported separate reimbursement for postpartum IUDs and implants rather than inclusion in a global payment for pregnancy-related services. IUDs and implants, the two forms of long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs), are among the most effective methods to prevent pregnancy and also the most expensive. In recent years, there have been considerable state and federal efforts to facilitate access to LARCs by improving reimbursement, particularly in the postpartum period, an important time for birth spacing and prevention of unwanted or mistimed pregnancies. Very few states reported imposing limitations on access to these methods, and most of the responding states reported reimbursing postpartum LARCs separately from a maternity global fee to clinicians and hospitals, averting what would otherwise result in a financial disincentive for postpartum LARC placement.

All responding states cover at least one form of emergency contraception (EC) pill under their traditional Medicaid program, but some states impose quantity limits and many require prescriptions for Plan B, even though it is approved for over-the-counter availability for EC pills. Emergency contraceptive pills prevent pregnancy if taken within the first few days after unprotected sex. They are not abortifacients as they cannot disrupt an established pregnancy. All but one state report coverage of prescription emergency contraceptive pills (ella or ulipristal acetate) across eligibility groups, and all but two cover over-the-counter (OTC) Plan B (levonorgestrel) under their traditional Medicaid programs. Far fewer states, however, reported covering Plan B without a prescription (7 states). Providing coverage without a prescription can expedite access, especially for a contraceptive with a short window of effectiveness such as emergency contraceptive pills.

Most states do not have a process for covering over-the-counter (OTC) methods such as condoms or sponges without a prescription. Thirty-eight states reported requiring a prescription from a provider to cover OTC methods, consistent with federal guidance that a prescription is required to obtain federal Medicaid matching funds. Ten states, however, reported covering some or all OTC contraceptives by expanding pharmacists’ scope of practice to prescribe and dispense specific contraceptives, either independently, under the supervision of a licensed provider with prescribing authority through a collaborative practice agreement (CPA), or through protocols such as a statewide “standing order.”

STIs and HIV

Nearly all reporting states cover testing and treatment for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and routine HIV screening under their traditional Medicaid program, and almost all states align non-contraceptive family planning benefits across eligibility pathways within their state. Care for STIs is typically considered part of clinical family planning services. Under Medicaid, however, STI treatment is classified as a “family planning related” service. All responding states reported covering STI testing, treatment, and counseling under their traditional Medicaid program, and almost all align coverage across eligibility groups. Additionally, almost all the responding states also reported covering routine HIV screening in their traditional Medicaid programs.

Few states, however, reported covering Expedited Partner Therapy (EPT) which is endorsed by the CDC as an effective method to control the transmission of STIs. Expedited partner therapy (EPT) enables the treatment of the sexual partners of a patient diagnosed with an STI without examination and is recommended by the CDC for treatment of STIs. However, just nine of the responding states reported EPT coverage.

Some states require prior authorization for the provision of Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP), a medication taken to prevent HIV acquisition, and some states do not cover it as a benefit under limited scope family planning programs. PrEP medications can prevent individuals from acquiring HIV, and are recommended for individuals at higher risk of HIV infection. Like other pharmaceuticals, Medicaid programs are required to cover PrEP, but 12 of the responding states reported having a prior authorization requirement. Seven states reported that they do not cover PrEP as part of their limited scope family planning programs, where coverage is optional because states can define the family planning and related services that they include for beneficiaries in these programs.

Cervical and Breast Cancers

All the responding states cover services to prevent, detect, and diagnose cervical and breast cancer, but there is variation in the types of services that are included and whether they are covered under limited scope family planning programs. Screening for cervical and breast cancers is considered appropriate for provision during a family planning visit. Every responding state reported coverage in their traditional Medicaid program for HPV vaccines, cervical cancer screenings using cervical cytology and HPV tests, and colposcopy and LEEP or cold knife conization, which are recommended services following an abnormal screening. However, coverage for these services is not universal in limited scope family planning-specific programs.

All of the responding states cover screening mammograms for people eligible through the traditional Medicaid pathway, and most cover genetic screening (BRCA) and counseling as well as medication to prevent or reduce risk of breast cancer for women at higher risk. As with cervical cancer screenings, every participating state covers mammograms under traditional Medicaid, but not all cover them for enrollees in the limited scope family planning programs.

In addition to routine mammography, screening for genetic mutations and preventive medications are recommended for some women at higher risk for breast cancer. While these preventive services are considered optional under traditional Medicaid, 40 states cover genetic screening and counseling for BRCA mutations and 36 cover preventive medication for high-risk women in their traditional Medicaid program.

Broadening Access

While nearly half of responding states cover a one-year supply of contraceptives at a time, few states allow pharmacists to prescribe and be reimbursed for contraceptive services provided to Medicaid beneficiaries. Extended supply and pharmacist prescribing of contraceptives are two avenues for enhancing access to family planning services. A number of states report that they allow Medicaid coverage for a one-year supply of certain hormonal methods, including 18 states that permit a one-year supply of oral contraceptives. However, fewer than a dozen of the responding states reimburse for pharmacist provision of contraceptives.

The availability of contraceptives via online apps is proliferating, but few states provide Medicaid coverage of contraceptives obtained through these platforms. In recent years, a number of companies have been providing mostly hormonal contraceptive methods through online platforms for customers to obtain contraceptives typically prescribed using an asynchronous telehealth protocol. While some of these companies do not accept any third-party payments, eight states reported that Medicaid covers contraceptive purchases secured through these apps. This is an evolving area, but overall Medicaid coverage for these products is limited at this time.

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Medicaid represents a significant source of coverage of the full range of contraceptive methods and related family planning services for low-income people. In recent years, Medicaid enrollment, particularly of reproductive age adults, has grown as a result of state decisions to expand Medicaid under the ACA and to establish limited scope family planning programs. This survey finds robust coverage of many contraceptive services and supplies, but variation in the application of utilization controls. While there is broad coverage for prescription contraceptives (due to requirements and the drug rebate program) access to newer and OTC methods as well as adoption of policies that have been demonstrated to facilitate access, such as 12-month dispensing or allowing pharmacists to prescribe and be reimbursed, are less common. Furthermore, some states have not adopted protocols that facilitate the prevention of STIs and HIV such as expedited partner therapy or coverage for PrEP without prior authorization, important public health advances that have the potential to improve the sexual health of high-risk populations. In the coming years, particularly if access to abortion services becomes increasingly limited, the choices that states make regarding Medicaid eligibility and coverage for family planning services will make a critical difference in the reproductive health and well-being of millions of people across the nation.

Background

Medicaid, the nation’s health coverage program for low-income people, plays a primary role in financing and providing access to sexual and reproductive health services for millions of low-income individuals. The program covers more than 20 million adults ages 18 to 491  and is the largest source of public funding for family planning services. The program is operated jointly by the federal and state governments, who share responsibility for payment of services, while states set eligibility levels and determine the amount, duration, and scope of covered benefits within broad federal parameters.

Financing and coverage of family planning services is unique within the Medicaid program. Federal Medicaid law classifies family planning services and supplies as a “mandatory” benefit category that states must cover, but it does not formally define the specific services that must be included, giving states discretion as to which services they include in this category. In addition, federal law:

  • Prohibits providers from charging copayments to beneficiaries or any other form of patient cost sharing for family planning services
  • Establishes a 90% federal matching rate (FMAP) for the costs of services categorized as family planning, a higher proportion than for other services. States pay the remaining 10% of costs
  • Entitles beneficiaries to obtain family planning services from any provider that participates in the Medicaid program, called free choice of provider, including for beneficiaries with mandatory enrollment in managed care organizations (MCOs)

Coverage for prescription drugs is another important element in Medicaid coverage of family planning services. All states have chosen to cover prescription drugs, even though it is an optional benefits category under federal law. Furthermore, all state Medicaid programs must maintain an “open formulary,” meaning that Medicaid covers nearly all FDA-approved drugs from manufacturers that agree to provide rebates for a portion of drug payments. States, however, can impose utilization control policies to limit spending and promote quality, which can restrict access to some drugs, including certain contraceptives.

Enrollees who qualify for Medicaid through traditional pathways, those in place prior to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are entitled to coverage for family planning services. Several states have established special limited scope “family planning programs” that extend Medicaid coverage for family planning services only to individuals who are not eligible for traditional Medicaid (usually because their incomes exceed the state income eligibility thresholds or do not otherwise qualify for Medicaid). States can establish family planning-only programs either through federal Section 1115 research and demonstration waivers or State Plan Amendments (SPAs) that must be approved by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), the federal agency that oversees the Medicaid program. States can decide which services they cover in these limited scope family planning programs, and pharmacy coverage under limited scope family planning programs is restricted to family planning and related services.

