How Might Expiring Premium Tax Credits Impact People with HIV?

Author: Lindsey Dawson
Published: Oct 7, 2025

ACA premium tax credits, which make health insurance Marketplace plans more affordable, were first enhanced as part of the American Rescue Plan Act in 2021 and then extended by Congress through 2025. The enhanced credits have improved insurance coverage affordability for millions of people, including those with HIV. However, they are currently set to expire at the end of the year, unless Congress acts to extend them. Their extension became a major political  issue playing a role in the government shutdown.  In addition, because of the political uncertainty surrounding their extension, health insurers have proposed premium increases beyond what would otherwise be the case. The loss of the enhanced tax credits, coupled with increased premiums for some, could jeopardize coverage or health care affordability for millions. People with HIV may be particularly vulnerable, given that they are more likely to have Marketplace plans than the public overall and many also rely on the federally-funded Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, which could be further stretched if Marketplace plans become more expensive. Moreover, loss of coverage and increased costs could lead to disruptions in care for people with HIV which could have serious implications for individual and public health. Being engaged in HIV care, including being on antiretroviral therapy, promotes optimal health outcomes including viral suppression, which in turn prevents transmission of HIV to others. This issue brief provides an overview of these potential impacts. 

People with HIV and Marketplace Coverage

A larger share of people with HIV receive coverage through the Marketplaces than the general population. As with Marketplace enrollees overall, the costs they face could rise significantly if the tax credits are not extended (detail on how the enhanced tax credits are calculated and differ from the original ACA tax credit here). For example:

  • Scenario 1: A 45-year-old enrolled in a Marketplace plan in Miami-Dade County, FL with an annual income of $38,000 (243% of the federal poverty level (FPL)), demographics similar to the HIV epidemic overall, would pay an estimated $1,699 more per year for coverage for the second lowest cost silver plan, with the monthly premium going from $117 to $259. (Additional scenarios can be run using this KFF interactive tool.)

Separately, those with incomes over 400% of the FPL (estimated at $62,600 in 2026 for a single-individual household) would face a double hit when it comes to cost increases without an extension. First, people with incomes in this range were provided with a new tax credit, limiting premium costs to 8.5% of income, which they would lose entirely without an extension. Second, without any cap on costs, they would be fully exposed to increased premiums proposed for 2026. (This differs from those in the 100%-400% FPL income group who would still receive some federal assistance, albeit at a lower level than with the enhanced credits.)

  • Scenario 2: A 45-year-old enrolled in a Marketplace plan in Miami-Dade County, FL with an annual income of $65,000 (415% of the federal poverty level (FPL)), would pay an estimated $2,027 more per year for coverage for the second lowest cost silver plan, with the monthly premium going from $460 to $629. (Additional scenarios can be run using this KFF interactive tool.) Costs would go from being caped at 8.5% of their income to consuming 11.6%

Certain state enrollees are already facing especially large hikes. Looking at the 5 states with the greatest HIV prevalence the, median and range requested premium increases for the 2026 plan year are as follows:

  • CA: 14% (7%-20%)
  • FL: 26% (19%-41%)
  • GA: 20% (9%-43%)
  • NY: 13% (10%-37%)
  • TX: 19% (3%-42%)

There are multiple potential impacts of increased premium costs for individuals with HIV paying for their own coverage. While some people may retain coverage, and be able to manage the increased costs, others could:

  • Retain coverage and struggle with the increased costs.
  • Choose a plan with less expensive premiums, but potentially higher out-of-pocket costs for items like HIV medications, labs, and provider visits.
  • Drop coverage altogether and not seek alternative access to care or coverage.
  • Drop coverage and seek support from the Ryan White Program.

AIDS Drug Assistance (ADAPs) Programs

Notably, HIV programs would also be impacted if enhanced tax credits are not extended, with the policy lapse costing them potentially tens of millions of dollars. This is especially the case for AIDS Drug Assistance Programs (ADAPs), which are part of the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, a federal safety net program for those with low-to-moderate incomes, reaching over half of people with HIV in the U.S. ADAPs provide HIV medications to people with HIV either directly or by purchasing insurance coverage with prescription drug benefits on their behalf and/or assisting with cost-sharing of insurance coverage. Each state/territory runs its own ADAP and programs differ in their operation and services provided. ADAPs face limited budgets and federal allocations have been fairly flat over time, making the program vulnerable to changes in the size of the population needing services as well as the cost of those services. ADAPs hit with rising premiums or increased enrollment, could be faced with modifying their programs in ways that could impede access.

Insurance purchasing became more widespread once the ACA was signed into law as historically HIV had been an uninsurable condition in the individual market. The health law meant that people with HIV could not be denied coverage or charged more for being HIV positive and that they were assured relatively coverage access to necessary medications and treatments.

Most ADAPs purchase private insurance premiums for clients (at least 42 states and DC in 20231). In total, in 2023 at least 76,365 clients were assisted with insurance assistance that included help paying for premiums across insurance markets. Among all ADAP clients, over 40,0002  were enrolled in Marketplace plans in 2023 and most received insurance support from the program. ADAPs that enroll eligible clients in Marketplace plans receive the benefit of the tax credits (currently available to those 100% of the poverty level and above) and have processes in place to work with clients on tax credit reconciliation at the end of the year. Larger shares of ADAP clients receiving premium support 3 have incomes above 100% FPL (the income level at which tax credit eligibility begins) compared to those enrolled in full-pay drug support only.

How much could the loss of enhanced tax credits cost state ADAPs?

A typical ADAP client (with an average age of 47 and in a single person family) receiving premium support could expect to see an estimated additional $1,364 in premium costs in 2026. This cost would be borne by ADAPs and vary by actual client demographics (i.e. age, income, family size and location for those over 400% FPL who would lose the entirety of their tax credit), metal level enrollment, and the number of clients the ADAP has enrolled in the Marketplaces. Different estimates can be generated using this tool.  Overall, this would likely represent a relatively small increase in ADAP budgets. However, concerns have already been raised that this policy change, as well as others that are likely to occur soon as a result of the recent reconciliation bill, could be financially challenging for ADAPs. Additionally, certain state ADAPs, such as those with high marketplace enrollment and those in non-expansion states are likely to be disproportionately impacted if enhanced tax credits. (See Methods and Limitations.)

Increased costs resulting from expiring enhanced tax credits and higher premiums, would not impact ADAPs evenly across the country. Levels of enrollment, differences in typical family income and age of clients, and type of plan enrollment would impact how these changes affect ADAP budgets, among other factors. ADAPs with smaller client enrollment or less robust insurance purchasing programs would be more sheltered and those with larger client enrollment and robust insurance assistance programs would likely to be harder hit. It is possible that ADAPs in non-Medicaid expansion states could being especially impacted. In expansion states, many clients with incomes 100-138% of the FPL would be enrolled in the Medicaid program whereas in non-expansion states, those clients would be more likely to be enrolled in ADAP insurance assistance through the ACA marketplace. For example, the share of ADAP clients enrolled in Marketplace plans (regardless of whether ADAP is assisting with costs) is much higher for Florida (31%) and Georgia (25%), high prevalence non-expansion states, than in California (15%) or Illinois (11%), high prevalence expansion states.

Additionally, as noted above, issuers are planning large premium increases for the coming year. ADAPs with clients enrolled in Marketplace plans would still have some protections from these price hikes through premium tax credits. Even if the enhanced credits expire, clients 100%-400% FPL would still have the original tax credits provided through the ACA. However, clients enrolled in off Marketplace ACA compliant plans (about 9,600 clients in 2023) and clients with incomes over 400% FPL (7% of ADAP clients with premium support or multiple types of ADAP support in 2022) would not have any buffer against these rising costs. Further, ADAPs might also face higher costs if those who had been purchasing coverage independently, find increases in premiums unaffordable and turn to the program for assistance.

Even relatively small cost increases in ADAP budgets can challenge their ability to maintain their current levels of services and some have raised questions about how they would respond to this and other future policy changes. ADAPs could respond in a number of ways, some of which could amount to limiting access to program services or generosity and/or seeking alternative resources to supplement federal funds:

  • Cost-containment strategies could include changing the eligibility for the program – for example reducing the income eligibility level – or further limiting plans in which clients can enroll. Another possible action is making ADAP formularies for clients receiving direct drug assistance less generous or introducing more utilization management techniques like prior authorization or step-therapy. ADAPs could also introduce or reduce caps on their programs (or on drug utilization) and could also create waiting lists. Waiting lists have been used in the past when program budgets have been strained but were last cleared through infusion of supplemental federal funds in 2012.
  • ADAPs faced with increased costs could try and supplement ADAP earmark funding (funding dedicated to ADAPs by Congress) with funding from other sources such as the state’s non-ADAP Ryan White fundings (Part B), funding from local county/city Ryan White Grantees (Part A), other state/local funding, maximizing generation of program income, and seeking deeper rebates from pharmaceutical companies, among other actions. However, if funding is shifted from Part B or other state or local funding (entities with already constrained budgets) to ADAPs, this could mean a reduction of other public health services.

Beyond ADAPs, grantees of other “Parts” of the Ryan White Program are also permitted to use funding to support client enrollment in health insurance, including in Marketplace plans. While this occurs less commonly among other grantees than it does with ADAPs, any other grantees currently using funding this way, would also be impacted by the above cost-increases resulting from expiration of enhanced tax credits and increases premiums for 2026.

Potential Impact of Policy Changes on HIV Care

As described above, if these changes occur, they are likely to have an impact on both individuals with HIV and the programs people with HIV rely on. Individuals could lose coverage and/or face higher costs, and might turn to Ryan White for assistance. To address funding shortfalls due to these changes, ADAPs could work to inject new funding into their programs but could also constrain existing eligibility and benefits or restrict enrollment.

Increased premiums or certain changes to ADAPs could lead to enrollees being less engaged with or fall out of HIV care and treatment. Higher out-of-pocket costs are a known deterrent to care engagement. KFF has found that over-quarter (27%) of people with HIV who are out-of-care say that at least one barrier to care has been problems with money or insurance and of those who recently missed an antiretroviral dose, nearly 10% say problems were as a barrier. Since HIV care and treatment engagement improves individual health and because viral suppression prevents transmission of HIV to others, monitoring access to services and safety net program capacity moving ahead will be important, as will assessing the potential public health impact, if people with HIV lose access to care and treatment.

Finally, while the potential expiration of tax credits is a looming  major change on the health policy horizon, there are other significant changes coming that could impact care, coverage, and programs for people with HIV. The recent budget reconciliation bill (HR1) makes a range of changes to the health system that will reduce coverage, some impacting the private market but the biggest, reshaping state Medicaid programs, the primary payer for HIV care in the U.S. These changes too could put downward pressure on ADAPs which are already operating on budgets that have remained mostly flat for decades.

Methods and Limitations

Methods: The estimated average income was generated based on income and age date from the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA). Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program AIDS Drug Assistance Program (ADAP) Annual Data Report 2022. Published September 2024 (Updated May 2025). The data is based on 2022 ADAP client enrollment. Age and income data was examined for ADAP clients with premium support and those getting multiple ADAP services (likely including premium support). Age and income data in the HRSA report is presented in ranges with the number of clients in each category. The range midpoints were identified within each category. For age, the estimated average age was calculated based on a weighted average of age midpoints, excluding those over 65, a group likely enrolled in Medicare. The average age used in this analysis was 47. For each income category incomes were calculated based off the range midpoints using the 2025 FPL guidelines from HHS. For the mid-point of each category for incomes above 100% FPL (those currently tax credit eligible), the increased cost of expired tax credits was assessed using the KFF calculator and then weighted based on the number of clients within the category (the weighted average estimated increases for each range are below). This analysis used the “US average”, and was based on a single person family size, representing a national average of second-lowest cost silver page weighted by plan selections. Across all income categories we estimated an average subsidy loss of $1,364. (See Table 1.)

Estimated Subsidy Losses for ADAP Clients with Premium Support or Receiving Multiple ADAP Services if Enhanced Tax Credits Are Not Extended

Limitations: There are several limitations with this estimate: While those over 65 were excluded from the average age estimates, it was not possible to exclude the incomes of those over 65 from the income calculations. It is possible Marketplace enrollees have different demographics from these estimates which include clients receiving any ADAP insurance premium (e.g. some clients receiving ADAP assistance for employer insurance). It is estimated that about 40,000 ADAP clients are enrolled in Marketplace plans (the data above is for about 60,000 clients). In particular, it is possible that these income estimates are high given that those with employer coverage are likely to have higher incomes than those with Marketplace coverage. The estimates also inlcude those receiving “multiple ADAP services” which is thought to inlcude those with premium assistance but could theoretically inlcude others. Averages could also obscure actual changes in costs.  Location of enrollment should not impact costs for most of those under 400% FPL because of the structure of the tax credits. However, the US average used for the location may be imprecise for the 7% of enrollees assisted with premiums over 400% whose costs would vary by location. As noted above, actual costs will vary by client demographics (i.e. age, income, family size and location for those over 400% FPL who would lose the entirety of their tax credit) as well as client plan metal level enrollment. Additional scenarios can be run using the KFF calculator.


  1. Data from Alabama, Montana, and West Virginia were not available. ↩︎
  2. The number of ADAP clients in Marketplace plans in unknown in full or in part in several states, including New York and Texas, states with high HIV prevalence and ADAP enrollment, so this is likely an undercount. ↩︎
  3. This is not specific to QHP enrollees includes any client getting premium support (e.g. it includes those getting assistance for employer plans or other coverage). ↩︎

What to Know About How Medicare Pays Physicians

Published: Oct 7, 2025

Issue Brief

This brief was updated on October 7, 2025 to reflect provisions in the tax and spending bill enacted in July 2025, as well as an overview of proposed changes in the 2026 Medicare Physician Fee Schedule proposed rule issued on July 14, 2025.

More than 67 million people—20% of the U.S. population—receive their health insurance coverage through the federal Medicare program. Among the most commonly used services that Medicare covers are physician services and other outpatient services covered under Medicare Part B. In 2021, 9 out of 10 beneficiaries in traditional Medicare used physician and other Part B medical services. Nearly half of the $1 trillion in gross Medicare benefit spending in 2023 (49% or $493 billion) was spent on Part B services. Medicare Part B spending accounts for 25% of all national spending for physician and clinical services.

Each year, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) updates Medicare payments for physician services and other Part B services through rulemaking, based on parameters established under law. In November 2024, CMS finalized a 2.83% decrease in the physician fee schedule conversion factor, a key aspect of physician payment rates under the Medicare program. This resulted in an average payment cut of 2.93% to physicians and other clinicians, which took effect on January 1, 2025 and remains in effect today. Congress considered but did not enact legislation to reverse the cut in Medicare physician payments in a December 2024 spending bill and in the continuing resolution that funded the government through the end of the 2025 fiscal year. The tax and spending bill enacted in July 2025 provides for a one-time 2.5% increase to physician payment rates from January 1, 2026 through December 31, 2026, but does not retroactively adjust payments to compensate for the 2025 payment cut.

Over the years, physician groups and some policymakers have raised concerns that frequent annual cuts to Medicare physician payment rates could push physicians to opt out of the Medicare program, creating potential access problems for Medicare beneficiaries. While virtually all non-pediatric physicians currently participate in Medicare, these concerns are part of a broader discussion of potential reforms to Medicare physician payments, which have also focused on issues such as the long-standing gap in compensation between primary care and specialty clinicians, the efficacy of quality-based payment incentives under the Quality Payment Program (QPP), and the influence of medical specialty groups and interests through the American Medical Association (AMA)/Specialty Society Relative Value Scale (RVS) Update Committee (RUC), which issues annual recommendations to CMS on relative payment rates at the service level. Notably, Robert Kennedy Jr., the Trump administration’s Secretary for the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), has been critical of the RUC and has expressed ongoing interest in reducing its influence over payment rates.

