Insurance Coverage of OTC Oral Contraceptives: Lessons from the Field

Published: Sep 14, 2023

Key Takeaways

In July 2023, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved the first over-the-counter (OTC) daily oral contraceptive pill, Opill. Despite years of OTC access to contraception such as Plan B and condoms, there has been little research on how private insurance plans or Medicaid programs cover non-prescribed OTC contraception and whether they do so without cost-sharing. Currently, federal law requires most private health insurance plans and Medicaid expansion programs to cover, without cost-sharing, the full range of FDA-approved contraceptive methods. Health plans usually require a prescription to indicate medical necessity and trigger coverage, including for methods that do not require a prescription to purchase. Traditional Medicaid programs are required to cover family planning services without cost-sharing, though states have flexibility in which contraceptive methods they cover.

Earlier this year, the Biden administration issued an executive order directing the U.S. Departments of Labor, Health and Human Services, and Treasury to consider new actions to improve access to affordable contraception, which includes promoting increased access to and coverage of OTC contraception at no costs to consumers. Currently, the guidance from these three agencies “encourages” private plans to cover OTC contraceptives without cost-sharing but does not require it.

Six states, however, have passed laws requiring state-regulated health plans to cover, without cost-sharing, certain OTC contraception without a prescription and seven states use state-only funds to provide this coverage for Medicaid enrollees. Twenty-seven states and D.C. have expanded pharmacist prescribing of at least some contraceptive methods, which could facilitate coverage of OTC methods but few pharmacists have training or time, and those that do, are not compensated for counseling patients.

This report is based on 35 structured interviews conducted from January to August 2023, with nearly 80 experts and key players such as pharmacists, health plans, and state Medicaid officials involved in the coverage and provision of OTC contraception in seven states with one or more of these coverage approaches (IL, NJ, NM, NY, OR, UT, and WA). It discusses the challenges and opportunities identified by the interviewees that they have experienced regarding coverage under private health insurance and Medicaid and reviews potential options for operationalizing insurance coverage of non-prescribed OTC contraception such as Opill. These experiences are also informed by recent policies that required plans to pay for OTC COVID tests and more recently by interest in expanding access to Narcan, now available without a prescription.

With the imminent availability of Opill and the possibility of a new OTC oral contraceptive pill in the near future, the issue of coverage has been raised by many stakeholders. While some states have moved forward with coverage requirements for OTC contraceptives, operational issues and concerns such as pharmacy and pharmacists’ capacity to submit claims for OTC products, a lack of uniformity and oversight of health plans’ billing protocols, and low awareness of these policies remain as implementation challenges. While required coverage of OTC contraception without a prescription and without patient cost-sharing would increase access, it could also create a precedent for coverage of other OTC treatments, raising issues of cost for insurers and state Medicaid programs.

Key Takeaways

  • Across the spectrum of stakeholders interviewed, there is interest and engagement about the potential of an over-the-counter (OTC) contraceptive pill to broaden access to contraceptive options, but many raised concerns about challenges related to affordability, implementation, and coverage options based on experiences in several states.
  • In states where OTC methods are currently covered without a prescription by Medicaid or private plans, consumers generally need to obtain OTC contraception at the pharmacy counter, where they can show evidence of coverage and get their pharmacy claim processed. In some private health plans, consumers can pay for OTC contraception up front and then seek reimbursement from the plan, but that could be financially and administratively burdensome for consumers and is rarely used.
  • Interviewees indicated that there has been little specific outreach about this covered benefit to pharmacies in states where OTC contraception, such as emergency contraception and condoms, is covered without a prescription in private insurance or for Medicaid enrollees. Health plan interviewees reported that they receive few claims for non-prescribed OTC contraception, which could be due to low awareness of the benefit and how to bill for it. Few plans provide information about the benefit in their enrollee-facing information.
  • State Medicaid programs need to submit a State Plan Amendment (SPA) to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) to cover OTC drugs and products. After obtaining this authorization, states can determine which OTC drugs and products their Medicaid programs will cover. However, federal Medicaid law requires a prescription to cover all drugs, even those that are available without a prescription. A few states have chosen to use their own funds, without federal matching dollars, to pay for OTC contraceptives for Medicaid enrollees without a prescription. Federal funds will remain unavailable to cover OTC drugs without a prescription unless Congress amends the federal Medicaid law.
  • In states where coverage for OTC contraception is provided without a prescription, interviewees noted that billing protocols for OTC contraception vary widely by health insurance plan and even within state Medicaid programs, leading to confusion for some pharmacists. States/state agencies do not usually determine the billing mechanism to be used.
  • Some interviewees raised the importance of addressing quantity limits for OTC contraception. Interviewed health plans and a national PBM suggested that quantity limits have the potential to control fraud, waste, and abuse, which they cited as leading to higher costs for insurers.
  • There has been limited communication about billing for non-prescribed OTC contraception between pharmacies, PBMs, health plans, and state insurance departments. Many interviewees from these sectors expressed that the mechanics of these state laws and how to operationalize them are unclear.
  • While several interviewees expressed confidence that their current billing process for other non-prescribed OTC contraception can easily accommodate, most state-level discussions on insurance coverage of this product are in the preliminary stages.
  • In some states, pharmacist prescribing plays an integral intermediary role in access to contraception where a prescription is required for coverage by removing the need to obtain a prescription from a physician or other prescriber. However, challenges and shortcomings with this approach persist, such as pharmacist time constraints, training requirements, and low or no payment from health plans for pharmacists’ services.
  • When interviewees were asked what general suggestions they had for how to best implement coverage for Opill without a prescription, many stressed the importance of having a standardized billing process to help facilitate the transition to covering OTC contraception such as without a prescription as well as the role of clearer federal guidance regarding what plans are required to cover.
  • While state actions to increase access to non-prescribed OTC contraception without cost-sharing can be meaningful for people with private insurance, the reach of these actions is limited, in large part because the majority of those with private health insurance are enrolled in self-funded employer plans, which are not subject to state insurance requirements.
  • The extent to which OTC contraceptive pills can broaden the availability of effective contraceptives to those who seek them will depend on many factors including state and federal policies, pharmacy engagement, pharmacy stocking and signage, religious refusals, affordability, and insurance coverage, as well as public awareness and education.