Additionally, states that have opted to expand Medicaid eligibility under the ACA are required to cover “essential health benefits,” including preventive services recommended by the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF), preventive services for women identified by the federal Health Services and Resources Administration (HRSA) based on the recommendations of the Women’s Preventive Services Initiative (WPSI), and vaccines recommended by the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP). The slate of preventive services recommended by these committees include several family planning and related services, specifically FDA-approved, authorized and cleared contraceptives with a prescription, screenings for STIs and HIV, screening for cervical and breast cancers, the HPV vaccine, well woman visits, and screening for intimate partner violence. These services must be covered under ACA Medicaid expansion, but that requirement does not apply to traditional Medicaid or limited scope family planning programs, which means that the benefits package could vary within a state for different Medicaid populations (Table 1). However, a 2015 KFF/HMA survey found that most states have aligned coverage of family planning benefits for all pathways, despite the differing requirements. States do vary, however, in the utilization controls that they choose to apply.

Table 1: Minimum Federal Criteria for Medicaid Eligibility and Coverage of Family Planning Services for Different Medicaid Pathway

To understand the scope of coverage for sexual and reproductive health services, the utilization controls that states adopt, variations between and within states, and related state Medicaid policies across the nation, KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation) and Health Management Associates (HMA) conducted a national survey of states about policies in place as of July 1, 2021. States were asked primarily about coverage of services under traditional Medicaid and whether they align coverage policies in limited scope family planning programs and under their Medicaid expansions, where applicable.

The survey was conducted between June 2021 and October 2021. Forty-one states and the District of Columbia responded to the survey (Figure 2). As of July 1, 2021, 31 of these participating states had implemented the ACA Medicaid expansion, and 11 had not implemented the expansion. Since July 1st, one of the 11 non-expansion states (Missouri) has implemented Medicaid expansion. Of the responding states, 24 states also offer limited scope family planning programs financed by Medicaid to individuals who do not qualify through other Medicaid pathways. Two additional states (Iowa and Missouri) operate limited scope family planning programs that are entirely state-funded because they exclude providers that offer both family planning and abortion services, disqualifying those programs from federal Medicaid payments. These state restrictions violate Medicaid’s freedom of choice requirement and Medicaid’s requirement to include all willing providers, which give Medicaid beneficiaries the right to seek services from any qualified provider that participates in a state’s Medicaid program. States that did not respond to the survey are: Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Ohio, and South Dakota.

State Implementation of ACA Medicaid Expansion Pathway and Family Planning-Only Programs

Presented below are detailed survey findings from 41 states and DC concerning coverage and utilization limits for reversible contraceptives and permanent contraception, well woman care, STI and HIV services, services for breast and cervical cancers, and requirements for managed care plans regarding coverage of family planning services. A majority of the states responding to the survey contract with managed care organizations (MCOs) under a capitated structure to deliver Medicaid services, including family planning. While the survey’s questions focused on state Medicaid policies and coverage under fee-for-service, these policies form the basis of coverage for MCOs.

Report

Detailed Findings

Prescription Contraception

The survey asked state officials about coverage policies for nearly all contraceptive devices and methods, including prescription and non-prescription methods, as well as reversible methods and permanent procedures for women and men. Reversible methods that are available over the counter (OTC) include condoms, spermicides, sponges, and one form of emergency contraception (i.e., Plan B). Reversible methods requiring a prescription include long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs) – intrauterine devices (IUDs) and implants; oral contraceptives; injectables, some emergency contraceptives; and various other products (including the contraceptive ring and the patch). States that have implemented the ACA Medicaid expansion must cover at least one product in each of the prescription contraceptive categories for adults in the expansion group, as required by the ACA’s preventive services coverage requirement.

Under federal law, and subject to exceptions for a few drugs or drug classes,2  state Medicaid programs are required to cover all drugs from manufacturers that have entered into a rebate agreement with the Secretary of Health and Human services under the federal Medicaid Drug Rebate program (known as “covered outpatient drugs”). As a result, all covered outpatient drugs are available in all state Medicaid programs under both managed care and FFS arrangements (although pharmacy coverage under limited scope family planning programs is restricted to family planning services and family planning related services3 ). To limit spending and promote quality, states are permitted to implement utilization controls, which vary between states and are often used to restrict access to more costly drugs. These utilization controls include preferred drug lists (PDL), requiring the use of generics before brand name drugs, step therapy protocols, and prior authorization. In the context of family planning, the covered outpatient drug requirements affect coverage of and access to contraceptives, treatments for sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and preventive medications for conditions such as breast cancer and HIV.

All responding states cover most prescription contraceptive methods approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), but many apply utilization controls such as quantity limits, age restrictions, generic requirements, and inclusion on a Preferred Drug List (PDL). Most states—with one exception—align their coverage of prescription contraceptives across all of their Medicaid eligibility pathways. Texas does not cover prescription Ella under its family planning waiver.

Long-Acting Reversible Contraceptives (LARCs)

All 41 responding states and DC report covering the insertion and removal of intrauterine devices (IUDs) and implants. None of these states reported requiring prior authorization for the devices. LARCs are highly effective at preventing pregnancy for extended periods of time, ranging from three to 10 years depending on the specific type that a woman uses. In the United States, three types of LARCs are available: hormonal IUDs, non-hormonal copper IUDs (also used as an emergency contraceptive), and implants. All states participating in the survey cover all LARC methods through all their Medicaid programs (Table 2).

Table 2: State Coverage of Long Acting Reversible Contraceptives (LARCs)s

States reported few utilization controls for LARC insertion and removal. Delaware manages hormonal IUDs on a PDL, and five states (Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Pennsylvania, and Vermont) impose quantity limits on LARCs based on a specified timeframe that is aligned with FDA guidelines. North Carolina does not cover LARC placement and removal under their family planning pathway outside of certain settings (e.g., office, local health department, Federally Qualified Health Center (FQHC), or Rural Health Center (RHC)). Pennsylvania covers one LARC removal every three years. California noted that most LARC devices are limited to clinic dispensing only, although the copper and Kyleena IUDs can be dispensed at a specialty pharmacy.

LARCs Provided Immediately Post-Labor and Delivery

States were asked how they structure reimbursement to clinicians and hospitals for LARCs inserted immediately after labor and delivery. Typically, prenatal care, labor and delivery, and postpartum care are reimbursed through a global maternity care fee, but many providers have reported that the global fee is not sufficient to cover the costs of inserting a LARC right after delivery or at the follow-up postpartum visit. The absence of a separate or increased fee to cover those LARC and insertion costs has been cited as a disincentive for some providers to offer birthing people the option of choosing a postpartum LARC. Recognizing this, CMS informed states in 2016 that they may separate the payment for LARC provision in the postpartum period from the global maternity fee.

Among the 42 states that responded to the survey, 26 reported that they provide separate reimbursement for LARCs placed immediately after labor and delivery from the traditional global maternity fee for both hospitals and clinicians. Thirty-four states provide separate reimbursement to the clinician for the LARC insertion procedure and LARC when placed immediately after labor and delivery while in the hospital or birthing center, while five states include the reimbursement to the clinician within the global fee structure. Thirty states reported providing a separate hospital reimbursement for a LARC device placed immediately after labor and delivery. Compared to the 2015 survey, more states report providing separate reimbursements to clinicians and hospitals for postpartum LARC insertion. DC reported that it does not provide a separate FFS reimbursement for immediate postpartum LARC, but that its managed care plans do, although the reimbursement methodologies vary across the four contracted health plans. Three states, Florida, Idaho and North Dakota, do not have a separate payment for LARC devices or insertions, but rather include reimbursement for both through global fees.

Reimbursement Structure for Postpartum LARC Devices and Insertion

A few states reported other policy or reimbursement barriers to providing immediate postpartum LARC insertion. Nevada reported that hospitals will not allow providers to bring in LARC devices from outside the hospital, despite the state permitting reimbursement for these devices; New York cited the high cost of stocking LARCs as a barrier, and five states noted issues related to hospital claims and payment processes such as global fees or diagnosis-related group (DRG) pricing.

Oregon noted that, in practice, hospitals do not provide LARCs because the state’s claims processing system does not allow payment outside the hospital DRG—a bundled payment that includes the cost of treatments, medications and services a patient receives during the inpatient stay—and because the current DRG payment does not cover the hospital costs for LARCs. The state reported that it is currently considering options that would cover LARC costs for hospitals. North Carolina reported creating a new DRG that includes higher reimbursement for the LARC device and the insertion compared to the delivery-only DRGs.