In July 2025, CMS proposed updates to Medicare physician payments for 2026 as part of its annual rulemaking process. These include proposed adjustments to physician payment rates in 2026, on top of the increase in the tax and spending bill noted above, as well as several other potential changes related to physician fees. Notably, it would modify the methodology used to calculate relative payment rates at the service level, citing concerns about the accuracy and representativeness of survey data provided by the AMA and the RUC, which have historically informed these calculations. The proposed rule also includes measures to promote more flexible coverage of telehealth services, constrain spending on certain high-cost medical supplies, and expand billing options for management of behavioral health conditions in primary care settings. Further, it issues requests for information (RFIs) on several topics, such as strategies to address certain social and lifestyle factors that contribute to chronic disease, and proposes a new Ambulatory Specialty Model (ASM), a value-based payment model for outpatient chronic disease management. While these provisions have not yet been finalized, they provide some insight into the policy priorities of CMS under the Trump administration. The final rule will be issued later in 2025, and its provisions will be incorporated and discussed more fully in future updates to this brief.

This issue brief answers key questions about how Medicare pays physicians and other clinicians, and reviews policy options under discussion to reform this payment system. The brief is focused primarily on the physician payment system used in traditional Medicare. Medicare Advantage plans have flexibility to pay providers differently and currently there is no systematic publicly-available information on how much Medicare Advantage plans pay providers. (See Appendix for a glossary of relevant programs, legislation, and terms.)

1. What is the Medicare Physician Fee Schedule?

Medicare reimburses physicians and other clinicians based on the physician fee schedule, which assigns payment rates for more than 10,000 health care services, such as office visits, diagnostic procedures, or surgical procedures. For services provided to traditional Medicare beneficiaries, Medicare typically pays the provider 80% of the fee schedule amount, while the beneficiary is responsible for a coinsurance of 20%. Physicians who participate in Medicare agree to accept this arrangement as payment in full (known as accepting “assignment”) for all Medicare covered services. Non-participating physicians receive 5% lower Medicare payments, but may accept “assignment” on a claim-by-claim basis and may choose to bill beneficiaries for larger amounts by charging additional coinsurance, up to 15% more than the Medicare-approved amount for the cost of a covered service. A third group of physicians opt out of the Medicare program altogether, and instead enter into private contracts with their Medicare patients, are not limited to charging fee schedule amounts, and do not receive any reimbursement from Medicare. Just one percent of all non-pediatric physicians opted out of the Medicare program in 2024.

Physician fee schedule rates for a given service are based on a weighted sum of three components: (1) clinician work, (2) practice expenses, and (3) professional liability insurance (also known as medical malpractice insurance). These three components are measured in terms of “relative value units” (RVUs). Together these three components represent the overall cost and effort associated with a given service, with more costly or time-intensive services receiving a higher weighted sum. Each component is adjusted to account for geographic differences in input costs, and the result is multiplied by the fee schedule conversion factor (an annually adjusted scaling factor that converts numerical RVUs into payment amounts in dollars). Fee schedule services are each associated with a unique service code, which allows clinicians to seek reimbursement for the care they provide on a service-by-service basis.

Payment rates specified under the physician fee schedule establish a baseline amount that Medicare will pay for a given service, but payments may be adjusted based on other factors, such as the site of service, the type of clinician providing the service, and whether the service was provided in a designated health professional shortage area. Physicians can also receive quality-based payment adjustments under the Quality Payment Program (QPP) (see question 7).

2. How Does Medicare Update Physician Payment Rates?

Annual updates to the physician fee schedule include statutorily-required updates to the conversion factor under the Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthorization Act of 2015 (MACRA) (see question 6), as well as other adjustments to reflect the addition of new services, changes in input costs for existing services, and other factors. Included in these adjustments are periodic changes to the RVUs assigned to fee schedule service codes, based in part on the recommendations of a multispecialty committee of physicians and other professionals, known as the AMA/Specialty Society RVS Update Committee (RUC) (see question 3).

Under current law, the projected cost of all changes to the physician fee schedule must be budget neutral. That is, the changes may not raise total Medicare spending by more than $20 million in a given year. This requirement was established by the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1989 to address concerns that constraints on physician fees for specific services would lead to increases in service volume and growth in Medicare spending for physician services over time. The law requires CMS to adjust fee schedule spending when projected costs exceed the $20 million threshold, typically by decreasing the conversion factor relative to the statutory update called for by MACRA.

3. What is the Role of the RUC in Determining Physician Payment Rates?

The AMA/Specialty Society RVS Update Committee (RUC) is a volunteer committee of physicians and other professionals, formed by the American Medical Association (AMA) in 1991 to advise CMS on the relative weighting of service codes under the physician fee schedule, the primary mechanism used by CMS to set relative payments for physician and clinical services. The RUC is an independent body and its operations are not directly overseen by Congress or CMS. Further, because the RUC is not an official federal advisory committee, it is not bound by federal standards around transparency, membership balance, and other operating requirements applied to many similar committees. The RUC includes representatives from the AMA and other professional organizations, as well as members appointed by a range of national medical specialty societies.

Each year, CMS identifies potentially misvalued services for RUC review based on statutory criteria and public nomination. Potentially misvalued services may also be identified by the RUC itself, while new or recently revised service codes are identified by a separate AMA panel, known as the Current Procedural Terminology (CPT) Editorial Panel. The RUC then consults with various medical specialty societies, who decide which services they wish to review and develop recommendations on the clinician work, practice expenses, and other factors associated with payment for each service. A final list of recommendations for reviewed services is compiled by the RUC based on a committee vote and referred to CMS.

CMS is not required to adopt recommendations issued by the RUC, but it does so in a majority of cases. The AMA reports an average annual acceptance rate of 90% from 1993 to 2025. Over the years, MedPAC and others have raised concerns about the influence of the RUC, which is largely composed of specialty physicians with a financial stake in the recommendations they are producing, and noted several methodological issues with the data used to develop RUC recommendations (see question 8). MedPAC has called for CMS to develop internal processes to validate RUC recommendations by independent means. More recently, HHS Secretary Kennedy has raised concerns about the lack of transparency and relative lack of oversight of RUC operations by CMS, as well as the influence of the AMA in setting payment rates for physicians, which has brought renewed attention to the issue (see question 9).

4. How Have Physician Payment Rates Changed in 2025?

CMS recently finalized payment changes for 2025, which include a 2.83% decrease to the physician fee schedule conversion factor relative to 2024. This decrease reflects the following adjustments: (1) the expiration of temporary funds approved by Congress under the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2024, which increased payments by 2.93% for all fee schedule services furnished between March 9, 2024 and December 31, 2024, (2) a 0% statutory increase for 2025 under the Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthorization Act of 2015 (MACRA), and (3) a modest 0.02% budget neutrality adjustment. The combined impact of these adjustments is a 2.93% decrease in average payments to physicians and other clinicians, which went into effect on January 1, 2025. 

As of March 2025, Congress has not passed legislation to address this payment cut. A provision to reduce (though not fully eliminate) the cut was included in an early version of the year-end Continuing Resolution (CR) filed in December 2024, similar to the temporary payment adjustments instituted by Congress in prior years, but was removed from the version signed into law. Congress also considered, but did not include, legislation in the subsequent CR enacted in March 2025, but some policymakers continue to push for a fix, which is reportedly under consideration for inclusion in an upcoming budget reconciliation bill. 

Recent changes to the physician fee schedule also include several measures designed to improve health care access and increase support for preventive services, behavioral health, and management of chronic disease. These measures are part of an ongoing effort by CMS and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to strengthen primary and preventive care and address long-standing concerns about the gap in compensation between primary and specialty care physicians (see question 8). The final payment rule for 2025 introduces the following key changes: 

  • CMS has added new billing codes to the physician fee schedule intended to streamline payment for advanced primary care management. This change bundles several existing services related to care management, interprofessional consultation, and other care components into single codes, stratified by patient medical and social complexity, which may be billed on a monthly basis.
  • CMS has added new billing codes related to caregiver training for direct care services and supports, allowing clinicians to bill for time spent training caregivers on specific clinical skills such as techniques to prevent ulcer formation, wound dressing changes, and infection control, and has expanded existing billing options for trainings dedicated to caregiver behavior management and modification.
  • CMS has finalized several provisions aimed at improving beneficiary access to telehealth, such as broader coverage of audio-only services and increased flexibility in the use of telehealth for treatment of opioid use disorder (OUD). Safety planning interventions and PrEP counseling have been added to the Medicare Telehealth Services list on a permanent basis, and caregiver training services have been added on a provisional basis.
  • Many other telehealth restrictions that were in place prior to the COVID-19 pandemic have recently come back into effect, following the expiration of Medicare’s expanded telehealth coverage pursuant to the government shutdown that began on October 1, 2025. These include restrictions limiting telehealth coverage to beneficiaries in rural areas, and requiring beneficiaries to travel to an approved site, such a clinic or doctor’s office, when receiving telehealth services. However, CMS has extended certain limited flexibilities under its authority through December 2025, such as provisions that allow Rural Health Centers (RHCs) and Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs) to serve as distant site providers for all covered telehealth services, and allow providers to use their currently enrolled practice location in place of their home address when providing telehealth services from home.
  • CMS has also added new billing codes for a range of other primary and behavioral health services, such as cardiovascular risk assessment and care management, use of digital mental health treatment devices, and safety planning interventions for patients at risk of suicide or overdose, among others.
  • CMS has finalized several updates to the Quality Payment Program (QPP) to improve the accuracy of quality reporting and reduce administrative burden for providers participating in the Merit-based Incentive Payment System (MIPS). (For a more detailed description of the QPP and MIPS, see question 7).

The new rules also include updates to the Medicare Shared Savings Program (MSSP), a permanent accountable care organization (ACO) program in traditional Medicare that offers financial incentives to providers for meeting savings targets and quality goals, as well as other changes related to payment for preventive vaccine administration, opioid treatment programs, evaluation and management of infectious diseases in hospital inpatient or observation settings, and a variety of other health services. 

6. How Have Medicare Payments to Physicians Changed Since the Implementation of MACRA?

Medicare has revised its system of payment for physician services numerous times over the years (Figure 1). The current payment system was established under the Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthorization Act of 2015 (MACRA) and includes two primary components: (1) a schedule for annual, statutorily-defined updates to the conversion factor, a key determinant of payment rates under the physician fee schedule, and (2) a new system of bonus payments and quality-based payment adjustments under Quality Payment Program (QPP) (see question 7).

The physician payment system established by MACRA was intended to stabilize fluctuations in payment caused by the prior system under the Medicare Sustainable Growth Rate (SGR) formula, which set annual targets for Medicare physician spending based on growth in the gross domestic product (GDP). Under the SGR, if physician spending exceeded its target in a given year, payment rates would be cut the following year, while spending that was below the target led to increased rates. As with the current system, rates were subject to further adjustment for budget neutrality if the projected cost of all fee schedule spending was projected to increase by more than $20 million for the year.

The SGR was established by the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 to slow the growth in Medicare spending for physician services, but the formula garnered criticism, as growth in service volume and rising costs led to several years of spending on physician services that exceeded the growth target, necessitating payment cuts from 2002 onward. Between 2002 and 2015, Congress enacted 17 short-term interventions (so-called “doc-fixes”) to delay the cuts and provide temporary increases to physician payments, but did so without repealing the SGR, which resulted in accumulated deficits over time.

MACRA permanently eliminated the SGR formula, preventing a 21.2% cut in physician fees slated for 2015 and replacing it with 0% statutory increases to the conversion factor through 2025 (later raised to 0.5% from 2016-2019), followed by modest annual increases from 2026 onward. These updates are set by MACRA and do not vary based on underlying economic conditions. However, subsequent adjustments to preserve budget neutrality and supplemental payments provided by Congress may result in conversion factor updates that are higher or lower than the statutorily-required update in a given year.

Although MACRA has stabilized payments under the physician fee schedule to some degree relative to the years leading up to its enactment, rates have continued to fluctuate over the last decade. Due to strict budget neutrality requirements, CMS has limited flexibility to adjust payment rates for new or undervalued services without offsetting the costs elsewhere in the fee schedule. This often takes the form of budget neutrality adjustments to the conversion factor, such as a -10.20% adjustment in 2021 and a -2.18% adjustment in 2024. Since 2021, Congress has provided several short-term increases to fee schedule rates to boost payment during the COVID-19 pandemic and to offset budget-neutrality cuts, including a one-time 2.5% increase recently enacted for 2026.

7. How Does the Quality Payment Program (QPP) Factor Into Physician Payments?

The Quality Payment Program (QPP), which launched in 2017, was established by the Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthorization Act of 2015 (MACRA) to create financial incentives for health care providers to control costs and improve care quality. The QPP includes two distinct pathways for participation: (1) incentive payments for participants in qualified advanced alternative payment models (A-APMs) and (2) performance based payment adjustments under the Merit-based Incentive Payment System (MIPS).

A-APM Incentive Payments: Physicians and other clinicians who participate in qualified A-APMs, such as select accountable care organizations (ACOs) and others, are eligible for bonus payments if they meet certain participation thresholds. A-APMs are a type of value-based care model in which the provider bears some financial risk for the costs of care in a defined setting, such as treatment of a specific condition or primary care services for a group of beneficiaries, typically by sharing in a portion of financial savings and losses relative to a benchmark. Incentive payments to increase participation in A-APMs are part of a broader goal by CMS to have all traditional Medicare beneficiaries in some type of accountable care relationship by 2030.

Each year, A-APM clinicians qualify for bonus payments based on their participation during the Qualifying APM Participant Performance Period (January 1 – August 31) two years prior. Under MACRA, qualifying A-APM clinicians received a 5% bonus in payment years 2019 through 2024 (performance periods 2017 – 2022). Congress subsequently extended these bonus payments to include a 3.5% bonus in 2025 and a 1.88% bonus in 2026. A-APM bonus payments are scheduled to be phased out in favor of annual 0.75% increases to the conversion factor for qualifying A-APM clinicians (relative to smaller 0.25% increases for all other clinicians). These conversion factor updates will begin in 2026, and A-APM bonus payments will be fully retired in 2027.

Roughly 386,000 clinicians qualified for A-APM bonuses in 2024, based on the 2022 performance period, a nearly fourfold increase from 99,000 in 2019, the first year A-APM bonuses were available. At the same time, A-APMs are not evenly distributed throughout the country, and participation among non-physician providers and certain physician specialties remains relatively low, suggesting that additional strategies may be needed to encourage wider adoption of these models. Further, MedPAC and others have noted that the scheduled conversion factor updates for qualifying A-APM clinicians will be relatively small in the first few years after A-APM bonuses are retired, though their effects will compound over time, and have cautioned that additional incentives may be needed to prevent attrition in A-APM participation during this transition.

Merit-based Incentive Payment System (MIPS): Clinicians who do not participate in A-APMs, or do not meet the participation criteria for A-APM bonus payments, are subject to additional reporting requirements under MIPS, which adjusts payments up or down depending on a clinician’s performance on certain quality metrics. As with A-APM bonuses, payment adjustments under MIPS are based on performance two years prior. Clinicians are required to participate in MIPS if they are eligible, but many are exempt, such as those in certain specialties (e.g., podiatrists), those in their first year of Medicare participation, and those who serve a low volume of Medicare patients.