This work was supported by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Report

This report is based on 35 structured interviews conducted from January to August 2023, with nearly 80 experts and key players such as pharmacists, health plans, and state Medicaid officials involved in the coverage and provision of OTC contraception in seven states with one or more of these coverage approaches (IL, NJ, NM, NY, OR, UT, and WA). It discusses the challenges and opportunities identified by the interviewees that they have experienced regarding coverage under private health insurance and Medicaid and reviews potential options for operationalizing insurance coverage of non-prescribed OTC contraception such as Opill. These experiences are also informed by recent policies that required plans to pay for OTC COVID tests and more recently by interest in expanding access to Narcan, now available without a prescription:

Background

Oral contraceptives are the most commonly used method of reversible contraception in the U.S. Oral contraceptive pills were first approved for prescription use by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 1960. In July 2023, the FDA approved Opill, the first daily oral contraceptive pill available over-the-counter (OTC) without a clinician or provider’s prescription. It is expected to be available in early 2024.

OTC status is an FDA designation meaning that a drug or product is available without needing a prescription from a health care provider. The ability to access oral contraceptives without a prescription from a clinician can save time spent on travel, at a clinician’s office, and off work or school. Studies suggest that OTC access to oral contraceptives would increase the use of contraception, facilitate continuity of use, and reduce the risk of unintended pregnancy.

Most drugs available OTC today were initially labeled and approved as prescription-only medications. Other commonly known OTC drugs that were previously only available with a prescription include levonorgestrel emergency contraceptive pills; smoking cessation aids such as Nicorette; several brands of allergy medications such as Claritin D, Allegra, and Zyrtec; heartburn medication such as Prilosec; and Narcan nasal spray, the most recent product to switch from prescription to OTC status before Opill, which is used to treat opioid overdoses.

Levonorgestrel emergency contraceptive (EC) pills, marketed as Plan B One-Step and other brands, are a form of backup birth control intended to be taken within three days after unprotected sex or contraceptive failure to prevent pregnancy. They were the first contraceptive pills to have switched from prescription to OTC status, in 2006. While EC pills were originally FDA-approved for OTC use by people ages 17 and older, the FDA removed the point-of-sale age requirement in 2014. Unlike daily oral contraceptives, EC pills are not intended for daily use.

Other contraceptive products that are available over the counter without a prescription include external condoms, spermicides, and contraceptive sponges. These non-hormonal contraceptive methods are less effective than oral contraception at preventing pregnancy. The FDA’s approval of Opill will make it the most effective method of contraception available over the counter intended for regular use.

FDA Prescription-to-OTC Switch Process

The FDA requires applicants to conduct extensive testing, often over several years, of products and labeling before they can be approved for OTC use. Opill’s application was approved through the “RX-to-OTC switch” pathway, which is available for drugs that have already been approved by the FDA, like Opill, by submitting a New Drug Application (NDA). Medications may be eligible for OTC status if the FDA determines that they can be used appropriately by consumers for self-diagnosed conditions; they do not require a clinician for safe and effective use; and they have a low potential for misuse and abuse. Applicants typically must conduct studies to assess whether consumers are able to comprehend the product’s labeling and use the product safely and appropriately without the supervision of a clinician.

Opill, a daily progestin-only oral contraceptive, was initially approved for prescription use by the FDA in 1973 (manufactured by Pfizer under the brand name Ovrette). HRA Pharma acquired the rights to Opill in 2015 and began the research process required to apply to the FDA for an Rx-to-OTC switch, including label comprehension studies and self-selection actual use trials. HRA Pharma, subsequently acquired by Perrigo in April 2022, submitted its application to move Opill over the counter in July 2022.