Oral Contraceptives

States reported supply limits, generic requirements, and inclusion on a Preferred Drug List (PDL) as the most commonly used utilizations controls. Oral contraceptives are the most commonly used form of reversible contraception among women in the United States. There are three formulations – combined, progestin only, and oral extended/continuous use, and many different products within these categories. Fifteen states use a PDL to manage the provision of oral contraceptives and 13 states either require or prefer the generic version of a drug. Eleven states reported that they restrict the quantity of oral contraceptives per prescription to a three-months supply (Table 3).

Five states apply limitations to Progestin Only Drospirenone (Slynd), a new progestin-only “mini-pill” that was first approved by the FDA in May 2019, and currently has no generic equivalent. Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Vermont require prior authorization before covering the drug. Maine and Tennessee require that a patient undergo step therapy, meaning they must first try using different oral contraceptives on their PDL before prescribing Drospirenone. Tennessee also requires step therapy before prescribing extended/continuous use oral contraceptives.

Table 3: State Utilization Policies for Oral Contraceptives

A growing number of states report they allow providers to dispense a 12-month supply of contraceptives. Eighteen of the responding states, compared to 11 states in 2015, indicated that they allow a 12-month supply of oral contraceptives to be dispensed at one time (Figure 4). Having an extended supply has been associated with better access and lower rates of unplanned pregnancy. Washington requires that hormonal contraceptives be dispensed as a one-time 12-month supply unless there is a clinical reason, or the client requests a smaller supply. Oregon reported that they currently allow a 100-day supply and that a system change is in development to allow for a 12-month supply. Three states—California, Missouri, and Washington—also allow coverage of a 12-month supply of the 28-day vaginal ring and the hormonal patch, and Washington covers a 12-month supply of the injectable contraceptive.

State Coverage of 12-Month Supply of Hormonal Contraceptives

Postabortion Contraception

All responding states reported no additional restrictions to contraception provided immediately after an abortion during the same visit, regardless of whether the state covers abortions under Medicaid. The Hyde Amendment blocks states from using federal funds to pay for abortion services under Medicaid and other federal programs unless the pregnancy is a result of rape, incest, or the pregnant person’s life is in danger. However, states must cover family planning services and supplies for pregnant people regardless of whether they are seeking an abortion.

A couple of states noted that they apply the same or similar utilization controls to postabortion contraceptives that they apply to contraceptives obtained in other situations. Pennsylvania and Utah reported that limitations and utilizations controls differ based on the type of contraceptive a person chooses.

Hawaii, one of 16 states that uses state funds to pay for abortion services, reported that contraceptives provided after an abortion must be billed separately from the abortion. In Hawaii, abortion services are carved out and paid through their fee-for-service fiscal intermediary, while contraceptives are billed through the managed care plans.

Injectables, Diaphragm, Patch, Ring, and Phexxi

Almost all the responding states cover the remaining prescription contraceptives included in the survey across all available eligibility pathways. These methods are injectables, the diaphragm, contraceptive patch, vaginal ring (28 day and 1-year), and Phexxi, a vaginal contraceptive gel. All 41 responding states and DC report covering injectables, patches, and rings under traditional Medicaid. All responding states, except North Carolina cover diaphragms. A few states reported covering 12-month supplies of these prescription contraceptives. California, Missouri, and Washington cover a 12-month supply of the 28-day vaginal ring and the hormonal patch, and Washington reported they cover a year supply of the subcutaneous injectable.

The most common type of utilization control noted by states for these contraceptive methods are quantity or dosage limits. States that reported quantity and/or dosage limits for one or more of the methods include: Arkansas, Alabama, California, Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Virginia, and West Virginia (Table 4). Some states impose age limits or restrict the type of provider that can provide or dispense the contraceptive. Alabama and Delaware require prior authorization for the diaphragm.

Some states use prior authorization or step therapy for coverage of two newer contraceptives, Annovera, a one-year vaginal ring approved by the FDA in 2019, and Phexxi, a non-hormonal vaginal gel approved in 2020. Once a new pharmaceutical has been approved and its manufacturer has entered into a rebate agreement under the federal Medicaid Drug Rebate Program, state Medicaid programs must cover that drug, but may subject it to utilization controls such as prior authorization or step therapy. All states reported covering Annovera, the one-year vaginal ring, and 39 reported covering Phexxi, which the FDA classifies as a spermicide under their traditional Medicaid programs. Three states reported that as of July 2021, they did not cover Phexxi.

Pennsylvania requires prior authorization before covering the one-year Annovera ring and Vermont requires that a patient first try at least three other contraceptives before they will cover it. Seven states—Arizona, Delaware, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Tennessee and Washington—require prior authorization for coverage of Phexxi. Vermont and Tennessee have step therapy requirements before covering Phexxi. Neither Annovera nor Phexxi has generic equivalents.

Table 4: State Coverage of Prescription Contraceptives
Emergency Contraceptive Pills

Emergency contraceptive (EC) pills, sometimes referred to as “the morning-after pill,” is a form of backup birth control that can be taken up to several days after unprotected intercourse or contraceptive failure and still prevent a pregnancy. It is not an abortifacient and cannot disrupt an established pregnancy. The three methods of EC that are available in the U.S. are copper IUDs (discussed earlier in this report), progestin-based pills, and ulipristal acetate. Progestin-based pills, commonly referred to as Plan B or levonorgestrel (generic) are available over-the-counter, without a prescription, while ulipristal acetate (also known as ella) requires a prescription and is effective for a longer period of time following unprotected intercourse than levonorgestrel.

All responding states cover at least one form of emergency contraception pill under their traditional Medicaid program. The survey asked states about their policies for ella (ulipristal acetate) and Plan B products (levonorgestrel). All states but one cover prescription ella under all eligibility pathways. Texas does not cover any form of emergency contraceptive pill under their limited scope family planning program. Mississippi and Rhode Island do not cover Plan B, which is the only form of EC that does not require a prescription, under any eligibility pathway.

Some states impose utilization controls on emergency contraception such as age and quantity limits. Two states, Florida and Oregon, impose a minimum age (12 and 17 respectively) on the provision of emergency contraceptives, even though the FDA does not have an age restriction on these drugs. Seven states have quantity limits, and five states require the use of the generic levonorgestrel. Maine utilizes a step therapy approach, requiring beneficiaries to try the over-the-counter method, Plan B, before using prescription ella. Alabama requires prior authorization for both OTC and prescription emergency contraception. These restrictions can delay receipt of EC, which must be taken within a few days after sex to be effective.

Table 5: Medicaid Coverage of Emergency Contraceptives

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Non-Hormonal OTC Products (condoms, sponges, spermicide)

In addition to Plan B emergency contraceptive pills, states were asked about their Medicaid coverage policies for male condoms, spermicide and sponges, which are available over the counter. Federal law does not require states to cover most over-the-counter (OTC) drugs, with the exception of nonprescription prenatal vitamins, fluoride preparations for pregnant people, and certain nonprescription tobacco cessation products. If a state chooses to cover OTC drugs, a prescription is required to access federal Medicaid matching funds (although a state could choose to use state-only funds to cover OTC products without a prescription). The prescription requirement for OTC products can be a barrier because it can take time and additional resources to see a provider and obtain a prescription, but without coverage, these products may be unaffordable for many Medicaid beneficiaries. Many states reported covering OTC contraceptive products, but we found more coverage variability between states and between eligibility groups, compared to prescription methods, and most states reported requiring a prescription.

Over half of responding states (26 states) reported covering condoms, spermicide, and sponges in all eligibility pathways available within the state. Six states do not cover any of these three OTC products in their Medicaid programs: Alabama, Missouri, North Carolina, North Dakota, Tennessee and West Virginia. Thirty-two states cover male condoms, 31 cover spermicide, and 28 cover sponges under their traditional Medicaid programs. All three types of contraceptives were covered for ACA Medicaid expansion groups in 20 of the 32 states with that eligibility pathway. Indiana noted that OTC coverage varied in their expansion pathway because coverage policies differed across the managed care entities that provide coverage to that group. Most of the responding states with a family planning waiver or SPA cover male condoms, spermicide and sponges. Washington reported that in addition to covering OTC male condoms, spermicide, and sponges, they also cover natural family planning supplies, such as cycle beads.