Payment adjustments under MIPS are required to be budget neutral. Adjustments are capped each year (between +9% and -9% in 2025), and savings generated from clinicians who incur negative adjustments are used to fund positive adjustments for those who qualify. Because a relatively small share of clinicians have incurred negative adjustments each year since MIPS was implemented, positive adjustments have generally been much lower than the annual cap. In 2023 for instance, roughly 600,000 clinicians received positive adjustments up to +2.34%, based on the 2021 performance year, while just 23,000 clinicians received negative adjustments down to -9%. MedPAC estimates that another 460,000 clinicians were ineligible for either an A-APM bonus or MIPS adjustment due to low Medicare patient volume or other exemption criteria.

Clinicians who participate in MIPS have traditionally selected from a large set of quality measures and other clinical metrics to report on each year. While this structure was intended to give clinicians flexibility to choose the metrics best suited to their practice, it has also been criticized by physician groups and experts for increasing the reporting burden on participants, and for making comparisons between participants less clinically meaningful and more difficult to assess. In an effort to address these concerns, CMS has introduced several more streamlined reporting options. The newest of these allows clinicians to choose from smaller, bundled subsets of reporting metrics tailored to particular specialties or medical conditions, known as MIPS Value Pathways (MVPs).

MVPs were introduced in 2023 as an optional alternative to reporting under traditional MIPS, and included a preliminary set of reporting pathways aimed at specific clinical contexts, such as primary care, treatment of heart disease, and supportive care for neurodegenerative conditions. CMS has added new MVPs each year since the option was introduced, including 6 in 2025, with the eventual goal of replacing all reporting under traditional MIPS with MVPs in future years. The purpose of this shift is to reduce administrative burden by offering providers smaller, more targeted sets of reporting metrics to choose from, as well as to allow for more clinically meaningful assessments by comparing outcomes among similar clinicians who choose to report under the same MVP. 

8. What Concerns Have Been Raised About the Physician Fee Schedule?

Criticism of the physician fee schedule has focused on four primary concerns about the way in which Medicare pays physicians and other clinicians. These include: (1) the overall adequacy of Medicare payments to cover medical practice costs and incentivize participation in the Medicare program, (2) the gap in compensation between primary and specialty care clinicians, (3) the influence of the AMA/RVS Update Committee (RUC) and medical specialty groups in determining relative payment rates for fee schedule services, and (4) the success of the Quality Payment Program (QPP) in achieving its goal of incentivizing quality improvements and cost-efficient spending.

Payment Adequacy: Over the years, physician groups and some policymakers have expressed concern that payment rates under the physician fee schedule have not kept pace with inflation in medical practice costs. Practice expenses are one component of the relative-value calculation used to determine payment rates for fee schedule services, but the requirement to preserve budget neutrality makes it difficult for CMS to increase payment for some services without also decreasing payment in other areas, such as by lowering the fee schedule conversion factor (see question 6). Statutory increases to the conversion factor under MACRA are not scheduled to begin until 2026, and do not vary based on underlying economic conditions, which may make it more challenging for some physicians to adapt to changing financial demands.

Core to these concerns is the possibility that loss of revenues could lead some physicians to opt out of the Medicare program, which could create access issues for Medicare beneficiaries. National surveys and other analyses have generally found that beneficiaries report access to physician services that is equal to, or better than, that of privately-insured individuals, with similar or smaller shares reporting delays in needed care or difficulty finding a physician who takes their insurance. A recent KFF analysis found that just 1% of all non-pediatric physicians had opted out of Medicare in 2024, suggesting that the current fee structure has not substantially discouraged participation. Moreover, MedPAC estimates that virtually all Medicare claims (99.7% in 2023) are accepted on “assignment” and paid at the standard rate (see question 1), with beneficiaries in traditional Medicare facing no more than the standard 20% coinsurance rate. At the same time, analyses by KFF and others have found that physicians in some specialties, such as psychiatry, opt out of Medicare at higher rates, which may impact access to these services over time.

Loss of revenue may also lead some physician practices to merge with (or be acquired by) larger health systems or hospitals, a process known as “vertical consolidation.” Vertical consolidation may offer certain benefits to physicians, such as greater economy of scale for practice expenses, lower administrative burden, and access to costly resources such as medical imaging equipment, and may be attractive to physicians who are otherwise struggling to meet their practice costs. While consolidation may be associated with some benefits to patients as well, such as improvements in care integration and coordination between providers, it may also lead to higher out-of-pocket costs and lower care quality by reducing market competition. Further, Medicare generally pays more for a given service provided in a hospital outpatient department than it does for the same service provided in a freestanding physician office, which can lead to increased costs for beneficiaries and higher program spending over time. Policymakers are currently exploring options to align Medicare reimbursement rates between these settings, known as “site-neutral payment reforms.” 

Primary Care Compensation: A second concern with the current payment system is that Medicare does not adequately pay for primary care services, as reflected by the gap in Medicare payments between primary and specialty care clinicians. Payments under the physician fee schedule are generally higher for clinical procedures, such as surgeries and diagnostic tests, than for non-procedural services, such as preventive care provided during an office visit. While many clinicians provide a mixture of procedural and non-procedural services, primary care clinicians often dedicate a larger share of their time to non-procedural care. Further, MedPAC has expressed concern that this imbalance encourages clinicians of all specialties to increase their use of more costly and profitable services, such as unnecessary imaging, screenings, and diagnostic tests, at the expense of high-value, but less profitable, services, such as patient education, preventive care, and coordination across care teams, which can impact the quality of patient care and lead to higher physician spending over time.

MedPAC notes that clinical procedures often see gains in efficiency due to technological improvements and other factors, which reduce the time and effort needed to provide them. If fee schedule rates are not adjusted to reflect these improvements, these services may become overvalued over time. By contrast, non-procedural services often involve more fixed time constraints, such as time spent communicating with patients or coordinating with other providers, and are unlikely to see similar gains, contributing to the gap in compensation between these service types.  

Due to budget neutrality requirements, efforts to directly increase payment for non-procedural services under the physician fee schedule in order to boost payments for primary care have often necessitated across-the-board payment cuts in the form of decreases to the fee schedule conversion factor (see question 6). Further, physicians may offset any expected reductions in revenue by increasing service volume over time, or by increasing their use of higher intensity, and more highly compensated, service codes, leaving the gap in payment rates relatively constant. These constraints make it difficult for CMS to meaningfully address differences in payment between primary and specialty care, and have led some policymakers to voice concerns that the current budget neutrality requirements are too rigid.

Role of the RUC: The American Medical Association (AMA) and the RUC play a substantial role in annual decision-making around the relative weighting of service codes under the physician fee schedule, the primary mechanism used by CMS to set relative payment rates for physician and clinical services (see question 3). While CMS is not required to adopt recommendations issued by the RUC, it does so in a majority of cases. MedPAC has raised several methodological concerns with the data used by the RUC to develop its annual reports, which are largely based on recommendations from medical specialty societies. These include a lack of transparency, as well as low response rates and total responses on the various member surveys that inform medical specialty society recommendations, which make it difficult for CMS to validate RUC recommendations by other means.

Other concerns raised about the RUC include the overrepresentation of specialty physicians on the committee, and the potential for conflicts of interest when RUC members recommend changes to relative payments for primary and specialty care services. In contrast to federal advisory committees, which are typically formed by Congress, the office of the President, or executive branch agencies, the RUC is an independent committee overseen by the AMA. For this reason, it is not held to the same operating requirements as many other similar committees, which adhere to certain criteria around transparency and membership balance. The Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), Robert F. Kennedy Jr., has echoed many of these concerns in recent months, and has called for bringing greater transparency to the operations of the RUC (see question 3), as well as exploring options for reducing the role the RUC plays in annual decision-making around physician payments.

To ensure that fee schedule services are not overvalued, MedPAC has recommended that CMS develop internal processes for validating RUC recommendations, such as by collecting data from clinical practices on the number of clinician hours dedicated to commonly-billed services. Pilot studies commissioned by CMS and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) have attempted to validate the clinician time component of small subsets of fee schedule services using methods such as analysis of electronic health records, direct observation of clinical procedures, and independently-collected physician surveys. These projects may serve as a blueprint for future work, though implementing these and similar methods on a large scale would likely require significant time and staff investment.

Role of the QPP: QPP programs such as the Merit-based Incentive Payment System (MIPS) and bonus payments for Advanced Alternative Payment Model (A-APM) clinicians are designed to create incentives for quality improvement, care coordination, and the provision of high-value services (see question 7). While the share of clinicians who qualify for A-APM bonuses has more than tripled since the QPP began (from roughly 99,000 to 386,000 in the 2017 and 2022 performance periods, respectively), some policymakers have argued that greater incentives are needed to encourage providers to take on the financial risks and high startup costs associated with these models, particularly as A-APM bonus payments are phased out in favor of relatively smaller conversion factor adjustments in the coming years.

Additionally, MedPAC has voiced concern that MIPS, the quality-based payment program for clinicians who do not participate in A-APMs, imposes too large of a reporting burden on those who participate, while at the same time offering relatively weak incentives to improve quality and control costs. As noted earlier, a large share of clinicians are exempt from the program, and because few participants receive negative adjustments, positive adjustments are relatively modest. The administrative burdens associated with MIPS may be partially addressed by the shift towards MIPS Value Pathways (MVPs) in place of traditional quality reporting, and further assessment of this option will likely take shape as the program is phased in.

9. What Policy Proposals Have Been Put Forward to Address Concerns with Medicare’s Current Physician Payment System?

In addition to recent legislation that provides a temporary 2.5% increase to physician payment rates in 2026, policymakers and others have put forward a number of strategies to revise the current Medicare physician payment system. These include measures to stabilize physician fee schedule payments from year to year, provide additional support to primary care and safety-net providers, and create stronger incentives for efficient spending, care coordination, and participation in Advanced Alternative Payment Models (A-APMs).

In 2025, MedPAC recommended a one-time inflation-based increase to physician payment rates in 2026 (equal to the projected increase in the Medicare Economic Index minus one percentage point), similar to recommendations from past years. While MedPAC has weighed the possibility of recommending annual updates for inflation, it has not done so to date, focusing instead on targeted strategies to bolster payments to primary care clinicians and safety-net providers. For instance, in light of findings that clinicians often receive lower revenue for treating low-income Medicare beneficiaries, MedPAC has recommended raising payment in these instances by 15% for claims billed by primary care clinicians and 5% for claims billed by non-primary care clinicians, to encourage clinicians to treat these populations.

MedPAC has voiced support for the goals behind the Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthorization Act of 2015 (MACRA) and the Quality Payment Program (QPP), including the financial incentives offered to A-APM participants under current law (see question 7), while also recommending changes to the design of the QPP, including the elimination of the Merit-based Incentive Payment System (MIPS). MedPAC has noted that the ongoing shift from traditional MIPS to MIPS Value Pathways (MVPs) addresses some concerns related to administrative complexity and participant comparisons, but a large share of clinicians remain exempt from MIPS reporting and incentive payments have generally remained relatively small (see question 8). In place of MIPS, MedPAC has recommended establishing a voluntary program designed to mimic the structure of A-APMs and other alternative payment models, allowing clinicians to transition into these models more gradually.

Several bills introduced in the last Congress indicate interest in strategies such raising or modifying the budget neutrality threshold, or offering separate conversion factor updates for primary and specialty care services, which would allow CMS greater flexibility to adjust payment rates to reflect evolving policy priorities without necessitating a mandatory payment cut. The Senate Finance Committee has held several hearings on physician fee schedule reform, and released a whitepaper in 2024 outlining a range of options to stabilize conversion factor updates from year to year, extend access to telehealth, and incentivize continued participation in A-APMs, among other reforms.

More recently, CMS has proposed rulemaking changes for physician payments in 2026, which include potential adjustments to the relative value calculations used to inform payment rates for fee schedule services. In particular, CMS has proposed to supplement data and recommendations from the AMA and the RUC with data from additional sources, such as the Medicare Hospital Outpatient Prospective Payment System and the Medicare Economic Index productivity adjustment, when calculating certain aspects of physician work and practice expense RVUs. While these changes have not yet been finalized, they are in keeping with goals voiced by HHS Secretary Robert Kennedy Jr. to promote independence from the RUC, and suggest that CMS has an interest in developing strategies for internal code review.

A decade after the passage of MACRA, Congress’s last major overhaul of how Medicare pays physicians, interest in broader reforms to Medicare’s physician payment system, is gaining steam. Designing payment approaches that address concerns raised by interested parties to compensate physicians adequately while restraining spending growth represents a challenge for policymakers.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Appendix

Glossary of Relevant Terms

State and Federal Reproductive Rights and Abortion Litigation Tracker

Last updated on

The Supreme Court’s Dobbs ruling, overturning Roe v. Wade, returned the decision to restrict or protect abortion to states. In many states, abortion providers and advocates are challenging state abortion bans contending that the bans violate the state constitution or another state law. The state litigation tracker presents up-to-date information on the ongoing litigation challenging state abortion policy.

In addition, since the Dobbs decision, new questions have arisen regarding the intersection of federal and state authority when it impacts access to abortion and contraception. Litigation has been brought in federal court to resolve some of these questions. The federal litigation tracker presents up-to-date information on the litigation in federal courts that involves access to contraception and abortion.

Litigation Involving Reproductive Health and Rights in the Federal Courts, as of February 15, 2023

A Current Snapshot of the Medicare Part D Prescription Drug Benefit

Published: Oct 7, 2025

Medicare Part D is a voluntary outpatient prescription drug benefit for people with Medicare provided through private plans that contract with the federal government. Beneficiaries can choose to enroll in either a stand-alone prescription drug plan (PDP) to supplement traditional Medicare or a Medicare Advantage drug plan (MA-PD) that includes drug coverage and all other Medicare-covered benefits. This brief provides an overview of the Medicare Part D program, plan availability, enrollment, and spending and financing, based on KFF analysis of data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) and other sources. It also provides an overview of changes to the Part D benefit based on provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act. (A separate KFF analysis provides more detail about Part D plan availability, premiums, and cost sharing.)

Takeaways

  • In 2026, beneficiaries in each state will have a choice of between 8 and 12 Medicare Part D stand-alone prescription drug plans, plus many Medicare Advantage drug plans. A total of 360 PDPs will be offered by 17 different parent organizations across the 34 PDP regions nationwide (excluding 7 PDPs in the territories), a 22% decrease in PDPs from 2025 and 2 fewer parent organizations.
  • Roughly the same number of PDPs will be available for enrollment of Part D Low-Income Subsidy (LIS) beneficiaries for no premium (“benchmark” plans) in 2026, varying from 1 to 4 PDPs across states. A total of 88 PDPs will be benchmark plans in 2026, 2 fewer than in 2025.
  • Several changes to the Medicare Part D benefit under the Inflation Reduction Act have taken effect, including a cap on out-of-pocket drug spending, which will be set at $2,100 in 2026; an increase in the share of drug costs above the cap paid for by Part D plans and drug manufacturers; and a reduction in Medicare’s share of these costs.
  • In 2025, 54.8 million of the 68.8 million Medicare beneficiaries in total are enrolled in Medicare Part D plans, including employer-only group plans; among Part D enrollees, 58% are enrolled in MA-PDs and 42% are enrolled in stand-alone PDPs. As of May 2025, 13.9 million Part D enrollees receive premium and cost-sharing assistance through the LIS program.
  • Medicare’s actuaries estimate that spending on Part D benefits (net of premiums paid by enrollees) will total $140 billion in 2026, representing 11% of total spending on all Medicare-covered benefits. Funding for Part D comes from federal government contributions (75%), beneficiary premiums (13%), and state contributions (12%).
  • Medicare’s payments to Part D plans to subsidize the cost of basic Part D benefits per enrollee are projected to account for roughly three-fourths of Medicare’s total reimbursement per enrollee in 2026, while reinsurance payments (to subsidize a portion of drug spending for enrollees with high drug costs) will equal one-fourth. This is a reversal from 2024, when reinsurance accounted for three-fourths of total reimbursement per enrollee. This change reflects the increased generosity of the standard Part D benefit with the addition of an out-of-pocket spending cap in 2025, along with the reduction in Medicare’s liability for catastrophic drug costs from 80% in 2024 to 20% for brands and 40% for generics in 2025. Part D plans and drug manufacturers now bear greater responsibility for catastrophic coverage costs.