In addition to review by the FDA itself, the process often also entails review by independent advisory committees comprised of scientific experts and consumer representatives. In May 2023, after reviewing evidence and hearing public testimony, FDA advisory committees unanimously voted in favor of the FDA moving Opill over the counter. Although the FDA is not required to follow advisory committees’ recommendations, they typically do. The FDA approved Opill for OTC use on July 13, 2023, without age restrictions, and the manufacturer reports that it will be available in stores and online in early 2024. Consumers will be able to purchase a pack of one, two, three, or six months’ worth of pills, depending on availability.  

Although it is farther behind in the process, another pharmaceutical company, Cadence, is working toward FDA approval of an OTC version of its combined (progestin and estrogen) oral contraceptive pill, Zena. Cadence is reported to be considering a different FDA pathway to OTC status that has been proposed by the Biden administration.

Federal and State Laws on Coverage of OTC Contraception

MEDICAID

Medicaid is the joint federal/state health insurance program for people with low incomes. Federal law requires state Medicaid programs to cover family planning services and supplies without cost-sharing, but they are not required to cover OTC products (with a few exceptions) or to cover OTC contraception without a prescription. States cannot obtain federal matching dollars for covering a medication without a prescription, but they may opt to use state-only funds to cover OTC drug benefits without a prescription.

Seven states (CA (effective in 2024), IL, MD, MI, NJ, NY, and WA) cover, with state funds, at least some OTC contraceptive methods without a prescription for Medicaid enrollees. Note that New Jersey Medicaid’s coverage of non-prescribed OTC contraception applies to fee-for-service (FFS) enrollees only, which represent 2% of enrollees in the state. With the exception of California, coverage is specific to emergency contraception or condoms in these states, so these programs may not include Opill without a change in policy. (See Over-the-Counter Oral Contraceptive Pills for the coverage details of these and other state Medicaid programs.)

PRIVATE INSURANCE

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) requires most private health plans (individual, small group, and large group) to cover recommended preventive services without cost-sharing. The ACA tasks the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) with recommending coverage requirements for a range of preventive services for women, which initially consisted of eight recommendations that included contraceptive services and supplies, identified by a committee of the Institute of Medicine in 2011. The initial HRSA 2011 recommendation included the language “as prescribed” in reference to the coverage requirement for contraception. Today, the Women’s Preventive Services Initiative (WPSI) is the expert body currently commissioned by HRSA to issue and update preventive clinical recommendations for women. WPSI updated its contraceptive coverage recommendation in 2021 and it does not include a prescription requirement for coverage of contraception. HRSA dropped the prescription requirement in its language when the preventive services guidelines were updated and posted. Currently, “as prescribed” is only referenced in the U.S. Departments of Labor, HHS, and Treasury (“tri-agency”) federal FAQs.

In addition to the federal ACA requirements, six states (CA (effective in 2024), MD, NJ, NM, NY, and WA) have laws or regulations requiring state-regulated private health insurance plans (individual and fully-insured employer-sponsored plans) to cover, without cost-sharing, OTC contraception without a prescription. Nationally, 65% of workers with employer-sponsored insurance are enrolled in a self-funded plan; therefore, the majority of people with employer-sponsored insurance who live in states that require coverage of OTC contraception without a prescription are not guaranteed this coverage. While the language of New York’s law is specific to emergency contraception, the other state laws apply to a broad range of contraception. The language of these laws, with the exception of New York’s, is broad enough to include a daily oral contraceptive pill such as Opill without a change in policy. (See Over-the-Counter Oral Contraceptive Pills for the details of these state laws and others that require coverage without a prescription.)

Illinois and Oregon require private health plans to cover OTC contraception; however, while these laws do not state that a prescription is required in order for it to be covered by insurance, the laws also do not explicitly stipulate that plans must cover them without a prescription. While federal law applies to all private plans, state law applies to only individual plans and fully-insured employer plans.

Pharmacist Prescribing

In states where coverage of OTC contraception without a prescription is not possible, not required, or where billing requirements are unclear, pharmacist prescribing is a relatively novel approach that can help expand access and bridge that gap. States, rather than the federal government, establish standards that determine the scope of practice and services that may be provided by different types of licensed health practitioners practicing in that state. Twenty-seven states and D.C., including all seven in this study, have passed laws permitting pharmacists to prescribe certain methods of contraception, including OTC contraception, or to dispense it pursuant to a standing order or collaborative practice agreement (discussed in more detail later in the report). In these states, consumers can obtain a prescription for contraception, including OTC methods, at a participating pharmacy without the need for a visit to a clinic or doctor’s office. Expanded scope of practice can help facilitate private insurance and Medicaid coverage of these products and research demonstrates that it can increase access to contraception and help prevent unintended pregnancies.