With few exceptions, most states align coverage of OTC contraceptives across all available pathways in the state. Two states only cover OTC products through their limited scope family planning program —Mississippi only covers condoms, and Montana covers spermicide. Delaware reported they only cover the three OTC products for their expansion population. States also employ utilization controls to manage the coverage of OTC contraceptives. For example, California and New York both apply quantity limits to male condoms, spermicide, and sponges.

Table 6: State Coverage of OTC methods

Most states require a prescription for Medicaid to cover any of these methods. While condoms, spermicides, sponges, and Plan B EC are non-prescription products, most states require prescriptions for Medicaid to cover them, and a prescription is required to obtain federal Medicaid matching funds. Ten states, however (DC, Illinois, Kansas, Maryland, Michigan, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Utah, and Washington), reported covering some or all OTC contraceptives without a prescription. Just three of these states, Illinois, Maryland, and Washington, cover all four of these methods without a prescription. Pennsylvania covers male (and female) condoms without a prescription, and Washington reported Medicaid beneficiaries can obtain OTC contraceptives at a pharmacy with a Member ID card or at Health Care Authority (HCA) designated family planning clinic. Illinois Medicaid covers OTC products in limited quantities and in Oregon, pharmacists can prescribe Plan B. DC, Illinois, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, Utah and Washington reported covering OTC emergency contraceptive pills without requiring a prescription, although DC only covers OTC emergency contraception under its traditional Medicaid program and not through its limited scope Medicaid family planning program. Illinois noted that a standing prescription is kept on file and that women can access OTC emergency contraception at the pharmacy counter and have it covered by Medicaid. New York reported that beneficiaries can access Plan B at the pharmacy counter, and the pharmacist can then bill Medicaid in absence of a prescription. Delaware is in the process of implementing coverage of OTC emergency contraception for beneficiaries without a prescription.

Table 7: Medicaid Coverage of Over-the-Counter Contraceptives without a Prescription

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Pharmacy Access

Some states allow pharmacists to furnish or dispense some contraceptives without a physician visit. Available now in a minority of states, pharmacy prescribing can provide another avenue of access for people who may not have a relationship with a health care provider, face barriers in getting to a provider visit, or who do not want to visit a provider for a contraceptive that they have been using for a long time. Some states will only reimburse pharmacist-prescribed oral contraceptives, while others also reimburse pharmacist-prescribing for other hormonal methods too, such as the ring and patch. State policies vary on other details, such as the mechanism for this prescribing authority (e.g., collaborative practice agreements or statewide protocols), age requirements, the duration of the supply, training requirements for pharmacists, whether the patient needs a prior prescription from a physician, and coverage under private insurance and Medicaid.

Eleven of the 42 responding states allow pharmacists to prescribe contraceptives for Medicaid beneficiaries. Eleven of the responding states (CA, CO, HI, ID, MD, OR, ND, TN, VT, WA, WV) allow pharmacists to prescribe some contraceptives under Medicaid as of July 1, 2021. Of these states: Colorado allows pharmacy prescribing for OTC products, providing better access to OTC products; Tennessee allows pharmacist prescribing for prescription contraceptives only; and the remaining states cover both pharmacist-prescribed prescription and OTC products. Eight of the states also reimburse pharmacists for a contraceptive visit (CA, CO, ID, MD, OR, TN, WA, WV), while three (HI, ND, VT) do not. Nevada reported that new state legislation had been enacted that would allow Medicaid to implement coverage of pharmacist prescribing in 2022.

Table 8: Medicaid Coverage for Pharmacist Prescribed Contraceptives

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Apps and Online Platforms

In recent years, a number of companies have created new products to dispense contraceptives outside of a clinical setting or a brick-and-mortar pharmacy and have applied technology to older contraceptive methods such as using an online app to track fertility using a calendar method. States were asked about their coverage of the natural family planning app, Natural Cycles, and coverage of contraception purchased through online platforms (also known as telecontraception) like Nurx and The Pill Club. Our survey found that few state Medicaid programs reported covering these products as of July 1, 2021.

Natural Cycles

Three states reported covering Natural Cycles, a fertility tracking app that can be used as a contraceptive. The app Natural Cycles received FDA clearance in 2018 to market as the first medical app that could be used as a method of contraception for women 18 and older. It tracks a woman’s menstrual cycle and identifies days on which they should use protection or abstain from sex. Users must take their temperature daily first thing in the morning using a basal thermometer and log it into the app. A similar app, Clue, has also received FDA clearance and will be available in the U.S. in 2022. Only DC, Illinois and Maryland report covering the app across their Medicaid eligibility pathways. However, it is not clear how Medicaid coverage of the app works, whether it is considered an OTC product or if clinicians are writing prescriptions for the app. Recent federal guidance have clarified that most private insurance plans and Medicaid expansion state programs must cover without cost sharing any FDA approved, cleared, or granted contraceptive products that have been determined to be medically appropriate by an individual’s medical provider, whether or not the product is listed in the FDA birth control guide.

Telecontraception

Few states reported covering contraception obtained through telecontraception platforms like Nurx and The Pill Club. In recent years, a growing number of companies have been providing contraception through online platforms for customers to access birth control, usually using an asynchronous telemedicine approach. Clients fill out a health questionnaire that is reviewed by a health professional, who prescribes contraception if the client meets the heath criteria and does not have any contraindications (such as migraines with aura or high blood pressure). Most companies offer a variety of oral contraceptive pills, the patch, the vaginal ring, and some offer emergency contraception. Contraception can either be delivered to a client’s home or be picked up at a local pharmacy.

In this survey, eight states said that they cover these services under traditional Medicaid. However, in separate work, KFF has identified at least 12 state Medicaid programs that cover telecontraception products. These discrepancies could be due in part to different interpretations of the question between states. Most of the states that reported coverage of telecontraception said it would be covered as long clients used a company that was enrolled as a Medicaid provider or pharmacy. Texas reported that as long as both the prescribers and the dispensing pharmacy providers were enrolled with the state Medicaid program, the claims would be covered. California noted while the contraception would be covered, any asynchronous visit initiated directly by the patient would not. Florida and Hawaii reported that while telecontraception apps are not covered through FFS, it is possible that managed care plans cover them. Prior KFF study found that most companies reported encountering barriers trying to work with state Medicaid programs.

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Permanent Contraception Procedures

Sterilization procedures, or permanent contraception, are among the most effective methods of contraception. States that cover permanent contraception or sterilization procedures under Medicaid must meet certain conditions to prevent enrollee coercion. Protections against coercion include requiring the individual to be at least 21 years of age, to sign an informed consent form at least 30 days prior to a procedure as well as prohibition of federal matching funds for the sterilization of a mentally incompetent or institutionalized individual. These requirements are intended to protect against coercive practices that had historically forced sterilizations upon marginalized groups, including low-income women, women with disabilities, women of color, and incarcerated women.

All responding states cover sterilization procedures under their traditional Medicaid program and ACA Medicaid expansion pathway, and most align coverage for these services with their limited scope family planning programs. All states report that they cover tubal ligation when the fallopian tube is cauterized or clipped (postpartum and general), bilateral salpingectomy when the fallopian tube is removed, and vasectomy services. California, Texas, and North Carolina do not cover postpartum tubal ligation under their Family Planning SPA or Waiver pathways (likely because the family planning programs do not cover pregnant individuals), though they do cover tubal ligation outside of the postpartum period. Maine does not cover bilateral salpingectomy for their Family Planning SPA beneficiaries. Montana and Texas do not cover vasectomies under the family planning programs. Washington state reports that in addition to individuals 21 and older, the state covers sterilization services for beneficiaries who are 18-20 years old.

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Well Woman Care

HRSA has adopted the Women’s Preventive Services Initiative (WPSI) recommendation that women receive at least one preventive visit per year. Well-woman visits provide an opportunity for women to meet with a clinician to discuss and address preventive health topics. Visits can include a broad range of services, such as assessment of physical and psychosocial function, primary and secondary screening tests, risk factor assessments, immunizations, counseling, education, preconception care, and many services necessary for prenatal and interconception care.

Preventive counseling is an important component of well woman care. In particular, the USPSTF and WPSI recommend clinician counseling for women on a number of topics, including contraception, intimate partner violence, STIs, and HIV, and the well-woman visit provides an opportunity to conduct that counseling. Private plans and Medicaid expansion programs must cover well woman visits and recommended preventive counseling without cost sharing. However, states can decide whether to cover and reimburse for well woman visits under traditional Medicaid.