Medicare Prescription Drug Plan Availability in 2026

In 2026, a total of 360 PDPs will be offered by 17 different parent organizations across the 34 PDP regions nationwide (excluding the territories), a 22% decrease in PDPs from 2025 (and nearly half as many as in 2024) and 2 fewer parent organizations (Figure 1). While the availability of stand-alone PDPs has been trending downward over time, the availability of Medicare Advantage drug plans has expanded in recent years, and more people in Medicare are now getting Part D drug coverage through Medicare Advantage plans.

A Total of 360 Medicare Part D Stand-Alone Prescription Drug Plans Will Be Offered Across All 34 PDP Regions in 2026, a 22% Decrease From 2025

Despite a reduction in the number of PDPs overall, beneficiaries in each state will have a choice of between 8 and 12 stand-alone PDPs offered by between 4 and 6 parent organizations in each state (Figure 2, Appendix Figure 1). In addition, beneficiaries will be able to choose from among many MA-PDs available at the county level.

The Number of Medicare Part D Stand-Alone Prescription Drug Plans in 2026 Ranges Across States from 8 to 12

Low-Income Subsidy Plan Availability in 2026

Beneficiaries with low incomes and modest assets are eligible for assistance (“extra help”) with Part D plan premiums and cost sharing. Through the Part D Low-Income Subsidy (LIS) program, additional premium and cost-sharing assistance is available for Part D enrollees with low incomes (less than 150% of poverty, or $23,475 for individuals/$31,725 for married couples in 2025) and modest assets (up to $17,600 for individuals/$35,1300 for couples in 2025). People who qualify for the LIS program pay modest copayments for prescription drugs, no drug deductible, and no premium for drug coverage in premium-free “benchmark” plans.

In 2026, roughly the same number of plans will be available for enrollment of LIS beneficiaries for no premium (benchmark plans) compared to 2025 – 88 plans (2 fewer than in 2025), but the lowest number of benchmark plans available since Part D started (Figure 3). Overall, one quarter (24%) of PDPs in 2026 are benchmark plans.

In 2026, 88 Medicare Part D Stand-Alone Drug Plans Will Be Available Without a Premium to Enrollees Receiving the Low-Income Subsidy (“Benchmark” Plans) Across the 34 PDP Regions, Only 2 Fewer Than in 2025

At the PDP region level, the number of PDP choices overall remains more robust than the number of premium-free benchmark PDPs. In 2026, the number of premium-free PDPs ranges across states from 1 plan in 2 states (Florida and Texas) to 4 plans in 15 states (Figure 4, Appendix Figure 1). LIS enrollees can select any plan offered in their area, but if they are enrolled in a non-benchmark plan, they may be required to pay some portion of their plan’s monthly premium.

The Number of Medicare Part D Benchmark Plans in 2026 Ranges Across States from 1 to 4

Changes to Part D Under the Inflation Reduction Act

The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 contained several provisions to lower prescription drug spending by Medicare and beneficiaries, including major changes to the Medicare Part D program, which started to take effect in 2023. These changes were designed to address several concerns, including the lack of a hard cap on out-of-pocket spending for Part D enrollees; the inability of the federal government to negotiate drug prices with manufacturers; a significant increase in Medicare “reinsurance” spending for Part D enrollees with high drug costs; prices for many Part D covered drugs rising faster than the rate of inflation; and the relatively weak financial incentives faced by Part D plan sponsors to control high drug costs. Provisions in the law include:

  • Limiting the price of insulin products to no more than $35 per month in all Part D plans and makes adult vaccines covered under Part D available for free, as of 2023.
  • Requiring drug manufacturers to pay a rebate to the federal government if prices for drugs covered under Part D and Part B increase faster than the rate of inflation, with the initial period for measuring Part D drug price increases running from October 2022-September 2023.
  • Expanding eligibility for full benefits under the Part D Low-Income Subsidy program in 2024.
  • Adding a hard cap on out-of-pocket drug spending under Part D by eliminating the 5% coinsurance requirement for catastrophic coverage in 2024 and capping out-of-pocket spending at $2,000 in 2025 (increasing to $2,100 in 2026).
  • Shifting more of the responsibility for catastrophic coverage costs to Part D plans and drug manufacturers, starting in 2025.
  • Authorizing the Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services to negotiate the price of some drugs covered under Medicare, with negotiated prices first available for 10 Part D drugs in 2026.

Part D Plan Premiums and Benefits in 2026

Premiums

The 2026 Part D base beneficiary premium – which is based on bids submitted by both PDPs and MA-PDs and is not weighted by enrollment – is $38.99, a 6% increase from 2025. Annual growth in the base beneficiary premium is capped at 6% due to a provision in the Inflation Reduction Act. Because the base premium is an average across both types of plans and reflects the cost of basic benefits only, this amount does not equal what a Part D enrollee will pay for coverage in any given Part D plan.

Because the monthly amount that Part D enrollees pay for individual Part D plans is different from the base beneficiary premium, enrollees may see their premium increase by more or less than 6%, or even decrease, if they stay in the same plan for 2026. A Part D premium stabilization demonstration for PDPs is also helping to moderate premium increases that Part D enrollees might otherwise have faced in 2026, as insurers continue to adjust to higher costs associated with the new out-of-pocket spending cap and increased liability for drug costs above the cap. The Part D premium demonstration was established in 2024 by the Biden administration ahead of the major redesign of the Part D benefit that took effect in 2025. For the first year of the demonstration, the federal government provided participating PDPs with an across-the-board monthly premium subsidy of up to $15 and limited the monthly premium increase for 2025 to $35, along with a narrowing of the risk corridors to mitigate the risk of losses for participating PDPs. For 2026, the Trump administration reduced the monthly premium subsidy from $15 to $10, raised the limit on the PDP monthly premium increase to $50, and eliminated the risk corridor component of the demonstration.

Actual monthly premiums paid by Part D enrollees in stand-alone PDPs in 2026 will vary considerably, ranging from $0 to $100 or more in most regions. In addition to the monthly premium, Part D enrollees with higher incomes ($106,000/individual; $212,000/couple) pay an income-related premium surcharge, ranging from $13.70 to $85.80 per month in 2025 (depending on income).

Most MA-PD enrollees pay no premium beyond the monthly Part B premium (although high-income MA enrollees are required to pay a premium surcharge). MA-PD sponsors can use rebate dollars from Medicare payments to lower or eliminate their Part D premiums, so the average premium for drug coverage in MA-PDs is heavily weighted by zero-premium plans. In 2025, the enrollment-weighted average monthly portion of the premium for drug coverage in MA-PDs is substantially lower than the average monthly PDP premium ($7 versus $39).

Benefits

The Part D defined standard benefit changed substantially in 2025 and now includes a cap on out-of-pocket drug spending. The benefit has three phases, including a deductible, an initial coverage phase, and catastrophic coverage. For 2026, under the standard benefit, Part D enrollees will pay a deductible of $615 (up from $590 in 2024), and will then pay 25% of their drug costs in the initial coverage phase until their out-of-pocket spending totals $2,100 (Figure 5). At that point, they qualify for catastrophic coverage and pay no additional out-of-pocket costs.

In 2026, the Medicare Part D Standard Benefit Includes a $615 Deductible and a $2,100 Cap on Out-of-Pocket Drug Spending

Part D plans must offer either the defined standard benefit or an alternative equal in value (“actuarially equivalent”) and can also provide enhanced benefits. Both basic and enhanced benefit plans vary in terms of their specific benefit design, coverage, and costs, including deductibles, cost-sharing amounts, utilization management tools (i.e., prior authorization, quantity limits, and step therapy), and which drugs are covered on their formularies. Plan formularies must include drug classes covering all disease states, and a minimum of two chemically distinct drugs in each class. Part D plans are required to cover all drugs in six “protected” classes: immunosuppressants, antidepressants, antipsychotics, anticonvulsants, antiretrovirals, and antineoplastics.

Part D plans are also required to cover all drugs that have been selected for Medicare drug price negotiation, including all dosage forms and strengths. CMS will use the annual formulary review process to ensure that all Part D plans cover all dosages and formulations of selected drugs. Negotiated prices for the first 10 drugs that were selected for negotiation will take effect for Medicare beneficiaries on January 1, 2026.

Part D and Low-Income Subsidy Enrollment in PDPs and MA-PDs

Enrollment in Medicare Part D plans is voluntary, except for beneficiaries who are eligible for both Medicare and Medicaid and certain other low-income beneficiaries who are automatically enrolled in a PDP if they do not choose a plan on their own. Beneficiaries face a penalty equal to 1% of the national average premium for each month they delay enrollment unless they have drug coverage from another source that is at least as good as standard Part D coverage (“creditable coverage”).

In 2025, 54.8 million Medicare beneficiaries are enrolled in Medicare Part D plans, including employer-only group plans; of the total, 58% are enrolled in MA-PDs and 42% are enrolled in stand-alone PDPs (Figure 6). Another 0.7 million beneficiaries are estimated to have drug coverage through employer-sponsored retiree plans where the employer receives a subsidy from the federal government equal to 28% of drug expenses between $615 and $12,650 per retiree in 2026. Several million beneficiaries are estimated to have other sources of drug coverage, including employer plans for active workers, FEHBP, TRICARE, and Veterans Affairs (VA). Around 11% of people with Medicare are estimated to lack creditable drug coverage.

Enrollment in Medicare Part D Stand-alone Prescription Drug Plans Has Declined Somewhat in Recent Years While Enrollment in Medicare Advantage Drug Plans Has Increased Steadily

Recent years have seen a growing divide in the Part D plan market between stand-alone PDPs, where the number of plans has generally been trending downward over time in conjunction with a reduction in PDP enrollment, and MA-PDs, where plan availability and enrollment have grown steadily in recent years. The widespread availability of low or zero-premium MA-PDs, while PDPs charge substantially higher premiums on average, could tilt enrollment even more towards Medicare Advantage plans in the future.

As of May 2025, 13.9 million Part D enrollees receive premium and cost-sharing assistance through the LIS program. As with overall Part D enrollment, more LIS enrollees are in MA-PDs than PDPs. Beneficiaries who are dual-eligible individuals, those enrolled in Medicare Savings Programs (QMBs, SLMBs, QIs), and those who receive Supplemental Security Income payments from Social Security automatically qualify for the additional assistance, and they are automatically enrolled in PDPs with premiums at or below the regional Low-Income Subsidy benchmark premium amount if they do not choose a plan on their own. Other beneficiaries can apply for the Low-Income Subsidy through either the Social Security Administration or Medicaid and are subject to both an income and asset test. 

Part D Spending and Financing

Part D Spending

Medicare’s actuaries estimate that spending on Part D benefits (net of premiums paid by enrollees) will total $141 billion in 2026, representing 11% of total Medicare benefits spending.

In general, Part D spending depends on several factors, including the total number of Part D enrollees, their health status and the quantity and type of drugs used, the number of high-cost enrollees (those with drug spending above the catastrophic threshold), the number of enrollees receiving the Low-Income Subsidy, the price of drugs covered by Part D and the ability of plan sponsors to negotiate discounts (rebates) with drug companies and preferred pricing arrangements with pharmacies, and to manage use (e.g., promoting use of generic drugs, prior authorization, step therapy, quantity limits, and mail order). Part D spending is also affected by the level of price discounts that the federal government negotiates under the Medicare Drug Price Negotiation Program, as well as the effect of the inflation rebate provision of the IRA on price growth for existing drugs and launch prices for new drugs.

Part D Financing

Financing for Part D comes from federal government contributions (75%), beneficiary premiums (13%), and state contributions (12%). Medicare subsidizes 74.5% of basic Part D benefit costs through a monthly capitated payment to Part D plans for each enrollee, based on an average of bids submitted by plans for their expected basic benefit costs, though this share may be higher with the Inflation Reduction Act’s 6% base beneficiary premium cap and the temporary Part D premium stabilization program in effect. Enrollee premiums for basic benefits were initially set to cover 25.5% of the cost of standard (basic) drug coverage, but with premium stabilization measures in effect, enrollees are paying a lower share of costs overall. Higher-income Part D enrollees pay a larger share of standard Part D costs, ranging from 35% to 85%, depending on income.

Payments to Plans

For 2026, Medicare’s actuaries estimate that Part D plans will receive direct subsidy payments from the federal government for the cost of basic Part D benefits (plus administrative expenses and profits) that average $1,710 per enrollee overall, $522 in reinsurance payments for very high-cost enrollees, and $1,337 in subsidy payments for enrollees receiving the LIS. Employers are expected to receive, on average, $561 in federal subsidies for retirees in employer-subsidy Part D plans. Part D plans also receive additional risk-adjusted payments based on the health status of their enrollees, and plans’ potential total losses or gains are limited by risk-sharing arrangements with the federal government (“risk corridors”).

As of 2025, Medicare’s reinsurance payments to plans for total spending incurred by Part D enrollees above the catastrophic coverage threshold subsidize 20% of brand-name drug spending and 40% of generic drug spending, down from 80% in previous years, due to a provision in the Inflation Reduction Act. With this change in effect, Medicare’s aggregate reinsurance payments to Part D plans are projected to account for 18% of total Part D spending in 2026, based on KFF analysis of data from the 2025 Medicare Trustees report. This is a substantial reduction from 2024, when reinsurance spending had grown to account for close to half of total Part D spending (46%) (Figure 7). Currently, the largest portion of total Part D spending is accounted for by direct subsidy payments to plans (59% of total spending in 2026).

Spending for Direct Subsidy Payments to Plans Now Accounts for the Largest Share of Total Medicare Part D Spending, Rather Than Reinsurance, Reflecting Changes to the Part D Benefit That Took Effect in 2025

Appendix

The Number of Medicare Part D Stand-alone Prescription Drug Plans and Benchmark Plans Has Declined Over Time

Medicare Part D Premiums Are Decreasing for Many Stand-Alone Drug Plans in a Number of States in 2026

Few Plans Are Increasing Premiums by $50, the Maximum Allowed Under the PDP Premium Stabilization Demonstration

Published: Oct 7, 2025

CMS has just released information about Medicare Part D plans for 2026, including plan availability and premiums for the coming year. As this year’s Medicare open enrollment period approaches, there’s some good news for Medicare Part D enrollees when it comes to monthly PDP premiums – lower on average, according to CMS – even as the total number of PDPs available drops yet again.

The headline of CMS’s press release emphasized stability in the Part D marketplace, but a quick review of the data shows that the total number of stand-alone drug plans available in 2026 will fall for the third year in a row, as plan sponsors scale back their PDP offerings (for example, Centene is discontinuing one of the 3 Wellcare PDP options; Health Care Service Corporation is discontinuing one of the 3 Cigna PDP options and withdrawing from several PDP regions) or exit the market entirely (as in the case of Elevance’s Anthem PDPs). Overall, there will be fewer PDPs in 2026 than in 2025 – 360 plans nationwide, down from 464 in 2025.

Firm decisions to exit the PDP market or scale back their PDP offerings in recent years have been based on evaluations about the profitability and viability of the stand-alone drug plan market, particularly for insurers with a smaller footprint, accounting for higher costs associated with a redesigned Part D benefit under the Inflation Reduction Act. The law added an out-of-pocket spending cap for Part D enrollees beginning in 2025 and shifted more of the share of high-drug cost enrollees from the federal government to the plans themselves, which increased plan liability overall. In addition, many insurers that offer both PDP and MA-PD plans have stated their interest in focusing resources on more lucrative Medicare Advantage markets.