However, many states do not have laws that permit pharmacist prescribing, and in the states that do, there are many limitations with pharmacy prescribing, including low pharmacy and pharmacist take-up, pharmacist training requirements, and patient counseling and evaluation requirements, which are typically provided without payment from health plans. Although the FDA did not place an age restriction on access to Opill, some states place age restrictions on pharmacists prescribing contraception to people under the age of 18. Additionally, a consumer who wants pharmacist-prescribed contraception is not able to do so outside of pharmacy hours or when the pharmacist is unavailable to provide this service. Because pharmacist prescribing is still a clinical model and patients in most states must disclose personal health data during the consultation, this approach may present barriers for people who do not wish to interact with the health care system.

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Lessons Learned from Key Informant Interviews

To identify experiences and approaches for plans to cover OTC contraceptives, key players in states that require or allow for private insurance or Medicaid coverage of OTC contraception without a prescription, including some that allow pharmacists to prescribe contraception, were interviewed. After identifying states that implemented at least one of these insurance coverage or pharmacist prescribing policies, while also factoring in interviewing logistics, seven states were included in the project: Illinois, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Utah, and Washington.

From January 2023 through August 2023, KFF staff completed 35 interviews with nearly 80 experts from state Medicaid programs, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), state insurance departments, private health insurance plans, Medicaid managed care organizations (MCOs), chain pharmacies, independent pharmacies, a pharmacy benefit manager (PBM), and trade associations, as well as pharmacists and contraceptive access advocates.

The information collected from the interviews highlights state policies and strategies that have been used to operationalize Medicaid and private insurance coverage of OTC contraception such as Opill, as well as identifies the approaches and challenges to help inform state and federal efforts to address coverage for Opill. To preserve interviewees’ confidentiality, individual names, affiliations, and states are not provided. (See the Methods section for more details.)

State-Funded Coverage of OTC Contraceptives Without a Prescription for Medicaid Enrollees

The specifics of coverage of family planning services and supplies vary across Medicaid programs. Four of the seven states that participated in the study confirmed they pay for non-prescribed OTC contraception for Medicaid enrollees (IL, NJ, NY, and WA). (As mentioned above, New Jersey’s coverage applies only to FFS enrollees.) Because federal Medicaid law requires a prescription to trigger coverage of drugs and products, these coverage policies are entirely state-funded. New Jersey and New York only cover non-prescribed OTC emergency contraceptive pills while Illinois and Washington cover non-prescribed OTC emergency contraceptive pills and other OTC contraceptives such as condoms.

In states that cover non-prescribed OTC contraception for Medicaid enrollees using state-only funds, there are generally two mechanisms pharmacists use to bill for them and get reimbursed from the state.

  1. Universal National Provider Identifier (NPI) number: NPIs are unique, 10-digit numbers issued by CMS that identify individual providers or health care entities, such as pharmacies, which are used for billing purposes. Across the Medicaid programs that cover non-prescribed OTC contraception using state funds, this is the most common mechanism pharmacists use to submit a claim without enrollee cost-sharing. According to interviewees, this process involves the pharmacist entering a dummy, blank, or state-specific universal NPI in the prescriber field. It is used by three state Medicaid programs and some MCOs in the study.
  2. Pharmacy NPI: In this process, the pharmacist enters the pharmacy’s NPI in the prescriber field. It is used by one state Medicaid program and several Medicaid MCOs, and it was formerly used by one state Medicaid program that used to cover non-prescribed OTC emergency contraception but no longer does.

While each of the four state Medicaid programs published billing guidance and/or resources on the coverage benefit, pharmacist and consumer awareness of the benefit is generally low. Pharmacist training and billing guidance vary across states. Some state Medicaid programs are unaware of any issues with their billing mechanism for non-prescribed OTC emergency contraception, but others have cited that some pharmacists are unaware or unsure of the billing process for contraception despite billing guidance provided through pharmacy handbooks, newsletters, and email or fax blasts. As one pharmacist pointed out, part of the confusion stems from the fact that they are dealing with many plans and there is no standardized method of communicating this information or a single source for a pharmacist to find this information.

“The consumer will attempt to obtain [OTC] contraception at a pharmacy, and the pharmacist turns them away because they’re unable. They either think that they cannot dispense it without a prescription, or they feel Medicaid requires a prescription [for coverage]. Some of them just don’t know how to do it.”

–State Medicaid official

Billing mechanisms can also differ between traditional FFS Medicaid and MCOs. For example, in one state Medicaid program, pharmacists billing for non-prescribed OTC contraception are instructed to use a dummy NPI number in the prescriber field for their FFS program, the pharmacy’s NPI for one MCO, and dummy NPIs for other MCOs. These different billing mechanisms can lead to pharmacist confusion and additional administrative burdens.