Of the responding states, all but one cover well woman visits in their traditional Medicaid programs. Ten of these states have limits on the number of visits covered in a year: seven (AL, CO, MO, NC, PA, TX, WV) cover one well woman visit per year while Florida covers two office visits per month, and Louisiana covers two visits per year. Mississippi limits traditional Medicaid beneficiaries to 16 physician office visits per year and family planning program beneficiaries to four office visits per year. Alaska is the only state that reported not covering well woman visits. The state covers wellness checks through age 20 only.

All the responding states except DC cover preventive counseling on topics like contraception and intimate partner violence. Three states (Alabama, Mississippi, West Virginia) reported utilization controls that mirror those of their well woman visits. Thirty states reported that they cover preventive counseling as a component of an office visit, and seven states separately reimburse counseling. Arizona and Maine reimburse separately or as part of an office visit depending on how the visit is coded.

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Cervical and Breast Cancer Services

The USPSTF recommends services to help prevent both cervical and breast cancers. Like contraception, Medicaid expansion states must cover these services for their expansion populations, but coverage is not required in traditional Medicaid or family planning programs. Most cases of cervical cancer are caused by infection with human papillomavirus (HPV), a common sexually transmitted infection (STI). Pap tests and HPV DNA testing are used to screen for cervical cancer, while colposcopy and LEEP or cold knife conization are follow-up services used after an abnormal screening result. The preventive services that USPSTF recommends for breast cancer include routine mammography, genetic screening for individuals with family history and certain risk factors, and preventive medications for some women at higher-risk for developing breast cancer.

Cervical Cancer

All the responding states cover a variety of cervical cancer screenings and tests, including cervical cytology also known as the Pap test, high-risk Human Papillomavirus (HPV) testing alone as well as co-testing for cervical cytology and high-risk HPV. All states cover these screenings under traditional Medicaid and align coverage across other eligibility pathways, except Wyoming and California. California has more restrictive coverage criteria for its family planning program, FamilyPACT. Under this program, the state covers screening services if they are provided along with a contraceptive visit. Some states reported covering cytology for individuals over 21 years old, in accordance with clinical recommendations. Colorado and North Carolina limit screening to one test per year. While the survey asked states only about fee-for-service policies, Tennessee, which only has managed care, noted that utilization management criteria vary between MCOs.4 

All states cover the follow-up cervical screening services, colposcopy and LEEP or cold knife conization under traditional Medicaid, but some do not cover these services under their limited scope family planning programs. North Carolina, Virginia, Washington and Wyoming do not cover these follow up cervical cancer services under their family planning waivers. California’s family planning program follows the 2019 ASCCP5  Risk-Based Management Consensus Guidelines for Management of Abnormal Cervical Cancer Screening Tests and Cancer Precursors for colposcopies and does not cover cold knife conization.

All, but one, of the responding states cover the HPV vaccine for adults in their traditional Medicaid program. Virginia reported that coverage for the HPV vaccine is limited to enrollees up to the age of 18 under traditional Medicaid. Four states (Alabama, California, North Carolina, and Washington) do not cover the HPV vaccine as a benefit in their family planning programs.

Table 9: Medicaid Coverage of Cervical Cancer Services

Breast Cancer

All the responding states cover screening mammograms in their traditional Medicaid programs. Of those, three states have age limits and other medical necessity criteria that must be met (CA, NC, WA).4 Six states do not cover mammograms in their family planning programs (CA, LA, MT, NC, WA, WY).

Nearly all (40 of 41) of the responding states cover genetic (BRCA) screening and counseling for high-risk women in their Traditional Medicaid program. The USPSTF recommends that women with a personal or family history of breast, ovarian, tubal, or peritoneal cancer receive counseling and screening for BRCA gene mutations. Fourteen states (AK, CO, CT, IA, MI, MT, NC, OK, SC, TX, UT, VA, WA, WY) require prior authorization for coverage. Nine states do not cover BRCA screening and counseling in their family planning waiver or SPA programs (CA, LA, ME, MT, NC, TX, VA, WA, WY). Alabama does not cover BRCA screening and counseling for any beneficiaries. One state (HI) did not answer this question.

Thirty-six states cover breast cancer preventive medication for high-risk women in their traditional Medicaid program, and five states do not (IA, IN, ME, VA, WY). The USPSTF recommends that clinicians offer risk-reducing medications to some women at higher risk for breast cancer. Of the states that do offer coverage, six limit the type of medication through their PDL, generic requirements, or prior authorization (CA, CT, MI, MT, OK, WA).

All the responding states reported participating in the Breast and Cervical Cancer Treatment Program (BCCTP). The BCCTP is an optional program for states to extend Medicaid coverage to uninsured persons who are diagnosed with breast or cervical cancer. While this program is a state option, all participate. Colorado, Florida, Kansas and Maryland administer the program through other state agencies. States can choose to extend Medicaid eligibility to persons screened or diagnosed with funding from the CDC’s National Breast and Cervical Cancer Early Detection Program (NBCCEDP) or, more broadly, persons screened under the NBCCEDP program, regardless of the funding source or diagnosis site. Of the states that responded to this question, 15 extend BCCTP eligibility only to persons screened or diagnosed through the CDC’s NBCCEDP, and 26 states extend Medicaid coverage under BCCTP eligibility to anyone screened and diagnosed through NBCCEDP regardless of the original funding source or diagnosis site.

Table 10: Medicaid Coverage of Breast Cancer Services

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Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs)

Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are very common and encompass many different types of viral and bacterial infections. Rates of some STIs, including chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis have been on the rise in the United States. While STIs are often asymptomatic, they can have negative long-term health effects, such as pain, infertility, and miscarriage. Early treatment is important for curbing more serious illness as well as spread of infections to partners.

In the states that have implemented the ACA Medicaid expansion, STI counseling and screenings must be covered at no cost for beneficiaries enrolled in the expansion pathway. However, this requirement does not apply to those covered under traditional Medicaid or those enrolled in limited scope family planning programs where states have the option whether to cover specific STI screenings and treatments. Also, because CMS has classified STI treatment as a "family planning related service," federal funding for STI care is available at a state’s regular FMAP rates and not the enhanced 90% FMAP provided for family planning services. States may also impose nominal out-of-pocket charges for STI care under traditional Medicaid or in limited scope family planning programs.

Table 11: Coverage of STI Services Under Medicaid

All reporting states cover STI testing, treatment, and counseling under their traditional Medicaid program, and while most states align coverage across all eligibility pathways, there are some notable exceptions. Virginia and Wyoming reported that they do not cover STI treatment under their family planning waivers. North Carolina reported that beneficiaries are limited to one annual exam, six visits between exams, and a total of six courses of antibiotics annually. Oklahoma covers STI services, but generic medications are required, and services are subject to a possible copayment of $4.00. Texas commented that coverage for STI services is “subject to retrospective review of medical record and recoupment of payment if documentation does not support the service billed.”

Six states separately reimburse for STI counseling, and the remaining states reimburse it as a component of an office visit. Maine reported that physicians could be separately reimbursed for STI counseling, but other provider types such as FQHCs, RHCs, and family planning agencies are reimbursed as a component of the office/clinic visit. Separate reimbursement helps to compensate clinicians for the time they spend on counseling and may serve as an incentive to provide counseling to patients.

Only nine of the responding states reported coverage of expedited partner therapy (EPT) under any eligibility pathway. Expedited partner therapy (EPT) permits the treatment of partners of patients diagnosed with an STI without examination by providing the patient directly with extra doses for each eligible partner or by writing a prescription for the partner as well. The CDC has recommended this practice since 2006 in certain circumstances due to its success in reducing gonorrhea reinfection rates. Most states allow the practice, but many do not allow the patient’s insurance coverage to be billed for the partner’s treatment, which can create a financial barrier to care for the partner.

Of the nine states reporting EPT coverage, some limit coverage to certain diagnoses. For example, Indiana and Vermont limit EPT to gonorrhea or chlamydia diagnoses, and Tennessee covers EPT only for chlamydia. Massachusetts and Indiana will only cover treatment for the partner if they are also a Medicaid beneficiary. California will reimburse for the treatment of the Medicaid beneficiary and up to five partners. Michigan provides EPT outside of the Medicaid program through their Department of Health and Human Services HIV/STI program to all regardless of insurance status.

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Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)

The Medicaid program plays a major role in care of individuals living with HIV and is the largest source of insurance coverage for people with HIV. The number of Medicaid beneficiaries with HIV has grown over time as the program has expanded, people with HIV are living longer, and new infections continue to occur. The program covers a wide range of benefits, including screening, prevention, prescription drugs, and treatment services. The survey asked about state coverage of HIV screening and preexposure prophylaxis (PrEP), which are medications that can prevent infection. The USPSTF recommends routine screening for adults and adolescents ages 15 to 65 as well as PrEP medications for individuals at higher risk for HIV, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommends routine HIV screening in health-care settings for all adults, aged 13-64, and repeat screening for those at higher risk.