Somewhat more unexpected than the reduction in plan availability for 2026 are the year-over-year premium changes for PDPs. A comprehensive KFF analysis will follow in the future, but it appears that substantial premium increases for PDPs across the board didn’t materialize, even as the Trump administration scaled back the level of support for additional PDP premium subsidies through the temporary Part D premium stabilization demonstration established by the Biden administration in 2024. For 2026, the federal government is providing participating PDPs with an across-the-board monthly premium subsidy of up to $10 (down from $15 in 2025) and limiting the monthly premium increase for 2026 to $50 (up from $35 in 2025) – revised parameters which, when they were announced, seemed to point in the direction of higher premiums for PDP coverage in 2026.

In fact, for all but one of the 10 PDPs that were offered nationwide in 2025 and that will continue to be offered on a national or near-national basis in 2026, Medicare Part D enrollees in a number of states will see lower monthly premiums in 2026 than in 2025. This is consistent with CMS’s projection that the average monthly PDP premium will decrease by a few dollars in 2026. Only a few national PDPs are increasing monthly premiums by $50, the maximum allowed under the premium stabilization demonstration, and PDP enrollees may have up to 6 PDPs available for $0 premium, depending on where they live.

Medicare Part D Enrollees in Many States Will See Lower Monthly Premiums for Several Stand-alone Drug Plans Available Nationwide in 2025; Only a Few National PDPs are Increasing Premiums by $50, the Maximum Allowed Under the Premium Stabilization Demonstration

Looking at premium changes for a few of the more popular plans shows a mixed picture, however, with wide variation in monthly premiums across plans and the 50 states and DC (Figure 1):

  • The monthly premium for the most popular PDP nationally, Wellcare Value Script, is increasing in more states (33, including DC) than where it is holding steady (16) or decreasing (2), and will range from $0 to $42.40 across states and DC in 2026 (Figure 2).
  • Enrollees in the second most popular PDP, Wellcare Classic, will see a premium reduction in 48 states (including DC), no change in 2, and an increase of less than $50 in 1. Monthly premiums will range from $0 to $45.70 across states and DC in 2026.
  • Enrollees in the third most popular PDP, SilverScript Choice, will face the maximum $50 increase in their monthly premium in 30 states (including DC), but a premium reduction in 20 other states. The monthly premium will vary across states and DC from $14.70 to $116.
Monthly Premiums for Medicare Part D Stand-alone Plans Available on a National or Near-National Basis in 2026 Will Vary Widely, Both Across Plans and for the Same Plan Across States

According to CMS, virtually all PDP enrollees are in plans sponsored by insurers that opted to participate in the voluntary demonstration for 2026. In the absence of this demonstration and CMS’s actions during the bidding cycle for 2026 to negotiate and even reject plan bids, PDP premium increases would likely have been larger. And with 58% of all Part D enrollees in Medicare Advantage drug plans in 2025 and 42% in stand-alone PDPs, most Part D enrollees are not likely to face premium increases of any magnitude. This is because Medicare Advantage plans can use rebate dollars from the federal government to reduce premiums for prescription drug coverage. According to CMS, Medicare Advantage drug plan premiums for 2026 are holding steady at considerably lower levels than stand-alone drug plans, on average, with many plans charging zero premium for drug coverage in 2026, as in previous years.

Even if the monthly premium for a given Part D plan isn’t increasing, or is even decreasing, premiums are only one part of the story when it comes to Part D coverage. As is commonly advised during open enrollment, Medicare beneficiaries may want to look beneath the hood to see what other Part D plan features may be changing, including what drugs are and aren’t covered on the plan’s formulary, tier placement of covered drugs, deductibles, and cost-sharing requirements. The tradeoff with a reduction in premiums is that drug coverage may be getting less generous, which could mean fewer drugs covered, higher cost-sharing requirements, or greater utilization management restrictions – or likely some combination of all three.

Medicaid Waiver Tracker: Approved and Pending Section 1115 Waivers by State

Published: Oct 7, 2025

Tracker

Section 1115 Medicaid demonstration waivers offer states an avenue to test new approaches in Medicaid that differ from what is required by federal statute, if [in the HHS Secretary’s view] the approach is likely to “promote the objectives of the Medicaid program.” They can provide states additional flexibility in how they operate their programs, beyond the considerable flexibility that is available under current law. Waivers generally reflect priorities identified by states as well as changing priorities from one presidential administration to another. Nearly all states have at least one active Section 1115 waiver and some states have multiple 1115 waivers. See the “Key Themes Maps” tab for a discussion of recent waiver trends.

This page tracks approved and pending Section 1115 waiver provisions (including expansions and restrictions) related to eligibility, benefits, and social determinants of health and other delivery system reforms, once such waivers are posted to the state waivers list on Medicaid.gov. For more information on inclusion criteria and on each provision, as well as a list of acronyms, see the Definitions tab.

Medicaid Watch

Policy research, polling and news about the Medicaid financing debate.

Landscape of Approved and Pending Section 1115 Waivers

 

Waivers with Eligibility Changes

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Section 1115 Eligibility Changes - Expanded Eligibility Groups

Waivers with Benefit Changes

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Section 1115 Benefit Changes - Expansions

Waivers with SDOH & Other DSR Changes

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Section 1115 SDOH Provisions

All Approved Waivers by Topic

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Approved Section 1115 Medicaid Waivers

All Pending Waivers by Topic

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Pending Section 1115 Medicaid Waivers

Work Requirements

The 2025 budget reconciliation legislation requires states to condition Medicaid eligibility for adults in the ACA Medicaid expansion group on meeting work requirements starting January 1, 2027, but states have the option to implement requirements sooner using an 1115 waiver.

Prior to the passage of the federal reconciliation legislation and since the start of the second Trump administration, some states have shown renewed interest in pursuing work requirement policies through 1115 waivers. However, some states may no longer be moving forward with proposed 1115 waivers due to the passage of federal work requirements. Montana is the only state that has submitted a waiver since the passage of the 2025 budget reconciliation legislation. It is not clear how CMS will treat pending 1115 waivers that seek to implement early and deviate from federal requirements specified in the law.

The first Trump administration encouraged and approved 1115 demonstration waivers that conditioned Medicaid coverage on meeting work requirements which were subsequently rescinded by the Biden administration or withdrawn by states. Currently, Georgia is the only state with a Medicaid work requirement waiver in place following litigation over the Biden administration’s attempt to stop it.

The map below identifies approved (Georgia) and pending work requirement waivers (submitted to CMS since the start of the second Trump administration). The table below the map provides more detailed state waiver information.

For more information on Medicaid work requirements, see additional KFF resources:

  • An overview of the work requirement provisions in the 2025 budget reconciliation legislation, including key operational & implementation questions (2025)
  • Analyses of the work status and characteristics of Medicaid enrollees (2025)
  • A short brief highlighting five key facts about Medicaid work requirements, including what the research shows about the impact of work requirements (2025)
  • A detailed history of Medicaid work requirements (2022)
Section 1115 Approved and Pending Work Requirement Waivers

The table below provides more detailed state waiver information for waivers that are approved and pending at the federal level, as well as activity at the state-level once a waiver proposal has been released for state-level “public comment.” This table also lists states with legislative activity involving work requirements, once a bill has passed out of committee (typically the first step of the legislative process). Some states require state legislative action before Section 1115 waiver requests can be submitted by the state Medicaid agency to CMS for federal approval and others do not.

Key States with Work Requirement Waiver Activity

Key Themes Maps

Section 1115 waivers generally reflect priorities identified by states as well as changing priorities from one presidential administration to another.  Key Biden administration 1115 initiatives included waivers addressing enrollee health-related social needs (HRSN), pre-release coverage for individuals who are incarcerated, and multi-year continuous eligibility for children.

In March 2025, the Trump administration rescinded HRSN guidance issued by the Biden administration. CMS indicates this does not nullify existing HRSN 1115 approvals but going forward they will consider HRSN / SDOH requests on a case-by-case basis. In April 2025, the Trump administration announced it would be phasing out federal funding for “Designated State Health Programs” (DSHP) in waivers. In July 2025, the Trump administration released guidance indicating it will not approve (new) or extend (existing) continuous eligibility waivers for children or adults. CMS also announced in July it would be phasing out initiatives to strengthen the Medicaid workforce for primary care, behavioral health, dental, and home and community based services (not depicted in maps below).

This page tracks pending and approved waivers in key areas of recent state activity and will track Trump administration action in these areas going forward. Hover over individual states to display waiver expiration dates.

Social Determinants of Health

Social determinants of health (SDOH) are the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age. SDOH include but are not limited to housing, food, education, employment, healthy behaviors, transportation, and personal safety. In 2022, CMS (under the Biden administration) announced a demonstration waiver opportunity to expand the tools available to states to address enrollee “health-related social needs” (or “HRSN”) including housing instability, homelessness, and nutrition insecurity, building on CMS’s 2021 guidance. In 2023, CMS issued a detailed Medicaid and CHIP HRSN Framework accompanied by an Informational Bulletin, which were updated in 2024.

In March 2025, the Trump administration rescinded the Biden administration HRSN guidance. CMS indicates this does not nullify existing HRSN approvals but going forward they will consider HRSN / SDOH requests on a case-by-case basis.

The “HRSN Waivers” map below identifies states with approval under the Biden administration HRSN framework. The “All SDOH Waivers” map identifies SDOH-related 1115 waivers more broadly, including those that pre-date or were approved outside of the HRSN framework. For more detailed waiver information, refer to KFF’s Medicaid Waiver Tracker (“SDOH” table) and HRSN waiver watch  (March 2024).

Section 1115 Waivers: Social Determinants of Health (SDOH)

Medicaid Pre-release Coverage for Individuals Who Are Incarcerated

In April 2023, the Biden administration released guidance encouraging states to apply for a new Section 1115 demonstration opportunity to test transition-related strategies to support community reentry for people who are incarcerated. This demonstration allows states a partial waiver of the inmate exclusion policy, which prohibits Medicaid from paying for services provided during incarceration (except for inpatient services). Reentry services aim to improve care transitions and increase continuity of health coverage, reduce disruptions in care, improve health outcomes, and reduce recidivism rates. The Biden administration approved 19 state waivers to facilitate reentry for individuals who are incarcerated. The map below identifies states with approved and pending waivers to provide pre-release services to Medicaid-eligible individuals who are incarcerated.  Medicaid pre-release waivers have been pursued by both Republican and Democratic governors. For more information, refer to KFF’s Medicaid Waiver Tracker (“Eligibility Changes” table) and related pre-release waiver watch (August 2024).

Section 1115 Waivers: Medicaid Pre-release Coverage for Individuals Who Are Incarcerated

Multi-year Continuous Eligibility for Children

The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023 required all states to implement 12-month continuous eligibility for children beginning on January 1, 2024. The Biden administration approved 9 waivers that allow states to provide multi-year continuous eligibility for children (e.g., from birth to age six). Continuous eligibility has been shown to reduce Medicaid disenrollment and “churn” rates (rates of individuals temporarily losing Medicaid coverage and then re-enrolling within a short period of time).

In July 2025, the Trump administration released guidance indicating it will not approve (new) or extend (existing) continuous eligibility waivers for children or adults. The map below displays states with waiver approval to provide multi-year continuous eligibility for children.  For more information, refer to KFF’s Medicaid Waiver Tracker (“Eligibility Changes” table) and related continuous eligibility waiver watch (February 2024).

Section 1115 Waivers: Multi-year Continuous Eligibility for Children

Definitions

Section 1115 Waiver Tracker: Key Definitions and Notes

Related Resources

Recent Developments

General/Overview Resource

Eligibility and Enrollment Expansions

Eligibility and Enrollment Restrictions

Work Requirements:

Other:

Benefit Expansions

Benefit Restrictions, Copays, and Healthy Behaviors

Social Determinants of Health

Delivery System Reform

How Does the Quality of the U.S. Health System Compare to Other Countries?

Published: Oct 6, 2025

This chart collection compares the United States and other similarly large and wealthy nations across various measures of care quality to show how the U.S. stacks up against its peers and how that has changed over time.

Generally, the U.S. performs worse in long-term health outcomes measures (such as life expectancy), certain treatment outcomes (such as maternal mortality and congestive heart failure hospital admissions), some patient safety measures (such as obstetric trauma with instrument), and health system capacity (such as rate of general practitioners). The U.S. performs similarly to or better than peer nations in other measures of treatment outcomes (such as mortality rates within 30 days of acute hospital treatment) and some patient safety measures (such as post-operative complications).

The chart collection is part of the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker, an online information hub dedicated to monitoring and assessing the performance of the U.S. health system.

A Look at Variation in Medicaid Spending Per Enrollee by Group and Across States

Published: Oct 6, 2025

Editorial Note

Originally published in August 2024, this data note was updated on October 6, 2025 with data from 2023, the most current Medicaid data available at the time of this analysis.

Medicaid is the primary program providing comprehensive health and long-term care coverage to approximately one in five low-income Americans. States administer Medicaid programs within broad federal rules, but have flexibility in designing programs, which creates variation in spending and enrollment as well as spending per enrollee across eligibility groups and states.

Over the coming years, state Medicaid programs may see significant reductions to their Medicaid enrollment and spending, resulting in changes to their spending per enrollee, across eligibility groups due to the recently enacted budget reconciliation package once called the “One Big, Beautiful Bill,” signed by President Trump on July 4th. The new law is estimated by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) to cut federal Medicaid spending by $911 billion – or 14% of federal Medicaid spending – over the next ten years and increase the uninsured rate by 10 million, with some of the increase attributed to individuals losing Medicaid coverage. Provisions in the new law will have different effects on Medicaid spending and enrollment across the states. For example, over half of the reductions in federal spending (associated with most of the projected enrollment declines) stem from policies that only would affect states that have expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA). How states respond to reductions in federal funding will impact the amount of spending reductions and the distribution of enrollment losses, which will affect Medicaid’s spending per enrollee. 

This data note provides an overview of total Medicaid (state and federal shares) spending per enrollee for full-benefit Medicaid enrollees by eligibility group and state in 2023. Data from 2023 are the most current Medicaid data available at the time of this analysis. Full-benefit Medicaid enrollees are those that qualify for a full range of Medicaid services such as doctor’s visits, hospitalizations, prescription drugs, and home health services. A small number of total enrollees (8% of all enrollees in 2023) qualify for only a limited set of Medicaid benefits such as family planning or treatment of an emergency medical condition and are not included in this analysis. References to Medicaid enrollees in this data note refer to full-benefit enrollees. See methods for more details. Detailed state-level data are also available on State Health Facts.

National Medicaid spending per enrollee is $7,909, though that varies widely by eligibility group (Figure 1). 

Overall, children account for 35% of full-benefit enrollment, but 15% of the spending, while adults ages 65 and older and people eligible because of a disability account for 19% of enrollment but 51% of the spending (data not shown). The disproportionate spending on certain eligibility groups stems from variation in spending per enrollee across the eligibility groups. Spending per enrollee is highest for people with disabilities ($20,950), and older adults ($20,194) (Figure 1). Those groups have per-enrollee spending approximately six times higher than child enrollees ($3,321), which have the lowest spending of any eligibility group (Figure 1). Differences in spending per enrollee reflect differences in health care needs and utilization. For example, older adults and people eligible on the basis of disability tend to have higher rates of chronic conditionsmore complex health care needs and are more likely to utilize long-term care (LTC) than other enrollees. Most older adults and people with disabilities enrolled in Medicaid are also dually eligible for Medicare. For dual-eligible individuals, Medicare is the primary payer for acute care services while Medicaid pays for services that Medicare does not, including vision, dental, and most LTC. Medicaid spending per enrollee accounts for less than half of all spending for full-benefit dual-eligible individuals that are 65 and older.