Most state Medicaid programs studied indicated they have not recently reviewed claims data for non-prescribed OTC contraception or do not know how often claims are submitted for it. State Medicaid programs do not directly advertise the benefits to beneficiaries outside of the member handbook. Several pharmacists corroborated that awareness of this benefit among pharmacists and consumers is low.

One of the three states that does not currently cover OTC contraceptives for Medicaid enrollees discontinued funding for non-prescribed contraception in 2016. The program was reportedly discontinued due to lack of utilization, and one pharmacy owner mentioned the process was tedious for both pharmacists and patients. The program was administered through the state health department and was paid for using state funds and involved pharmacists billing Medicaid using the pharmacy’s NPI. State Medicaid officials have not discussed restarting the program.

In general, Medicaid fee-for-service enrollees cannot file a claim if they did not obtain point-of-sale coverage for non-prescribed OTC emergency contraception. However, an FQHC-based Medicaid MCO in one state that covers non-prescribed OTC contraception reported that enrollees can purchase the OTC contraceptive out-of-pocket and then submit a receipt to the MCO for reimbursement.

Private Insurance Coverage of OTC Contraceptives Without a Prescription

The project included four of the states that currently require state-regulated private health insurance plans to cover at least some methods of OTC contraception without a prescription (NJ, NM, NY, and WA). Oregon and Illinois, also included in the study, have laws requiring coverage of OTC contraception, but coverage without a prescription is not explicit and interpretation of the laws varies. Nonetheless, some health plans in these states do cover OTC contraception without a prescription.

In states where private insurers are required to cover OTC contraception without a prescription, there are generally two pathways for consumers to receive coverage.

  1. Obtaining the OTC contraceptive product at the pharmacy counter: The private plans interviewed said that consumers can bring their OTC products to the pharmacy counter and the pharmacist would then submit a claim to the plan using their own national provider identifier (NPI) number, pharmacy NPI number, or dummy NPI depending on the plan and state protocol. Enrollees usually must purchase it from an in-network pharmacy in order for it to be covered. This approach is similar to how pharmacists billed for at-home COVID-19 tests in many situations.
  2. Purchasing the OTC contraceptive product at the cashier outside of the pharmacy and getting reimbursed: One private plan mentioned that consumers can also purchase the product outside of a pharmacy setting and then submit a claim with the receipt to their insurance company for reimbursement, similar to the reimbursement mechanism that was used for some at-home COVID-19 tests. While this option generally expands access to coverage in certain situations, such as when a pharmacy inside a store is closed, it could pose financial and logistical barriers by requiring enrollees to pay the cost upfront and navigate the plan’s reimbursement process, which may require the enrollees to include a prescription number.

Some health plans voluntarily provide coverage for OTC contraceptives without a prescription in states that do not mandate coverage. The state insurance department for one state without an OTC contraceptive coverage requirement noted there are a few private health plans that voluntarily cover non-prescribed OTC contraception. Corroborating this notion, one private health insurance carrier that operates in a state where coverage of non-prescribed OTC contraceptives is required also voluntarily extends the same coverage in the three other states where the carrier operates, which do not have this requirement, as long as the drug or product is included on the drug formulary. A formulary is the list of drugs covered by a specific health insurance plan. If a drug is not listed on a plan’s formulary, it is likely not covered by the plan and the enrollee would need to pay out-of-pocket for it.

Despite state coverage requirements, the health plans in the study indicated that claims for non-prescribed OTC contraception are rare, suggesting a lack of awareness of this covered benefit among pharmacists and health plan enrollees. Indeed, two independent pharmacy owners in a state with this coverage requirement indicated that they were unaware of or unfamiliar with this private insurance policy. Representatives from another state’s insurance department stated that it is the health plans’ responsibility to inform their members of any new benefits to which they are entitled. Some state insurance departments indicated that health plans are required to notify their enrollees that this coverage is available or include the information in their membership materials, though the details of how and where that information is communicated is largely up to the plan.

Some contraceptive access advocates cited concerns that raising consumer awareness and expectations about this covered benefit without better operational structures could generate confusion among enrollees with employer-sponsored insurance. Coverage requirements for OTC contraception only apply to state-regulated private health plans (individual and fully-insured employer-sponsored plans). However, the majority of covered workers are enrolled in self-funded plans, to which state coverage requirements do not apply. Two national advocates, who also work with state-level advocates, noted that broadly promoting coverage awareness can misguide and mislead many consumers who are in self-funded plans into thinking they are guaranteed this coverage because self-funded and fully-insured plans typically look the same to the enrollee so they may not know they are in a self-funded plan. Some states, such as Colorado, Maryland, and New Jersey, require insurance cards to indicate whether the plan is regulated by the state, but most states do not.