Nearly all reporting states cover routine HIV screening in their traditional Medicaid programs. All but one of state surveyed cover HIV screening for all individuals under traditional Medicaid. The exception, Florida, covers HIV screening only for at-risk individuals in their traditional Medicaid program. States are required, at minimum, to cover “medically necessary” testing under their traditional eligibility pathway.

A dozen states report prior authorization requirements for PrEP medications. PrEP medications, which were first approved by the FDA in 2014, prevent individuals from acquiring HIV. There are two medications that have been approved for PrEP, under the brand names Truvada and Descovy. Truvada is approved for use as PrEP in males and females. Descovy is not approved for use as PrEP in females who are at risk for HIV through vaginal sex. Generics are available for Truvada but not for Descovy. While Medicaid programs are required to cover PrEP under the traditional eligibility pathway, they may apply utilization controls. Twelve of the responding states said they require prior authorization for PrEP and Washington requires prior authorization for brand name HIV PrEP medications only. Missouri reported that it requires prior authorization for PrEP in its traditional Medicaid program but not in its state-funded family planning program.

Although most states align their HIV testing and PrEP coverage policies, several states do not provide coverage for these services under their family planning waivers or SPAs. Washington does not cover HIV testing for beneficiaries in their family planning waiver. Washington, Virginia, Texas, New York, North Carolina, California, and Montana do not cover HIV PrEP under their family planning program, though North Carolina does refer members to participating drug stores and clinics. New York reports they are actively working to include coverage for PrEP for family planning SPA beneficiaries, and Texas requires providers to refer family planning waiver beneficiaries for treatment as necessary.

Table 12: Medicaid Coverage of HIV Services

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Managed Care

This survey asked states about fee-for-service coverage policies, but most of the survey states enroll the majority of adult beneficiaries in capitated managed care organizations (MCOs). While state Medicaid programs make determinations about the services that they will cover, for beneficiaries enrolled in managed care, coverage policies are established through the contracts that states sign with MCOs, which may vary between plans. Nine of the responding states (AL, AK, CT, ID, ME, MT, OK, VT, WY) do not have Medicaid MCO enrollment.

When a state chooses to cover family planning services under a capitated MCO, the state must implement policies, procedures, and contractual requirements that will allow the state to claim the enhanced 90% FMAP allowed for family planning services delivered under that capitated arrangement. The state must also ensure that the full costs of family planning services are covered and that MCO-enrolled beneficiaries are able to see any Medicaid provider of their choice, even if the provider is not in the MCO’s network. State policies regarding benefits and payment rates under fee-for-service may set minimum standards for MCOs, but MCOs may elect to cover benefits beyond what is required in their contract and may pay providers more than the minimum fee-for-service rate. We asked states if they include family planning services within MCO capitation rates and whether they claim the enhanced 90% FMAP for family planning services purchased by MCOs. We also asked if their MCO contracts explicitly address utilization controls for family planning services.

Most of the responding states have capitated MCO contracts that include family planning services in the capitation rate. Most, but not all responding states with MCOs (26 of 31) reported that they claimed the enhanced 90 percent federal matching rate for family planning services provided through MCO. Four states (LA, MT, ND, WV) reported that they do not claim the enhanced 90% FMAP, and one state (Kansas) did not answer this question. Thirteen states reported that they explicitly address potential utilization controls on family planning services in the MCO contracts. Five states prohibit the use of prior authorization for family planning services and supplies in their MCO contracts. One state, Washington, stated that they are explicit in MCO contracts that plans must cover a one-year supply of contraceptives and all OTC methods without a prescription, as required by laws in that state.

Three states (OR, IL, TX) report that they contract with MCOs that have a “conscience” or religious exemption from the requirement to provide family planning services. Insurance plans that are “faith-based” may not cover the full range of family planning services over objections allegedly based on religion, limiting access for beneficiaries particularly if the plan has a narrow provider network. All three of these states indicated that beneficiaries can receive coverage for family planning services outside of the plan network if their plan has any religious objections. Illinois reported that plans must have contracted facilities nearby that can provide family planning services.

Conclusion

Family planning services have been part of the Medicaid program for decades. Over time, the field has evolved, with changes in clinical practices and an expansion in the realm of services that address sexual health beyond pregnancy prevention. On the whole, this survey finds that while all states cover a broad range of contraceptive methods, some impose limitations like prior authorization or quantity limits that are sometimes used to help states control spending but can affect beneficiaries’ ability to obtain their preferred contraceptives in a timely manner. Access to newer products, over-the-counter methods, and online services are often less available to those enrolled in Medicaid. We also found less uniformity in coverage policies for recommended non-contraceptive services like expedited partner therapy, to curb the spread of STIs, and PrEP, to prevent HIV infection in higher risk populations.

The survey also illustrates the regulatory complexities that impact coverage for specific services within a state. One of the features of the Medicaid program is flexibility for states to establish coverage policies on their own, within broad federal guidelines. The sheer breadth of family planning products, the different eligibility pathways, the range of utilization controls, varying levels of reimbursement between family planning and related products, and intersection with other public health programs in a state mean that it can be very difficult to ascertain coverage for the range of benefits for the different eligibility pathways available under Medicaid. This survey asked about state policies under fee-for-service, which also form the basis for coverage policies in managed care organizations. For beneficiaries trying to understand and use their Medicaid coverage for important preventive services, particularly if they rely on specific products, it can be formidable to navigate and assess exactly what is and is not covered.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank the numerous staff members in state Medicaid agencies who participated in the survey. The authors also thank the following individuals, who provided input in the survey questionnaire, data management, and analysis: Jim McEvoy and Kraig Gazley of Health Management Associates; Michael Policar of UCSF; Cathy Peters of the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network.

Endnotes

  1. KFF estimates based on the Census Bureau’s March Current Population Survey (CPS: Annual Social and Economic Supplements), 2021. ↩︎
  2. Section 1927(d)(2) provides that the following drugs or classes of drugs, or their medical uses, may be excluded from coverage or otherwise restricted: (A) Agents when used for anorexia, weight loss, or weight gain. (B) Agents when used to promote fertility. (C) Agents when used for cosmetic purposes or hair growth. (D) Agents when used for the symptomatic relief of cough and colds. (E) Agents when used to promote smoking cessation. (F) Prescription vitamins and mineral products, except prenatal vitamins and fluoride preparations. (G) Nonprescription drugs, except, in the case of pregnant women when recommended in accordance with the Guideline referred to in section 1905(bb)(2)(A), agents approved by the Food and Drug Administration under the over-the-counter monograph process for purposes of promoting, and when used to promote, tobacco cessation. (H) Covered outpatient drugs which the manufacturer seeks to require as a condition of sale that associated tests or monitoring services be purchased exclusively from the manufacturer or its designee. (I) Barbiturates. (J) Benzodiazepines. (K) Agents when used for the treatment of sexual or erectile dysfunction, unless such agents are used to treat a condition, other than sexual or erectile dysfunction, for which the agents have been approved by the Food and Drug Administration. ↩︎
  3. “Family planning related services are medical, diagnostic, and treatment services provided pursuant to a family planning visit that address an individual’s medical condition and may be provided for a variety of reasons including, but not limited to: treatment of medical conditions routinely diagnosed during a family planning visit, such as treatment for urinary tract infections or sexually transmitted infection; preventive services routinely provided during a family planning visit, such as the HPV vaccine; or treatment of a major medical complication resulting from a family planning visit.” CMS, SHO# 16-008, Medicaid Family Planning Services and Supplies, June 14, 2016; accessed at https://www.medicaid.gov/sites/default/files/federal-policy-guidance/downloads/sho16008.pdf. ↩︎
  4. [1] “Family planning related services are medical, diagnostic, and treatment services provided pursuant to a family planning visit that address an individual’s medical condition and may be provided for a variety of reasons including, but not limited to: treatment of medical conditions routinely diagnosed during a family planning visit, such as treatment for urinary tract infections or sexually transmitted infection; preventive services routinely provided during a family planning visit, such as the HPV vaccine; or treatment of a major medical complication resulting from a family planning visit.” CMS, SHO# 16-008, Medicaid Family Planning Services and Supplies, June 14, 2016; accessed at https://www.medicaid.gov/sites/default/files/federal-policy-guidance/downloads/sho16008.pdf. ↩︎
  5. American Society for Colposcopy and Cervical Pathology. ↩︎
News Release

New KFF Analyses on Women and Medicaid: State Family Planning Benefits and Contraceptive Provision

Published: Feb 17, 2022

Medicaid, the state and federal health coverage program for low-income people, finances family planning services for millions of women across the nation. National statistics, however, can mask important state-level Medicaid policy and utilization differences. Two new KFF state-level analyses have just been posted that provide up-to-date coverage policies and practices as well as new data on contraceptive provision under Medicaid.