National Medicaid Spending Per Enrollee Is $7,909, Though That Varies Widely by Eligibility Group

Flexibility for states to determine eligibility levels, benefits, and provider payments in the Medicaid program leads to wide variation in per-enrollee spending across states (Figure 2).

Other factors contributing to variation in per-enrollee spending include variation in state populations and demographics, ability and effort to raise revenue, and variation in health care costs and markets. Across states, Medicaid spending per enrollee ranges from $4,780 to $12,295, with a median spending of $7,909 (Figure 2). Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and Nevada report some of the lowest spending per enrollee, while Washington, D.C., Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and North Dakota report the highest spending per enrollee. Approximately one in seven states have spending greater than $10,000 per enrollee (Figure 2).

Medicaid Spending Per Enrollee Ranges From Under $5,000 to Over $12,000

Within each eligibility group, there is also considerable variation in spending per enrollee across states (Figure 3).

People with disabilities have the widest variation across states for per-enrollee spending, ranging from $5,040 in Florida to $57,900 in Minnesota (Figure 3). States have considerable flexibility to decide the populations and services covered for long-term care (LTC), which drives large variation in per-enrollee spending for older adults and people with disabilities, who are more likely to use LTC. In contrast, per-enrollee spending for children ranges from $2,227 in Alabama to $5,457 in Alaska (Figure 3). All states must provide comprehensive coverage for children through the Early Periodic Screening Diagnosis and Treatment (EPSDT), which contributes to somewhat less variation in per-enrollee spending for children.

Many—but not all—states that have relatively high or low overall per-enrollee spending tend to see those same patterns across eligibility groups in the state (Figure 3). Some states with the lowest overall per-enrollee spending (e.g. Alabama, Oklahoma) fall among the states with the lowest per-enrollee spending for most eligibility groups (Figure 3). Others, such as Florida and Nevada are more mixed across eligibility groups. For example, Florida, has low per-enrollee spending across all eligibility groups except for children, where it has one of the highest per-enrollee spending. Similarly, some states with the highest overall per-enrollee spending (e.g. Washington, D.C., Delaware) fall among the states with the highest per-enrollee spending for all eligibility groups. However, states like Pennsylvania and Massachusetts are less consistently high across all eligibility groups (Figure 3).

Medicaid Spending Per Senior Enrollee Ranges From Under $10,000 to Over $34,000

Even within a given state and eligibility group, there is wide variation in spending (Table 1). For example, among people with disabilities in Virginia, 25% have spending less than $12,506 and 5% have spending more than $130,130 – ten times higher (Table 1). Additionally, 25% of seniors in Colorado have spending less than $1,817, and 25% have spending sixteen times greater ($29,406) (Table 1). Despite the generally lower costs for non-disabled adult and child enrollees, the variation in spending for these eligibility groups is wide in Ohio, Vermont, and Idaho as well.

Within a State and Eligibility Group There is Wide Variation in Spending Per Enrollee

Per-enrollee spending in states that expanded Medicaid is higher for all eligibility groups than in non-expansion states (Figure 4).

Expansion states spend on average $8,444 per enrollee – nearly $1,000 more per enrollee when compared to non-expansion states, which spend $7,591 per enrollee (Figure 4). During debate over the reconciliation bill, some argued that the 90% match rate for expansion adults encourages expansion states to prioritize services for expansion adults of those of other populations—children, parents, people with disabilities, and older adults. However, across all non-expansion eligibility groups, average per-enrollee spending is higher in expansion states than in non-expansion states. For instance, expansion states have an average spending of $29,259 per enrollee eligible based on disability, while non-expansion states spend on average $19,289 per enrollee in the same eligibility group. Similarly, expansion states spend $22,350 per older adult enrollee compared to $18,288 for non-expansion states (Figure 4). These differences in spending may reflect state policy choices about benefits and eligibility, in addition to payment rates, regional variation in health care costs, and state demographics.

Per-Enrollee Spending in States That Expanded Medicaid Is Higher for All Eligibility Groups Than in Non-Expansion States

 

Methods

Data: The KFF State Health Facts on spending per full-benefit enrollee use the T-MSIS Research Identifiable Demographic-Eligibility and Claims Files (T-MSIS data). This data note is based on State Health Facts data from CY 2023.

Overview of methods: KFF defined full-benefit enrollees as those who are enrolled in Medicaid for at least 1 month with full-benefits or those who received at least one month of benefits through an alternative package of benchmark equivalent coverage. They may have not actually used any services during this period, but they are reported as enrolled in the program and are eligible to receive services. References to dual-eligible enrollees do not include Medicare Savings Program (MSP) enrollees due to the restriction of data to full-benefit enrollees only.

Spending: Spending was calculated by summing the total spending of all claims per full-benefit enrollee in the T-MSIS claims files.

Poll Finding

5 Charts About Public Opinion on the Affordable Care Act

Published: Oct 3, 2025

Note: This resource was originally posted on February 22, 2024, and was most recently updated October 3, 2025, to include newer polling data on the public’s views of the ACA.

#1: Attitudes Toward the ACA Continue to Be More Favorable than Unfavorable, Divided Among Partisans

Public opinion of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has been largely divided along partisan lines since the law was passed in 2010. Following Republican efforts to repeal the ACA in the summer of 2017, KFF Health Tracking Polls show an uptick in overall favorability towards the law, and since then, a larger share has held a favorable than an unfavorable view. The Fall 2025 KFF Health Tracking Poll shows that about two-thirds U.S. adults (64%) hold a favorable opinion of the ACA while about a third (35%) hold a negative opinion of the law. Views of the ACA are still largely driven by partisanship; about nine in ten Democrats (94%) along with two-thirds of independents (64%) view the law favorably, while about two-thirds of Republicans (64%) hold unfavorable views. Explore more demographic breakdowns using KFF’s interactive: The Public’s Views on the ACA.

Clear Majority Of Public View The ACA Favorably

The ACA has been the subject of both legal challenges and Congressional actions aimed at overturning the 2010 health care law. However, many of the specific provisions included in the law are popular and the public would like them to remain.

For example, the 2020 California v. Texas case challenged the legality of the individual mandate and brought special attention to the law’s protections for people with pre-existing medical conditions. These provisions prohibit insurance companies from denying coverage based on a person’s medical history (known as guaranteed issue) and prohibit insurance companies from charging those with pre-existing conditions more for coverage (known as community rating). As of February 2024, two-thirds of the public say it is “very important” for the guaranteed issue (67%) and community rating (65%) provisions to remain law, including majorities of Democrats and independents. About half of Republicans say each of these protections for people with pre-existing conditions are “very important.” Historically, majorities also say it is very important for many of the other ACA provisions to be kept in place, even if the Supreme Court ruled the ACA unconstitutional and no longer the law of the land.

Though majorities say it is very important for guaranteed issue to remain law, knowledge that this provision is part of the ACA has dropped over the past 14 years. As of February 2024, about four in ten (39%) adults are aware that the ACA prohibits insurance companies from denying coverage based on a person’s medical history, compared to seven in ten adults in June 2010, shortly after the ACA’s inception.

Majorities Across Partisans Say It Is Very Important Pre-Existing Condition Protections Stay In Place, Remain Among The Most Popular ACA Provisions

#3: Pre-Existing Condition Protections Affect Large Shares of the Public

One reason why majorities across partisans may support the ACA’s protections for people with pre-existing medical conditions is that large shares of the public, regardless of age, gender, racial or ethnic identity, and income report having someone with a pre-existing condition in their household. A KFF analysis estimates that 27% of adults ages 18-64 have a pre-existing condition that would have led to a denial of insurance in the individual market prior to the implementation of the ACA. An even larger share of the public believes they or someone in their family may belong in this category. According to the KFF polling data from 2020, about half of the public say they or someone in their household suffers from a pre-existing medical condition, such as asthma, diabetes, or high blood pressure.1 

About Half Of Adults Say They Or Someone In Their Household Has A Pre-Existing Health Condition

#4: Those Who Say the ACA Has Helped Them Cite Increasing Access

KFF polling from March 2022 shows about a quarter of the public says the ACA has helped them and their family in some way, while one in five say the law has hurt them. About half of those who say the ACA helped them say allowing someone in their family to get or keep their health coverage has been the main way the health care law has helped them (48%, or 12% of total adults). Three in ten say the law has made it easier for them to get the health care they need (7% of total) and one in five say it has lowered the cost of their health care or health insurance (5% of total).

Half Of Those Who Say ACA Helped Them And Their Families Say It Allowed Them To Get Health Coverage

The February 2024 Health Tracking Poll also reveals four in ten (39%) adults say the ACA has made it easier for people like them to get health insurance, while about one in four (23%) say it has made it more difficult. However this perception varies by partisanship, as Democrats are almost three times as likely as Republicans (60% v. 22%) to say the ACA has helped them in this way.

#5: Those Who Say the ACA Has Hurt Them Cite Costs

Among the one in five U.S. adults who say the ACA has hurt them and their families, most say the law has increased costs of health care or health insurance (59%, 12% of total). Smaller shares say it has made it more difficult to access care (22%, 5% of total), or caused someone in their family to lose coverage (11%, 2% of total). The high costs of health care in this country continue to be a major burden for many families.

Most Of Those Who Say ACA Hurt Them And Their Families Say It Increased Their Health Care Costs
  1. This estimate is a household measure of all groups and does not classify pre-existing conditions by whether they are or not a “deniable” condition. See the KFF Health Tracking Poll October 2020 topline for full question wording and details. ↩︎

U.S. Public Health

Table of Contents

What is Public Health?

Copy link to What is Public Health?

While there is no singular definition of public health, it has broadly been defined as “the science and art of preventing disease, prolonging life, and promoting health,” and “what we do together as a society to ensure the conditions in which everyone can be healthy”. Definitions and objectives for public health have evolved over time, as it is not a static concept (see Box 1). Public health encompasses a wide variety of programs and activities, including controlling the spread of communicable disease, preventing chronic diseases, improving nutrition, improving air and water quality, promoting safer workplaces, reducing automobile accidents, and more.

The overarching focus for a public health system is to help with disease prevention, health promotion, and to close gaps in health disparities in groups of people. These groups can range from small communities to populations at the national and even global levels. Public health’s focus on health equity in groups of people can be contrasted with clinical medicine, which is mostly focused on preventing and treating illness in individuals.   

Box 1: Selected Definitions of “Public Health”

  • “the science and art of preventing disease, prolonging life, and promoting health through the organized efforts and informed choices of society, organizations, public and private communities, and individuals.” – C-E A. Winslow (1920)
  • “the fulfillment of society’s interest in assuring conditions in which people can be healthy” – Institute of Medicine (1988)
  • “collective effort to identify and address the unacceptable realities that result in preventable and avoidable health outcomes, and it is the composite of efforts and activities carried out by people committed to these ends” – Turnock (2001)
  • “what we do together as a society to ensure the conditions in which everyone can be healthy.” – DeSalvo, et.al (2017)

A Brief History of Public Health in the U.S.

In the United States, public health evolved as a practice and a discipline over time with roots that extend back to the early history of the nation (the first governmental public health agency, the Marine Hospital Service, was formed in 1798). As scientific understanding about causes and effective interventions for diseases improved over time, public health practices evolved and expanded across the country. The 19th century saw a “great sanitary awakening” in the U.S., as illness came to be understood as an indicator of poor social and environmental conditions, and investments in hygiene and sanitation grew to combat disease in communities around the country, especially in large cities. After the U.S. Civil War, states began to set up boards of health to oversee growing investments and attention to public health activities in communities. The first state-level agency for public health was created in New York in 1866; Massachusetts established its first state board of health in 1869 and other states and jurisdictions followed. As the understanding of the germ theory of disease grew, state and local health departments created infectious disease laboratories in the 1890s. In the early to mid-20th century, state and local health departments grew in size and responsibilities and many of the public health interventions and focus areas that we see today were established and expanded.

In addition, a number of milestones occurred in the 20th century to grow the federal government’s role in public health, including new legislation such as the Food and Drug Act of 1906 (allowed federal oversight of manufacture, labeling and sale of foods) and the Sheppard-Towner Act of 1922 (authorized federal government funding of state-level public health efforts for the first time, in this case for maternal and child health programs). As part of the social welfare reforms undertaken via the “New Deal” in the 1930s and the “Great Society” in the 1960s, federal responsibilities, oversight, and funding for public health grew significantly. Many core federal departments and agencies we still have today were established during this period. From the late 1960s through today, U.S. public health efforts have experienced periods of decline and periods of growth often linked with broader social trends, changing perceptions about health threats, and economic and fiscal conditions in the country. During the first Trump administration and continuing through the Biden administration, the COVID-19 pandemic represented one of the greatest public health challenges of the last 100 years and led to an expansion of the government’s public health response. However, the expansion has proven temporary and during the second Trump administration, public health efforts face resource cuts and an uncertain future.

Public health powers and responsibilities derive from the U.S. Constitution and are shared across federal, state, and local levels of government – each of which has unique roles in such efforts that can vary state by state and even community by community. While many of public health efforts are funded and implemented through public (i.e. governmental) programs, private actors are also involved in funding and delivering public health services in the U.S. Given the many actors involved and the variations across federal, state and local roles and approaches, public health in the U.S. has often been referred to as a “patchwork” system.  

Key Public Health Frameworks, Services, Capabilities and Characteristics

Public health efforts are typically guided at the broadest level by strategies or frameworks outlining the services, capabilities and activities that help deliver on the mission to protect and promote communities’ health. A key framework for U.S. public health over the last few decades has been the 10 Essential Public Health Services (EPHS) framework, originally developed in 1994 by a federal workgroup (with input from outside experts), and updated in 2020. The EPHS highlights ten key public health service areas that include: monitoring population health status and community needs, investigating and addressing hazards and health problems, and using legal and regulatory actions to improve and protect the public’s health (see Table 1). An underlying principle of promoting equity underlies all service areas in this framework.

10 Essential Public Health Services

The “Foundational Public Health Services (FPHS)” framework is another key resource. This framework emerged from a 2013 convening of stakeholders who, in response to a recommendation from the Institute of Medicine, set out to define “a minimum package of public health capabilities and programs that no jurisdiction can be without.” The FPHS, which is now overseen by the Public Health Accreditation Board (PHAB), outlines eight “foundational capabilities” and five “foundational areas” that are central for delivering public health services to communities (see Table 2). These foundational areas include: communicable disease control, environmental public health, and maternal, child & family health, while foundational capabilities include assessment & surveillance, emergency preparedness & response, and communications.

The EPHS and FPHS frameworks overlap but are also seen as complementary, with the EPHS describing activities the public health system overall should undertake in communities, and the FPHS representing a minimum package of governmental public health activities that should be present everywhere.

Foundational Public Health Areas and Capabilities 

Other strategies and frameworks have been formed and shaped through numerous governmental and non-governmental expert bodies and reports. Particularly influential have been recommendations and guidance from the National Academy of Medicine (previously the Institute of Medicine), which published a milestone report on the U.S. public health system in 1998 and key follow-up reports in 2002 and 2017.

In addition to these frameworks and capabilities, public health can be identified through certain defining characteristics, which include:

  • Being science-based. Effective public health policies and activities draw from the best available science and evidence and are adapted and updated as new information and scientific understanding improves.
  • Focusing on prevention. Ultimately, the goal of public health interventions is to prevent disease or otherwise improve health outcomes in groups of people. When public health works, the result is often the absence of disease and/or longer, healthier lives in a community. This means the benefits derived from public health interventions – disease prevented – are often unseen and hard to quantify.
  • Addressing health inequities. Underlying the public health approach is a recognition that all people have an equal right to better health. However, in reality there are significant health disparities across different demographic groups and geographic areas. Therefore, public health interventions often emphasize addressing health needs in underserved, marginalized, disadvantaged, and otherwise vulnerable populations in support of health equity.