Even with state laws requiring coverage, insurance commissioners have not issued guidance on how private health plans should process claims for non-prescribed OTC contraception. Representatives from one state’s department of insurance confirmed that billing mechanisms for OTC contraceptives vary across health plans, with some plans having their pharmacy networks set up to detect the products as zero cost-sharing and others requiring enrollees to submit claims to the insurer for reimbursement. The various ways of billing private insurance can consequently lead to pharmacist confusion.

“Working in the community setting, we are incredibly busy. Having to look up a separate way to do the same thing takes a lot of time.”

– Pharmacist from a regional retail pharmacy chain

State compliance and enforcement efforts vary. One state department of insurance addresses compliance on a case-by-case basis, primarily relying on complaints from consumers or providers to trigger a compliance review. This state insurance department noted that while there was some confusion among insurers about the mechanics of the coverage law when it took effect, they have received very few complaints. Another state insurance department takes a different approach to ensuring compliance with state coverage laws by conducting systematic reviews periodically, in addition to addressing individual complaints they receive from consumers and providers, which they note are rare. However, a pharmacist and a representative from a pharmacy chain noted that even with state mandates, getting payers to operationalize coverage is difficult.

“Even though we’ll have a bill that says it’s supposed to be covered, the plans don’t necessarily start covering it. We’ve seen that with the extended supply [of hormonal contraception].”

– Clinical pharmacist and national pharmacist educator

Pharmacy Benefit Managers

Pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) are third-party administrators contracted by health plans that perform a variety of financial and clinical services for both private insurance plans and Medicaid programs, including negotiating discounts on medications for health plans and employers, establishing prescription drug formularies, and adjudicating pharmacy claims. PBMs play a role in the provision of OTC contraception by determining what tier of a drug formulary it is placed on, which impacts enrollee cost-sharing amounts; determining pharmacy reimbursement amounts, which impacts the willingness of a pharmacy to sell a particular drug or product; processing enrollee claims; and conducting pharmacy oversight of claims to ensure proper billing techniques.

Billing for OTC contraceptives varies across PBMs. PBMs help establish standard formulary processes while ensuring the insurers and pharmacies they contract with abide by state and federal policies. One national PBM interviewee noted that coverage for OTC drugs typically requires a prescription in order for the claim to adjudicate through their pharmacy system. In states with laws that require private insurers to cover non-prescribed OTC contraceptives, a health plan interviewee explained that their members need to mail in receipts to be reimbursed for the out-of-pocket purchase. However, as other interviewees shared, there have been few claims for these non-prescribed OTC contraceptives.

Both payers/PBMs and pharmacies experience challenges with claims submission due to historical systems and processes that were not built for widespread coverage of non-prescription products. For example, one health plan explained that most chain pharmacy systems require an NPI to submit a claim and that most payer claim systems also require an NPI to adjudicate the claim. While the payer could in theory opt not to require an NPI, the pharmacy system would still require it. As a result of these collective limitations, workarounds at the pharmacy and health plan level may be necessary when billing for non-prescribed OTC contraception, creating additional burden on community pharmacy staff.

Some pharmacists are concerned that billing health plans for non-prescribed OTC contraceptives may trigger an audit from PBMs. Some pharmacists said they worry about being audited by PBMs, as these billing mechanisms appear to contradict the training they have received about billing thoroughly and carefully to avoid auditing. One pharmacy chain representative shared this concern as well since failed audits can result in penalties and loss of compensation for pharmacies. However, representatives from a private health insurance plan and a Medicaid managed care organization stated that their PBM excluded OTC categories from being auditable.

Some pharmacists also reported being concerned about potential legal liability for billing without a prescription. When a pharmacist uses their NPI, the pharmacy’s NPI, or a dummy NPI to bill for an OTC drug, it can give the impression that a prescription has been written for it. Some pharmacists in these states raised concerns about potential legal liability in the event that a patient claims a pharmacist made a mistake because no prescription was actually written.

Clear communication between PBMs, health plans, and pharmacies can help facilitate coverage for OTC contraceptives. The health plan above noted that their PBM notified network pharmacies that coverage for OTC contraceptives is a new capability that pharmacies in the state must comply with. The PBM also sent out billing guidance on how to bill for OTC contraceptives. Clear communication can help reduce confusion about different billing mechanisms and alleviate concerns about being audited.

The Role of Pharmacist Prescribing

Four (NM, OR, UT, and WA) of the seven states in the study currently permit pharmacists to prescribe contraception; two states (IL and NJ) recently passed pharmacist prescribing laws and are still in the process of implementing them; and one state (NY) passed a pharmacist prescribing law in May 2023 that will take effect at the end of 2024. (See Appendix Table 1 for details on each state’s law.)

Pharmacist prescribing plays a key role in coverage of contraception without cost-sharing in some states. Many interviewees stated that pharmacist prescriptive authority helps expand access to reproductive health care. Prescribing authority varies by state and is typically issued through a standing order, collaborative practice agreement, statewide protocol, or full prescriptive authority (Table 1). Where this is an option, pharmacist prescribing helps reduce barriers to accessing contraception by removing the need to visit a clinician to obtain a prescription, and for people without insurance, it can be less expensive than getting a prescription from a clinician.