Medicaid Coverage of Family Planning Benefits: Findings from a 2021 State Survey

Based on findings from a national survey of states on Medicaid family planning coverage policies for adults, this new report finds that while all states cover a broad range of contraceptive methods, many impose limitations like prior authorization or quantity limits. These are used to help states control spending but can affect beneficiaries’ ability to obtain their preferred method in a timely manner. In terms of other family planning services, while most states reported covering sexually transmitted infection (STI) testing and treatment, some require prior authorization for Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP) to prevent HIV acquisition. Despite the growth in STI rates in many states, few reported covering Expedited Partner Therapy (EPT) which is endorsed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) as an effective method to control the transmission of STIs.

Family Planning and Contraceptive Provision Among Females Enrolled in MedicaidAccording to a new analysis using national Medicaid claims data, one in four female Medicaid enrollees of reproductive age was provided at least one contraceptive service in 2018. This range, however, varied considerably by state, from a low of 18% in Arkansas and Arizona to a high of 34% in Wisconsin. The most common method provided to enrollees was oral contraception, followed by injectable contraception (DMPA), then IUDs. The new analysis also highlights notable regional and age differences by type of method. Women in the South had the lowest provision of oral contraceptives and the highest annual sterilization rates. Not surprisingly, a higher share of women ages 30-49 relied on sterilization and IUDs compared to younger women ages 15-29 who tended to rely on other hormonal methods.

For additional information and data on Medicaid coverage for women, see our new data note featuring new analysis and data on Medicaid across the lifespan.

 

Medicaid Coverage for Women

Published: Feb 17, 2022

Medicaid, the nation’s health coverage program for poor and low-income people, provides millions of low-income women across the nation with health and long-term care coverage. Women comprise the majority of the adult Medicaid population and the program offers coverage of a wide range of primary, preventive, specialty, and long-term care services that are important to women across their lifespans. Given the importance of the program for low-income women and their families, changes to the program, such as Medicaid expansion and the new state option to extend postpartum coverage beyond 60 days, have significant implications for low-income women’s access to coverage and care. Proposed congressional legislation would have further implications for Medicaid and women from postpartum coverage to maternal health, as well the Medicaid coverage gap and would include investments in health and community-based services. This data note presents key data points describing the current state of the Medicaid program as it affects women.

Who is Eligible for Coverage?

In 2019 adult women comprised 36% of the overall Medicaid population and the majority of adults on the program (Figure 1). Prior to the Affordable Care Act (ACA), women were more likely to qualify for Medicaid than men because of their lower incomes and because they were more likely to belong to one of Medicaid’s categories of eligibility for adults: pregnant, parent of a dependent child, senior, or person with a disability. The 2010 ACA added a new Medicaid eligibility category by extending Medicaid eligibility to nearly all non-elderly individuals with incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level (FPL).1 

Figure 1: 31 Million Adult Women Were Enrolled in Medicaid in 2019
  • As of December 2021, 38 states and DC have opted to expand eligibility for Medicaid under the ACA, which allows nonelderly low-income women with incomes below 138% FPL to qualify regardless of their pregnancy, parenting or disability status.
  • In the 12 states that have not expanded Medicaid under the ACA as of January 2022, adults only qualify if they meet income criteria AND belong to one of the previously mentioned eligibility categorical groups. While there are federal eligibility minimums, states have the option to expand eligibility levels for each group up to certain limits. As a result, income eligibility criteria vary for different groups of beneficiaries within as well as between states. Eligibility levels are much lower for parents in the states that have not expanded Medicaid compared to those that have, ranging from 17% FPL in Texas, to 100% FPL in Wisconsin (Figure 2).
Figure 2: Medicaid Income Eligibility Limits for Parents are Lower in States that Have Not Implemented the Medicaid ACA Expansion
  • Many women who are uninsured are potentially eligible for coverage but are not enrolled. In 2020, one in five (2.1 million) uninsured women were eligible for Medicaid but were not enrolled, and one million women were in the “Medicaid coverage gap.” They live in a state that has not expanded its Medicaid program and do not qualify for Medicaid but have incomes below the lower level (100% FPL) for Marketplace subsidies.

Profile of Nonelderly Women Covered by Medicaid

The diverse population of women covered by Medicaid face many social, economic, and health challenges that affect their ability to receive timely and high-quality health care.

  • In 2020, Medicaid covered 16% of nonelderly adult women in the United States, but coverage rates were higher among certain groups, such as those in fair or poor health, women of color, single mothers, low-income women, and women who have not completed a high school education (Figure 3).
Figure 3: Medicaid Covers a Disproportionate Share of Women in Underserved Populations
  • Over half of nonelderly women on Medicaid who do not receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and who are not dually eligible for Medicare work outside the home (59%). Many others are not employed for pay but are caring for family members (19%), are not working due to illness or disability (9%) or attend school (6%). Approximately six in ten mothers on Medicaid (62%) are working and another quarter are caring for family members. Among women without children, half (56%) are working and another 14% are not working due to illness or disability (Figure 4).
Most Women Covered by Medicaid Work Outside the Home
  • Differences in Medicaid eligibility levels and poverty rates across the states translate into vastly different Medicaid coverage rates for women across states, from a low of 7% in South Dakota to 29% in New Mexico (Figure 5).
Medicaid Coverage Varies Considerably by State

Reproductive Health

Roughly two-thirds (64%) of adult women with Medicaid coverage are in their reproductive years (19 to 49).2  Medicaid covers a wide range of reproductive health care services, including family planning, and pregnancy-related care including prenatal services, childbirth, and postpartum care—all without cost-sharing. Medicaid coverage of abortion services, however, is very limited under federal law and in most states.

Family planning

Federal law requires state Medicaid programs to offer family planning benefits, but states determine the specific services and supplies for those who qualify through pre-ACA pathways. For the ACA expansion populations, the ACA requires states to cover all FDA approved, granted, and cleared contraceptive methods, counseling on STIs and HIV, and screening for breast and cervical cancers. Research has found that most states have aligned their benefits and cover these services across all eligibility groups.

  • The federal government pays 90% of costs for family planning services, a higher federal matching rate than for other services (typically between 50% and 78%)3 . Women covered by Medicaid cannot be charged any out-of-pocket costs for family planning services.
  • The federal government also guarantees Medicaid beneficiaries “free choice of provider,” which allows them to seek care from any qualified participating provider that offers the services. While free choice of provider is not specific to family planning, it means that states cannot bar providers from the Medicaid program simply because they provide abortion services. However, judicial rulings have allowed some states to exclude Planned Parenthood from their Medicaid programs. These cases are ongoing. For beneficiaries enrolled in managed care arrangements, there is a protection that specifically allows them to seek family planning services from the provider of their choice even if the provider is outside of the plan’s network.
  • Twenty-eight states currently operate limited scope Medicaid family planning programs which extend access to family planning services to uninsured women who do not qualify for full Medicaid coverage because their incomes exceed the Medicaid income thresholds or they have lost Medicaid eligibility after having a baby and do not have a pathway stay on the program after the 60 day postpartum coverage period.

Maternity Care

Medicaid is the largest single payer of pregnancy-related services, financing 42% of all U.S. births in 2019. In six states Medicaid covers more than 60% of all births. By federal law, all states provide Medicaid coverage without cost sharing for pregnancy-related services to pregnant women with incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level (FPL) and cover them up to 60 days postpartum. States now have the option to extend postpartum coverage beyond 60 days—as of January 2022, 25 states have taken steps to extend postpartum coverage.