Social Determinants of Health

The health of a population can be greatly affected by non-medical factors, which would include things like educational access and quality, health care access and quality, neighborhood characteristics, social and community practices, and economic health and stability. These other, broader societal and community-wide factors are known as the “social determinants of health” (SDOH, see Figure 1). Unequal access to SDOH can feed health disparities. For example, communities that have less access to grocery stores with healthy foods face greater challenges with nutrition, which raises the risks of heart disease, diabetes, obesity and other conditions in these communities compared to others with health food options. During an epidemic or pandemic, the lack of sick leave policies and precarious economic circumstances can leave workers – especially low-wage workers – with little flexibility to take time off from work, raising their risk of infection and continuing community transmission. In general, racial and ethnic health and health care disparities can result in higher rates of illness and death for minority populations across a wide range of health conditions.

Many public health programs recognize the importance of social determinants of health, and sometimes work in partnership with other public and private efforts to help develop and implement complementary approaches aimed at improving health equity. The CDC recommends that public health departments consider how social determinants affect health in their communities, highlighting how a focus on implementing the 10 Essential Public Health Services can help address inequities that arise from these social conditions. Still, there are limits to how directly public health programs can address these issues given that they often involve broad social conditions such as employment, discrimination, housing, and education.

Source: KFF. Race, Inequality, and Health. https://www.kff.org/health-policy-101-race-inequality-and-health/?entry=table-of-contents-what-factors-drive-racial-and-ethnic-health-disparities

How Is Public Health Governed and Delivered in the U.S.?

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As indicated in the name, “public” health is primarily shaped and supported through the public sector, i.e., governments. In the U.S., public health powers and responsibilities are shared across federal, state, and local levels of government. Legal authorities for public health powers are derived from the U.S. Constitution and relevant federal, state, and local laws (see Box 2 for an overview of the legal basis for U.S. public health powers). A set of public health departments and agencies at each of these levels forms the organizational backbone of the U.S. public health system. However, many private sector actors, such as non-governmental community-based organizations, academic institutions, private companies, philanthropies, and others, also have roles in the public health system.


Box 2: Legal Basis for State and Federal Public Health Powers

The U.S. Constitution does not mention public health specifically, but certain powers granted to the federal government and to states in the Constitution have been interpreted as encompassing public health. For example, under the 10th Amendment’s “police powers” clause, states are granted primary responsibility for enacting and enforcing laws to promote the health, safety, and general welfare of people in their jurisdictions, which is understood to include public health. This means that in the U.S., state governments often have primary responsibility for enacting public health measures and deciding on public health policies. During public health emergencies, states also have primary authority to impose and rescind certain measures within their jurisdiction such as business restrictions and school closings.

The Constitution also grants some powers to the federal government. Under the Constitution’s “commerce clause,” the federal government has exclusive authority to regulate interstate and foreign commerce. For public health, this means the federal government has authority to impose quarantines or other health measures that concern the spread of diseases into the U.S. from foreign countries and/or across state lines. The federal government’s Constitutionally derived power to tax and spend for the general welfare provides it the ability to use federal resources in support of public health activities in states and localities nationwide.

Even so, the lines between where federal and state public health powers begin and end – and how these powers are balanced with other legal concerns – are not always perfectly clear and can shift over time. Sometimes, existing rules or practices are challenged in court or changed through new legislation. For example, the Supreme Court in its Jacobson v Massachusetts decision in 1905 established that states can enforce compulsory vaccination laws, setting a precedent that public health concerns can sometimes outweigh individual rights. This and subsequent rulings upholding this principle have been a legal cornerstone for state-level vaccination requirements, such as those for school-aged children. However, in recent years many state legislatures have passed laws intended to weaken vaccination requirements or eliminate them entirely. In addition, during the response to COVID-19, many government-imposed public health interventions such as mandatory masking, social distancing, and vaccination requirements were challenged through legal action.

Federal Government

Each of the three branches of the federal government (Executive, Legislative, and Judicial) has a role in shaping and implementing public health in the U.S.

The President (Executive Branch)

Federal responsibilities and oversight of public health are spread across numerous executive branch agencies and departments overseen by the President (also see “Congress and the Executive Branch and Health Policy). The President, White House, and executive branch agencies also have the authority to set certain aspects of national public health policy, such as determining under which circumstances and for what diseases that individuals entering the U.S. may be subject to quarantine, isolation, and/or other public health measures, invoking border and migration control measures for public health issues such as those allowed under Title 42, and instituting public health controls or other measures on interstate travel and commerce.

The key federal departments and agencies involved in oversight and implementation of public health in the U.S. include:

Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) currently has 13 operating divisions and is overseen by[RS1]  a secretary, with multiple assistant secretaries responsible for specific offices and programs. For example, the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Health (OASH) oversees key HHS public health offices and regional offices, as well as the U.S. Public Health Service Commissioned Corps. Also within OASH is the Office of the Surgeon General, which has historically served as a center for expertise on many public health issues and has at times released influential reports, affecting U.S. public health policy and practice in areas such as tobacco, HIV/AIDS, and drunk driving. A reorganization of the department has been proposed, which, if enacted, would reduce the number of operating divisions and shift the organizational locations of some offices at HHS (more below). The following are the core public health-focused operating divisions within HHS:

  • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) is considered the leading public health agency of the federal government. The CDC is comprised of a central Office of the Director, nine national centers covering different areas of U.S. public health, and a center for global health. CDC houses experts, laboratories, communication services, and other capabilities directed to improve the public’s health and respond to emergencies. One of CDC’s core functions is to support state and local public health efforts through funding and technical assistance. CDC’s budget includes an annually appropriated discretionary amount provided by Congress each year (CDC’s FY2024 enacted budget for its core public health programs was $9.25 billion), and also several programs whose budget is determined by specific Congressionally-mandated program authorizations, such as the Vaccines for Children program (in FY2024 the budget for these mandatory programs totaled $8.03 billion). During outbreaks and other health emergencies, Congress has often provided additional emergency supplemental funding to support CDC response activities. CDC is led by a director, historically appointed by the President without need for Senate confirmation. Due to a law passed by Congress in December 2022, the CDC director position is a Senate-confirmed position as of January 2025.
  • Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is responsible for protecting public health by ensuring the safety, efficacy, and security of human and veterinary drugs, biological products, and medical devices. FDA also works to maintain the safety of (some of) the U.S. food supply, cosmetics, and products that emit radiation. FDA review and authorization/approval is necessary for all prescription drugs and all vaccines intended for use in humans, along with many other medical products and health devices. The total program level budget at FDA (the amount of money the FDA can spend for its activities) is comprised of both Congressionally appropriated funds and user fees collected via regulatory review of many of the products under FDA’s purview. In FY2024, the FDA’s total program level budget was $7.2 billion, of which $3.3 billion (46%) came from user fees. The FDA is led by a commissioner, a Senate-confirmed position.
  • Administration for Strategic Preparedness and Response (ASPR) is an operating division within HHS that leads medical and public health preparedness for, response to, and recovery from disasters and other public health emergencies. This includes activities to support development of medical countermeasures for health emergencies, a stockpile of emergency medical supplies and equipment for use during emergency responses, and support and technical assistance to state and local public health agencies to improve their response capacities. It is comprised of multiple centers, including the Center for Preparedness, the Center for Response, the Center for the Biomedical Advance Research and Development Authority (BARDA), and the Center for the Strategic National Stockpile. ASPR’s operating budget for FY2024 was $3.65 billion. ASPR is led by an Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response, a Senate-confirmed position.
  • Other HHS Operating Divisions: Other HHS agency programs also play a role in public health, including by helping to build capacity, respond to outbreaks and serve communities, even if they may be more directly focused on clinical care and services, including HRSA’s community health center program and Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, and SAMSHA’s programs on substance abuse and mental health.

The current Trump administration announced there will be a reorganization of these HHS operating divisions.  For example, the administration proposed to create a new agency called the Administration for a Healthy America (AHA) that would consolidate several existing HHS agencies, including OASH, HRSA, SAMHSA, and expects to place ASPR within CDC, among other changes.  

Several other departments and agencies outside of HHS play a role in promoting the nation’s public health.

These include:

  • U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), which supports U.S. agriculture through assistance to farmers, and also oversees programs aimed at improving health, ending hunger, ensuring food safety, and other areas. USDA also protects public health through regulating aspects of the nation’s food supply and also providing food services for children and low-income people across the country. USDA’s Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS) regulates processors of meat, poultry, and eggs, and helps respond to foodborne disease outbreaks. The department’s Food and Nutrition Service oversees programs to provide food and nutrition education in schools as well as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), which provides food benefits to low-income families.
  • Department of Defense (DoD) oversees programs focused on the health and safety of active-duty military members and their families, and also supports a number of public health functions such as health surveillance and emergency response.
  • Department of Homeland Security (DHS) provides support to help state and local public health agencies improve preparedness and response to terrorism and other public health threats.
  • Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) in the U.S. Department of Labor works to promote safe and healthy working conditions nationwide through setting and enforcing standards, and implementing training, outreach, education, and other assistance programs for worker safety.

Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) oversees programs focused on the health of military veterans and their families, including public health programs to help promote health and prevent disease in these populations.

This is not meant to be a comprehensive list; other federal agencies also have responsibilities and activities important for public health.

U.S. Congress (Legislative Branch)

Congress (the House of Representatives and the Senate) makes laws, conducts oversight of the Executive branch, and determines the level of federal spending; all roles that are relevant to the U.S. public health system. Much of the federal funding for public health is for discretionary programs rather than mandatory ones (see Funding below), so Congress must come to agreement and pass bills annually to determine how much money goes to these programs. Congress may pass additional emergency funding to states and localities for public health efforts during national emergencies, such as was done numerous times during COVID-19. Congress may also pass laws that change federal practices related to public health, such as a 2022 law that made the CDC director a Senate-confirmed position. Oversight responsibilities for public health in the legislative branch are divided across a number of different Congressional committees with jurisdiction over different aspects of public health policy, and oversight of different Executive branch agencies and departments working in public health.

Federal Courts (Judicial Branch)

U.S. federal courts, up to and including the Supreme Court, pass judgment on how or whether federal public health laws and policies can be carried out and settle disputes between the federal government, individuals, states, and private companies over how public health activities are regulated and implemented. The legal basis for many current public health practices, such as vaccination requirements, rests on federal court decisions and precedents (see Box 2). Federal courts have also weighed in on the legality of a number of federal public health policies enacted during the response to COVID-19, such the CDC masking requirement for public transportation issued in January 2021 that was challenged and ultimately overturned by a federal court in April 2022, and the COVID-19 vaccination mandate for federal workers implemented by the Biden administration in September 2021 that was ultimately rescinded after legal challenges were raised in federal courts.

State, Local, and Territorial Governments

States are given primary responsibility for many public health powers under the U.S. Constitution (see Box 1). Each of the 50 states plus Washington D.C., five U.S. territories (American Samoa, Mariana Islands, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands), and three associated states (Marshall Islands, Micronesia, and Palau) has public health departments that are responsible for implementing public health programs in their jurisdictions. Funding for public health programs at the state and local levels comes from a combination of federal, state, and other sources (see funding section below).

Across States, Public Health Governance Varies

How public health is governed differs across these states and territories. Some have a very centralized governance model, where most or all parts of the state are served by local units of the state health agency and primary decision-making powers reside with state representatives. Others have a more decentralized governance structure, where most or all parts of the state are served by local public health agencies that may be independent of the state health agency. Still others have a mixed or shared approach to public health governance between the state and local decision makers. A 2022 analysis by the Association of State and Territorial Health Organizations (ASTHO) found that of the 50 states and D.C., 16 are centralized, 27 decentralized, and 8 have a mixed or shared approach to governance (See Figure 2).

Governance Structures of U.S. State and Territory Public Health Agencies

This variation in governance leads to very different processes across states for how public health policy is determined and implemented. While more decentralized public health governance can result in public health programs that are more tailored to the needs of specific areas, it can also make coordinated public health action more challenging, especially during outbreaks and pandemics, as occurred during COVID-19.

Common Public Health Activities at the State Level

According to a 2022 survey conducted by ASTHO, the activities most commonly implemented by state public health agencies in 2022 included:

  • communicable disease screening, prevention, and treatment, such as for HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases (all 51 state health agencies, including D.C., provide these services);
  • public health surveillance such as tracking chronic and communicable diseases as well as injuries (all 51 state health agencies);
  • immunization support, including managing orders and distributing vaccines for children and maintaining a childhood immunization registry (all 51 state health agencies);
  • laboratory services such as foodborne illness testing and influenza virus typing (50 state health agencies, all except Kentucky).

Other very common public health activities across states include: chronic disease prevention, family planning, maternal and child health home visits, tobacco cessation and prevention programs, food safety, inspection and training programs, and cancer screenings.

Local and Tribal Health Agencies

Even as state governments have the primary mandate to oversee public health policies and programs, many public health programs within states and territories are implemented through local (such as regional, county, city, and tribal) health departments. According to the National Association of County and City Health Officials (NACCHO), over 3,300 local health agencies are responsible for implementing public health programs across the country. Depending on the governance model present in each state, these local public health departments may have more or less autonomy regarding public health in their jurisdictions. Some areas may have local boards of health authorized by state laws, which establish guidelines for the operation of public health programs at more local level jurisdictions. In addition, under U.S. law, the 574 federally recognized American Indian and Alaska Native tribes and villages have many powers of self-government, which include responsibilities for implementing public health programs. Given this varied approach across states and at the local level, the U.S. is often referred to as having a “patchwork” public health system.

Non-governmental/Community-Based Actors

Also important for public health are a wide variety of non-governmental, including community-based, actors. This includes the public health professional associations that often advocate for and represent public health practitioners, such as the aforementioned ASTHO and NACCHO, plus the Council of State and Territorial Epidemiologists (CSTE), the Association of Immunization Managers (AIM), the American Public Health Association (APHA), Trust for Americas Health (TFAH), community-based organizations, philanthropic organizations, and many others. Colleges and universities are also important: there are at least 66 schools of public health, 164 public health programs, and 29 baccalaureate public health programs at institutions of higher learning in the U.S., which support research, training, and education programs in this field. A host of private companies are important for U.S. public health functions, including pharmaceutical and medical device companies, laboratories, and many others.

Public Health Funding

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Funding for public health comes primarily from government spending, which includes federal funding (both regular and supplemental appropriations) passed through to state and local governments via grants and cooperative agreements, as well as funding appropriated by state governments, and funds from city, county, district, and other local governmental sources. In addition, there may be non-governmental sources of funding for public health services, such as those from philanthropic and other private organizations. Over the last twenty years there have been periods of funding declines and growth for public health in the United States – sometimes referred to as a “boom-bust cycle” of support. For example, between 2010 and 2019, spending for state public health departments declined by 16% and spending for local public health departments declined by 18%, by some estimates. However, during the COVID-19 pandemic, public health budgets grew due to an influx of federal, state, and other response funding.