Mechanisms to Expand Pharmacists’ Scope of Practice

Uptake of prescriptive authority has been low among pharmacists in some states, in part because of the training requirements. In many states, including one in the study, pharmacists graduating from the state university’s pharmacy school earn prescriptive authority upon graduation. However, prescriptive authority for hormonal contraception usually involves continuing education which takes time and resources outside the standard responsibilities of a pharmacist. An executive pharmacy director for a Medicaid managed care organization stated that even though their state allows pharmacists to prescribe hormonal contraceptives via a standing order, it is uncommon for pharmacists to use this option.

While pharmacist prescribing can promote access to contraception, shortcomings of this approach may persist for several reasons. The most commonly cited reasons include:

  • Lack of or limited compensation for consultation is a barrier to participation in pharmacist prescribing. Most pharmacists and independent community pharmacy leadership mentioned that pharmacists in their state are not incentivized to prescribe or dispense hormonal contraception due to the lack of payment from health plans for the service. Several pharmacy interviewees cited challenges getting private insurance to compensate pharmacists for this service. This challenge is in part due to the fact that insurance companies typically do not recognize pharmacists as providers and adhere to credentialing and enrollment processes that are typically reserved for traditional health care providers vs. pharmacists. While pharmacies are reimbursed for the cost of the drug, pharmacist services for patient counseling and evaluation, prescribing, and other administrative services associated with providing this service are often not compensated by payers or are paid at a low rate. Representatives from a pharmacy chain said that when pharmacy services are paid, whether the payment goes to the pharmacy or to the pharmacist depends on the arrangement pharmacists have with their employer. One pharmacist noted that payment typically goes to the pharmacy rather than to the pharmacist. Lack of or low compensation can sometimes lead pharmacies to charge patients consultation fees in lieu of payer compensation, which is at odds with the goal of the ACA and Medicaid to eliminate financial barriers to contraceptive services for patients. One pharmacy interviewee reported that they do not prescribe many OTC products for this reason:

“Economically, it doesn’t work out because [patients are] paying $80 [in consultation fees] to get a product that they would pay $50 for [without insurance coverage].”

–Independent pharmacy owner

  • Lack of prescriptive authority where it is permitted: As mentioned above, it may be difficult to locate pharmacies with at least one prescribing pharmacist, even in states with many prescribing pharmacists. One interviewee said their data showed pharmacist prescribing is more prevalent in urban areas than rural areas. Since prescriptive ability is optional to most pharmacists, consumers may encounter inconsistent availability of pharmacists willing or able to prescribe hormonal contraception. This gap is particularly prevalent in rural areas that already face declining access to pharmacies. However, other studies suggest that pharmacists in rural communities are just as likely to prescribe contraceptives as those in urban communities.
  • Lack of time: The role and scope of pharmacists in health care has rapidly expanded over the years, with a growing number of pharmacists dispensing medication, administering vaccines, and counseling patients, among other services. Several interviewees expressed that prescribing contraceptives and adjudicating coverage for OTC contraceptives adds another layer of responsibility for pharmacists who are already overstretched. The process often involves a pharmacist consultation, drug utilization review, blood pressure check, and patient education, all of which take time to complete and can interrupt workflow. For these reasons, even if there are pharmacists who can prescribe at a pharmacy, patients may have to wait to obtain a prescription for contraception. Additionally, pharmacists are generally required to enroll as a Medicaid provider in order for Medicaid to compensate for their services, which can be a burdensome process depending on the state.

When asked what suggestions they would have for other states considering implementing pharmacist prescribing, some pharmacy interviewees noted the importance of having input from pharmacies and pharmacists when developing and implementing legislation and regulations.

Considerations for Covering OTC Oral Contraceptive Pills

Discussions about coverage of an OTC daily oral contraceptive pill without a prescription have barely begun at the state level. The FDA approved the daily oral contraceptive pill, Opill, for OTC use at the end of the interview fielding period. Interviewees were asked what steps, if any, they have taken in anticipation of or in reaction to FDA approval of an OTC daily oral contraceptive pill, including agency, health plan, or pharmacy discussions, or any concrete plans. For the most part, these discussions have not yet begun or are in their very early phases. Among those that have begun planning, several interviewees expressed confidence that their current system for billing for other OTC contraception such as Plan B without a prescription is a feasible way to bill for an OTC daily oral contraceptive and that they do not believe any additional steps would need to be taken to change billing and claims systems. Private health insurance plans and a state insurance department interviewed indicated that while there have been some discussions about coverage for an OTC oral contraceptive without a prescription, they have not yet taken any concrete actions. Interviewees, including a state department of insurance, mentioned the importance of involving health care providers with clinical expertise, especially pharmacists, in efforts to expand coverage. Since their interview, one state reported it has begun a provider outreach campaign to understand barriers at the pharmacy level, particularly those in smaller towns, rural areas, and tribal communities, and is developing a communications campaign to help ensure any barriers to OTC uptake are addressed by the time Opill comes to market.