  • Similar to family planning, there is no federal definition of what services states must cover under their traditional Medicaid programs for pregnant women beyond inpatient and outpatient hospital care, but states that have expanded Medicaid eligibility must cover all preventive services recommended by the United States Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) to individuals who qualify through this pathway, which includes a broad range of preventive services for pregnant women. States may not charge cost-sharing for any pregnancy-related services. Overall, most states cover a broad range of maternity care services, including prenatal screenings, folic acid supplements, and breastfeeding supports.
  • In the 12 states that have not expanded Medicaid coverage under the ACA, many women lose their Medicaid eligibly 60 days post-partum because they no longer qualify for coverage, even though their infants are Medicaid eligible for their first year. This is because the income eligibility for pregnancy-related care is typically considerably higher than those offered to parents of dependent children. In the states that have expanded Medicaid eligibility, most women with Medicaid financed births are able to remain enrolled in the program and have continuous coverage and better access to care.
  • As a condition of receiving increased federal funding from the Families First Coronavirus Response Act, states must meet certain maintenance of eligibility requirements, including providing continuous coverage to Medicaid enrollees who have been enrolled in the program since March 18, 2020 until the end of the COVID19 public health emergency. As a result, postpartum women enrolled in Medicaid since March 2020 continue to have Medicaid coverage. Once the continuous coverage requirements end, however, many of these women are at risk of losing their Medicaid coverage, particularly those living in non-expansion states.
  • In recent years, there has been a growing interest in expanding postpartum Medicaid coverage beyond 60 days, in part due to the high rates of maternal mortality and morbidity in the United States and the disproportionately high rates of poor maternal outcomes experienced by Black and Native American pregnant people. The federal American Rescue Act of 2021, gives states the option to extend postpartum coverage to pregnant people to a full year. Coverage begins in April 2022 and states must provide a full-scope of benefits without limitations on coverage during the extension. To date, 21 states have taken steps to extend postpartum Medicaid coverage to 12 months—four additional states either limit the postpartum coverage periods to less the 12 months (GA, TX, WI) or only offer a limited benefits package for postpartum individuals with substance use disorder (MO).

Abortion

The federal Hyde Amendment prohibits federal spending on abortions, except when the pregnancy is a result of rape or incest, or when it jeopardizes the life of the pregnant person (Figure 6). States may use their own unmatched funds to cover abortions in other circumstances. As of January 2022, 33 states and DC follow Hyde restrictions,16 states cover abortions for Medicaid beneficiaries that are considered to be “medically necessary” and pay for these using only state funds. One state, South Dakota, has not covered abortions in cases of rape or incest for 25 years. A January 2019 U.S. Government Accountability (GAO) report found that many states were not covering some abortions that were eligible for Medicaid coverage funding, in violation of federal law. In cases when Medicaid does cover abortions, reimbursement rates tend to be low and do not cover the full cost of the procedure.

In December 2021, the Supreme Court heard Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, a case that could overturn the constitutional right to abortion established by the decision in Roe v. Wade. If the court were to overturn the decision in Roe, availability of abortion would be severely limited and unavailable in many parts of the country. The federal Hyde rules would still apply for states that retain abortion availability, and states would still be able to use state dollars to pay for abortions beyond the Hyde restrictions.

Abortion Coverage is Very Limited Under Medicaid

Chronic Conditions

As women age, their health needs shift from reproductive care to greater need for screening and management of chronic diseases, mental health care, and disability care (although many women in their reproductive years also have these health needs).

Mental Health

  • In 2019, Medicaid covered one in four (24%) adult women with any mental illness and 30% of adult women with a serious mental illness.4 
  • Medicaid’s behavioral health benefits include acute care services, long-term services, and supports to enable people with chronic illness to receive community-based care. In addition, states with Medicaid expansion programs are required to cover 10 essential health benefits, which include mental health and substance use disorder services, including behavioral health treatment.

Breast and Cervical Cancers

  • Under the Breast and Cervical Cancer Prevention and Treatment Act, states may extend Medicaid coverage for cancer treatment to uninsured women diagnosed with breast or cervical cancer through a federal screening program and receive a federal match for those services. In 2019, over 43,000 women were enrolled in Medicaid through the Breast and Cervical Cancer Program.5 
  • Preventive services for breast and cervical cancers are required benefits in ACA Medicaid Expansion programs. States are required to cover mammograms and pap tests, genetic (BRCA) screening for high-risk women, and breast cancer preventive medication for high-risk women. Most states cover the screening tests for all beneficiaries. However, coverage for other services such as such as colposcopy following an abnormal pap result and genetic screening for women at higher risk of breast cancer is more uneven across state eligibility pathways.

Disability, Aging and Long-Term Care

Women with disabilities

  • Medicaid covers over four in ten (44%) nonelderly women with broad range of physical and mental disabilities, including physical impairments, severe mental illnesses, and specific conditions such as muscular dystrophy, cystic fibrosis, and HIV/AIDS. In addition, Medicaid also covers some nonelderly women who separately also qualify for Medicare coverage due to long-term disabilities (discussed below).
  • Benefits that Medicaid covers include: assistance with medical and supportive services including rehabilitation, transportation, and therapeutic services, which help people with disabilities live independently and are not typically covered by private health insurance plans. Long-term services, including home health care, are another critical health benefit for women with disabilities that has very limited coverage through commercial plans but is covered by Medicaid.
Medicaid Covers Over Four In Ten Women with Disabilities

Medicare-Medicaid Enrollees and LONG-TERM Care

Medicare provides health coverage to people 65 and older and younger people with long-term disabilities. In 2019, Medicaid provided coverage to more than 12 million Medicare beneficiaries (20% of all Medicare beneficiaries) with low incomes and modest assets. Of this total, women of all ages account for 59% of this group (women 65 and older account for 40%) (Figure 8).6  Many of these beneficiaries have extensive and costly health needs.

  • The majority of dually eligible beneficiaries qualify for full Medicaid benefits and may receive coverage for services that Medicare does not currently cover, such as dental and vision care, and long-term services and supports. Other dually eligible beneficiaries may only receive assistance with their Medicare premiums and/or cost sharing through the Medicare Savings Programs, but not full Medicaid benefits, if they meet an income and asset test.
Women Account for Nearly Six in Ten Medicare Beneficiaries Who are Enrolled in Both Medicare and Medicaid
  • Medicaid covers a continuum of long-term services and supports ranging from home and community based services (HCBS) that allow persons to live independently in their own homes or in other community settings to institutional care provided in nursing facilities and intermediate care facilities for individuals with intellectual disabilities. In FY2019, HCBS represented 59% of total Medicaid expenditures on long-term services and supports (LTSS).
  • Since women are more likely to live longer and experience higher rates of chronic illness and disability than men, they are more likely to require long-term services in their lifetime. Approximately two-thirds of nursing home residents (65%) and people receiving home health care (61%) are women. Medicaid coverage provides access to these long-term services, which would otherwise be unaffordable for women with fixed incomes (in 2020, nursing home care averaged more than $93,075 annually for a semi-private room).

Access to Care

Compared to their uninsured counterparts, women with Medicaid experience fewer barriers to care and on several measures have utilization rates comparable to low-income women with private insurance.

  • Women on Medicaid use primary and preventive health services, such as pap smears and mammograms, at rates comparable to women with private insurance and at higher rates than uninsured women (Figure 9).
Figure 9: Low-Income Women with Medicaid Use Preventive Care at Similar Rates to those with Private Coverage
  • Women on Medicaid are less likely than uninsured women to experience cost barriers. Compared to low-income women with private insurance, women on Medicaid were less likely to report that they delayed or went without care due to cost, likely attributable to the fact that Medicaid does not charge deductibles, rarely charges premiums and has only nominal cost-sharing. Affordability, however, is still a problem for some women in the program because they are typically low-income and have to pay out of pocket costs in states that impose caps on the number of covered visits or prescriptions or charge copayments for prescription drugs (for non-pregnant adults). One in 10 low-income women on Medicaid report that they had not filled a prescription (10%) in the past year because of the cost (Figure 10).
Figure 10: Compared to Uninsured, Lower Shares of Women with Medicaid and Private Coverage Report Delaying or Not Getting Care Because of Cost
Table 1: Medicaid Coverage Among Women in 2020, by Selected Characteristics
  1. 138% of FPL in 2021 is $17,774 for an individual and $30,305 for a family of three. ↩︎
  2. KFF analysis of calendar year 2019 TMSIS. ↩︎
  3. FY 2022 FMAPs reflect higher federal matching funding made available through the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (amended by the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act). The additional funds are available to states from January 1, 2020 until the end of the public health emergency period for the COVID-19 pandemic. This act provided a 6.2 percentage-point increase to all FMAP rates for all states (including DC). For more information on the FMAP increase during the COVID-19 pandemic, see Key Questions About the New Increase in Federal Medicaid Matching Funds for COVID-19. ↩︎
  4. KFF analysis of National Survey on Drug Use and Health, 2019. ↩︎
  5. KFF analysis of calendar year 2019 TMSIS. ↩︎
  6. Ibid. ↩︎