Estimating how much funding is directed to public health across the U.S. is challenging for a number of reasons. For one, there is variation across federal agencies & departments, states, and local governments on how “public health” spending is defined and how that data is collected, resulting in a lack of standardization and comparability. Second, public health programs may draw from and blend multiple sources of funding across federal, state, and local sources, making tracking and de-duplicating funding estimates challenging. Also, many public health departments, particularly at the state and local levels, have limited capacity and lack the resources and systems necessary to effectively track and report spending. Recognizing these challenges, there are sources we can look at that provide some idea about how much is spent on public health at the federal, state, and local levels:

  • National public health spending estimates. One commonly cited estimate for national-level public health spending is the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) Office of the Actuary’s National Health Expenditure Accounts (NHEA) data, which includes an annual Public Health Activity Estimate (PHE) for federal, and state and local spending on public health (as well as an estimate for all health spending). Figure 3 shows the PHE for federal, state and local public health spending between 2013-2023, ranging from a low of $80 billion in 2013 to a high of over $240 billion in 2020. Until 2020, these data indicated that the bulk of public health funding in the U.S. came from state and local sources. This changed during COVID-19, due to a massive increase in federal public health funding in 2020-2022 through supplemental (emergency) appropriations; the latest available data (from 2023) indicate that 3.3% of all U.S. health spending was directed to public health ($160 billion out of $4.87 trillion in total health spending). Some researchers who have studied the PHE believe it to be an overestimate of actual spending on public health.
National Health Expenditure Estimate of Public Health Funding, 2013-2023
  • Individual departments and agencies. Some departments and agencies release data on how much funding they provide to public health programs nationally, which represent a subset of national public health spending amounts. For example, CDC provides annual spending data on all its grants, cooperative agreements, and emergency appropriations directed to state and local public health departments (CDC public health funding profiles). The CDC reported that it provided over $15 billion in grants to health departments across the country in FY2023, which includes funding derived from CDC’s core discretionary funds as well as mandatory funds for programs such as Vaccines for Children. The top state recipients (per capita) of CDC funds included Washington, D.C., Alaska, Maryland, and Vermont (see Figure 4).
CDC Public Health Funding Per Capita by State, FY 2023
  • State-level public health funding estimates. State spending on public health budgets comes from a combination of federal, state, and other sources. According to the ASTHO, in FY2021 (the latest data available, which came during the COVID-19 pandemic response that featured significant federal supplemental appropriations), federal sources comprised the largest share of state health department budgets (53%), followed by state sources (36%) and other sources (11%, see Figure 5).
State Public Health Expenditures by Source, FY 2021 

ASTHO also reports that the largest category of state public health expenditure in 2021 was COVID-19 response activities, followed by clinical care services, and women, infants, and children (WIC) programs (see Figure 6). ASTHO data from 2018 (the most recent pre-pandemic year with data available) show the largest categories of public health expenditure then were clinical services (30%) and Women, Infants and Children (WIC) programs (23%).

State Public Health Expenditures by Category, 2021
  • Public health spending at the local (city/county/tribal) level: NACCHO reports that in 2021, local health departments drew a majority of their budgets from federal sources (55%, which included pass-throughs (26%), direct funding (25%), and Medicaid/Medicare-related sources (4%)). A further 21% came from state sources, 14% from local sources, and the remaining 10% from other sources. In 2021, NACCHO reports the mean and median annual expenditure per capita on public health by local health departments were $78 and $49, respectively.
  • Funding gap estimates: One study suggests that foundational public health capacities require an overall investment of at least $32 per person per year from all levels of government but, as of 2019 (prior to the COVID-19 pandemic), investment in public health capabilities was approximately $19 per person, indicating at least a $13 gap in annual per-capita spending on public health. While funding increased significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic, much of that support is time-limited.

Public Health Workforce

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The public health workforce includes persons working for federal, state, and local health departments as well as those in the private sector working in community-based and voluntary organizations, hospitals and health care systems, and schools. Responsibilities for these workers can include providing health care services in public clinics, collecting and analyzing data; performing health inspections and safety monitoring at places of work, residence, and recreational facilities; developing, administering, and evaluating public health programs and policies; and providing public health education and communication services to communities, among others.

Over the last twenty years local public health departments have faced a general decline in workforce numbers in line with declines in public health budgets, with the notable exception of a rise in workforce funding due to additional federal funding (and more state and local funding) in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, although this support was time-limited. One study estimates between 2009 and 2019, the number of workers at local health departments dropped from 162,000 to 136,000, a 17% decline that translates into a loss of more than 1 worker per 10,000 residents served. Subsequently, additional funding from pandemic response led to growth in the public health workforce, even if temporarily: NACCHO estimates that in 2022 there were 182,000 public health workers at local health departments nationwide, the highest total in at least two decades. Looking specifically at the epidemiologist workforce, the Council of State and Territorial Epidemiologists (CSTE) estimates 5,706 epidemiologists worked at health departments of the 50 states and DC in 2024, which is a 38% increase over the 4,135 reported in 2021. These national numbers, however, mask an uneven distribution of the public health workforce, as rural health departments have low per-capita staffing numbers compared to large, primarily urban health departments.

Workforce retention has been an issue before, during, and after COVID-19, and is exacerbated now as pandemic-era funding expires. NACHHO and CSTE point to impending workforce losses and note that, despite the recent growth in the workforce, there is still a large gap between current staffing levels at health departments and what is needed to fully implement Foundational Public Health Services nationwide. In addition, the public health workforce faces stress, burnout, and relatively low pay, which contributes to turnover and retention issues.

Public Health Communication Challenges in an Era of Declining Trust

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The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has defined health communication as “the study and use of communication strategies to inform and influence individual and community decisions that enhance health.”  Public health communication encompasses a broad and long-standing field of research and practice, and in the U.S. communication is recognized as one of the ten Essential Public Health Services and one of the eight Foundational Capabilities for Public Health.

There is a history of successful implementation of communications approaches to improve the public’s health. In the 20th century, for example, there were notable U.S. campaigns to raise awareness about the negative health effects of tobacco use, increase the use of seat belts, and improve nutrition and physical activity, all of which contributed to improved health across the country. 

However, implementing effective public health communication strategies can be difficult, especially in the context of a public health emergency such as an outbreak or pandemic. There is a history of U.S. public health authorities facing communication challenges to combat infectious disease epidemics, including HIV/AIDS and Ebola. More recently many of these same challenges, along with new ones, arose in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic response. 

At present, some key challenges for public health communication in the U.S. include:

  • A “fractured” system of health communicators and sources of health information that includes governmental institutions at the global, federal, state, and local level along with private organizations and individuals, which together can produce an often overwhelming amount of information, not all of which is trustworthy;
  • An evolving set of communication channels for public health information that includes traditional mass media along with a rapidly changing landscape of social media and other online communication networks;
  • A marked decline in trust in health institutions and increased skepticism of expert advice in recent years, as demonstrated in KFF polling;
  • The politicization of public health science and public health messaging, especially during and after the COVID-19 pandemic;
  • More exposure to public health misinformation (the spread of inaccurate or false information) and disinformation (the deliberate spread of false information with the intention to mislead). 

Still, there are strategies that can help address these challenges, such as:

  • Improving coordination on public health messaging among key messengers in public health;
  • Collaborating with information channels such as social media companies to understand and reduce the spread of misinformation;
  • Presenting and disseminating information from trusted sources through multiple channels;
  • Tailoring messages to intended audiences;
  • Engaging in two-way communication that encourages dialogue with members of the public and addresses questions and concerns, especially with those in the “malleable middle” who remain open to updating their opinions on health issues;
  • Proactively countering misinformation and disinformation;
  • Applying continual improvement strategies to learn from successes and failures in public health communication; and
  • Building trusted relationships with communities by engaging consistently over time, rather than only during crises.

Current Topics in U.S. Public Health

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Case Surveillance, Reportable and Notifiable Diseases

Disease surveillance, which has been defined as the “ongoing, systematic collection, analysis, and interpretation of health-related data,” is a core function of the public health system. This includes collecting case information for diseases of importance, reporting and analyzing that information and investigating it if there is a need. In the U.S., responsibilities for public health surveillance activities are shared among state and local, federal, and private actors, just like for many aspects of public health.

Initial reports on cases of disease may originate from providers such as medical practitioners, hospitals, or laboratories. When a practitioner diagnoses and/or receives a positive lab result for certain conditions, this information is typically reported to the appropriate local and/or state health department, as determined by state disease reporting laws. Such reporting to state and local health departments is mandatory for a specific set of diseases, which are known as reportable diseases. The specific list of reportable diseases – most of which are infectious diseases that can pose a threat to public health – can differ between states, depending upon each jurisdiction’s health priorities. Reports to state/local health departments will often include some personally identifiable data on the individual(s) diagnosed, to allow public health authorities to investigate and follow-up. This way, state and local health departments can provide necessary services to affected individuals, and also use reported information to locate the source of potential new outbreaks or health threats and intervene to prevent further spread.

In turn, state and local health departments may also send de-identified data about confirmed cases of certain diseases and conditions that are tracked nationally to the CDC. This notification is voluntary — the federal government cannot require states to report diseases as that is a public health authority that rests at the state level. CDC does maintain a list of notifiable diseases that it requests state and local health departments provide through its National Notifiable Diseases Surveillance System (NNDSS). This list is updated every year using case definitions refined in collaboration between CDC and Council of State and Territorial Epidemiologists (CSTE). In 2023, for example, there were 123 reportable conditions on CDC’s notifiable diseases list.

Federal Declarations and Powers During Public Health Emergencies

The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated how consequential public health emergencies can be. It presented the biggest challenge to the U.S. public health system and the largest public health response in a century, and it has had an effect on how public health is practiced across the country. In the event of a threat that is determined to represent a public health emergency, different components of the executive branch can make public health emergency declarations that unlock different flexibilities and resources for response purposes:

  • The President can issue a national emergency declaration pursuant to Section 201 of the National Emergencies Act, which will remain in effect until terminated by the President or through a joint resolution of Congress, or if the President does not issue a continuation notice annually. Such a notice was issued by President Trump for COVID-19 and was extended by President Biden. Declaring a national emergency allows the federal government to waive certain programmatic requirements related to Medicaid and Medicare, among other provisions.
  • The Secretary of HHS can declare a “public health emergency (PHE)” under Section 319 of the Public Health Service Act. A PHE lasts for 90 days and must be renewed to continue, and Congress must be notified of the declaration within 48 hours. Declaring a PHE allows the HHS Secretary the flexibility to take a number of different actions, such as: tap into emergency funds, rapidly approve grants and contracts, waive or modify requirements within health programs such as Medicare and Medicaid, adjust Medicare reimbursement policies for certain drugs, hire new temporary staff and reassign personnel, and other actions. Public health emergency declarations over the past decade have included those for COVID-19, opioids, hurricanes, wildfires, and an epidemic of Zika that began in 2016. 
  • The Secretary of HHS can also make a separate emergency declaration pursuant to Section 564 of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic (FD&C) Act, which can justify the use of emergency use authorization (EUA) for medical countermeasures needed for emergency response, such as new vaccines, treatments, and/or diagnostics. The EUA mechanism facilitates the availability and use of medical countermeasures determined to be safe and effective, but have not yet been formally approved by FDA. An emergency declaration issued pursuant to Section 564 of the FD&C Act remains in effect until terminated by the HHS Secretary. 

The HHS Secretary can also declare an emergency under the Public Readiness and Emergency Preparedness (PREP) Act (pursuant to Section 319F-3 of the Public Health Service Act), which allows the Secretary to provide liability immunity for companies and other actors for their activities and products developed and implemented to respond to a public health emergency. Such a declaration was made for COVID-19 by the Trump administration and continued by the Biden administration, which provided liability protections for vaccine manufacturers, etc.

Because most public health powers reside at the state level, the federal government has limited ability to issue nationwide mandates related to public health. However, during declared emergencies, the federal government does have expanded powers to do so, though the limits to these powers have been a point of contention during and after the COVID-19 emergency declaration. Examples include:

  • Mandates for federal workers or federal buildings/lands (mask mandate, vaccine mandate)
  • Airline and interstate travel-related mandates (e.g., mask mandates for interstate air, train, or bus travel, contact tracing/information tracking through airlines). A 1944 statute empowers the CDC “to make and enforce such regulations as in [its] judgment are necessary to prevent the introduction, transmission, or spread of communicable diseases from foreign countries into the States . . . or from one State . . . into any other . . . State.”  However, this authority has been the subject of litigation and a federal judge issued a ruling in 2022 that ended the CDC’s mask mandate for public transport during COVID-19.
  • Mandates for immigrants and international visitors (such as quarantine and isolation for incoming air passengers)

Even during emergencies, the federal government does not have the power to mandate widespread business or school closures, or vaccine mandates affecting the country’s population as a whole. State governments (and sometimes local governments), however, do have those authorities, and the federal government can make recommendations for state and local authorities to follow.

Water Fluoridation

Fluoridating water has been a long-standing public health practice in most communities across the U.S. and has been supported and recommended by the federal government for decades. The CDC considers fluoridation to be one of the most important public health interventions ever implemented. However, there has been growing scrutiny of the practice, and debates in many parts of the country about whether to continue fluoridation. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the Secretary of Health and Human Services in the Trump administration, has long been critical of water fluoridation and has said the Trump administration will recommend that fluoride be removed from public water. Even so, key professional associationspublic health experts, and many policymakers continue to support fluoridation as an important tool for improving dental health.

While the federal government does have some role in determining water fluoridation policies nationally, it does not have legal authority to require state and local communities to fluoridate their water, nor to remove fluoridation in areas where it is already policy. Instead, these decisions – just like many public health policy decisions in the U.S. – are made at the state and local levels. There are some states that require water systems of a certain size within their state to provide fluoridated water, while others leave this decision to city, county, or other officials, or leave the choice up to voters who decide via local referendums. At the same time, the federal government – specifically the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) – does have the primary authority to set and regulate the maximum level of fluoridation in public water systems. In addition, the CDC provides recommendations about best practices for achieving public health benefits from fluoridation that communities may choose to adopt.

Future Outlook

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The public health system in the U.S. is a decentralized one, with most authorities and programs delegated to the state and local levels. This “patchwork” system can be a strength and a weakness. While it allows for tailoring public health to more local needs, it also makes more coordinated and uniform action more challenging, particularly in times of emergencies; in addition, public health services and capacity vary significantly across the country, meaning that not all communities have the same level of access and there are resulting inequities in community health status. In addition, while the COVID-19 pandemic brought more attention and funding to public health, it also brought more scrutiny and contributed to a more politicized environment concerning public health, setting up new challenges for its future, including for funding and policy.

The current Trump administration has taken a very different approach to public health compared to the Biden administration. Whereas President Biden oversaw a notable increase in public health investments and expansion of public health efforts during his presidential term, the Trump White House has implemented aggressive cuts to funding, programs, and staff at CDC, FDA, NIH and elsewhere. This includes moves to cut support for federal programs related to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) and racial inequities, and those that address the health needs of LGBTQ+ people. Current HHS Secretary Kennedy stated that “nothing is going to be off limits” when it comes to policy changes at HHS, and so far, he and other staff have initiated a major reorganization, restricted NIH[RS1]  funding for health research, and requested a 25% cut in the department’s budget going forward. Vaccines, a cornerstone of public health efforts and infectious disease control, have been a target for Secretary Kennedy’s policy changes, as he announced new policies and recommendations for COVID-19 vaccines, canceled hundreds of millions of funding for mRNA vaccine research, installed anti-vaccine advocates to key staff positions, dismissed all members of a key federal vaccine advisory committee and hand-selected new members with a history of vaccine skepticism,  and vowed to change a key federal vaccine compensation program underlying the childhood vaccine market. Therefore, public health in the U.S. could be facing a turning point, and the next few years may bring continued turmoil to U.S. public health policy.

Resources

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Citation

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Michaud, J., Kates, J., Oum, S., & Rouw, A., U.S. Public Health 101. In Altman, Drew (Editor), Health Policy 101, (KFF, October 2025) https://www.kff.org/health-policy-101-u-s-public-health (date accessed).