The importance of clear federal guidance about any plan coverage requirements for OTC contraception was cited by many interviewees when asked for suggestions on how to best implement coverage approaches without a prescription. One interviewee from a state insurance department noted that their state relies heavily on federal action for implementing changes for new drug coverage. Representatives for a national PBM echoed that federal guidance would be helpful, and another representative for a national health plan trade group emphasized that communication related to coverage policies from the federal government needs to be clear and cannot be confusing for patients, providers, and plans. One pharmacy interviewee commented that direction from the federal government on coverage without a prescription is mutually beneficial all around. Contraceptive access advocates noted that lack of consistency in the language between what the ACA regulations require plans to cover and the tri-agency FAQs has led to differing interpretations of policy and lack of clarity on what can be enforced.

One pharmacy chain indicated that it is currently working with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to try to create a payment pathway at the federal level for pharmacist prescribing, a fallback approach to coverage where coverage without a prescription is not an option.

“Anything that’s dictated nationally versus state-by-state is always a win for the patient, and quite frankly, it’s always a win for the pharmacy.”

–Representative from a pharmacy chain

CMS has begun preparations to accommodate coverage of OTC contraception in Medicaid, but some form of a prescription is still required to obtain federal matching funds. CMS, the federal agency that administers Medicaid in partnership with state governments/Medicaid agencies, has issued guidance on how states can leverage expanded scope of pharmacist practice to cover OTC medications such as contraception. They suggest using broad and general language in their state plan regarding Medicaid coverage of OTC drugs. States submit state plan amendments (SPAs) to CMS when they plan to make changes in how they administer Medicaid program activities and are seeking federal approval to draw down federal funds or federal matching dollars for those services.

In response to the FDA approval of OTC Narcan nasal spray in March 2023, and in anticipation of the FDA approving a daily OTC oral contraceptive, CMS has encouraged state Medicaid programs to use broad implementation language in their state plan and list which therapeutic categories are covered on their state website or other public-facing documents to prevent the need for states to submit a new SPA each time their state wishes to cover an OTC drug. For example, CMS approved SPAs from Delaware, Montana, Florida, and Illinois indicating their intent to broadly cover OTC drugs. The billing mechanisms for covering these OTC products vary by state and still require the NPI field to be filled out. CMS leaders believe that this method can be leveraged by any state because even prior to Narcan’s OTC approval, all states had a protocol in place to allow pharmacists to dispense at least some drugs, for example, through a state health official’s standing order. Some state Medicaid programs also used this approach to cover at-home COVID-19 tests.

This approach is different than state Medicaid programs using state-only funds to cover OTC contraception without a clinician’s prescription. States only receive federal matching funds for OTC contraception if it is prescribed by an authorized prescriber.

Nearly all pharmacy interviewees recommended that states considering coverage for OTC contraception should include a billing structure that adequately compensates pharmacists for their services since pharmacies are not typically paid for submitting claims for non-prescribed products.  A national PBM indicated that it is currently considering potential billing mechanisms for Opill and has begun partnering with its clients and pharmacies to effectuate this coverage. This PBM and a national PBM trade association also stressed that modernizing the pharmacy claims process and having a standardized billing process in place would facilitate the transition to covering OTC contraception such as Opill without a prescription.

Submitting Pharmacy Claims to Health Plans

There are several steps involved in a pharmacy submitting a claim to a health plan or PBM (see Appendix Table 2). While the processing of a pharmacy claim, from submission by the pharmacy to the return claim arriving back at the pharmacy, occurs, on average, within 3 to 4 seconds, it can take several minutes (or longer if there are problems) for the pharmacist or technician to enter all the billing information. Despite the time and resources expended to submit a claim, pharmacies are not typically paid for providing this service for non-prescribed over-the-counter medications.

Quantity limits are another consideration in coverage for OTC contraception without a prescription. Opill will be sold in packages of one-, two-, three-, and six-month supplies. Having an extended supply of oral contraception is associated with better adherence and lower rates of unintended pregnancy. Several states require plans to cover an extended supply of contraception, such as six or 12 months at a time. However, several interviewees, including some health plans and a national PBM, suggested that prohibitions on quantity limits could contribute to increased waste and costs.

“One of the big learnings we heard from our plans is that there needs to be some guardrails. If there are no quantity limits or other constraints, people could buy bulk male condoms, for example, and then resell them. It actually has happened.”

–Representative from a national health insurance trade association

While interviewees did not report these types of incidents with OTC emergency contraceptive pills, which are a closer parallel to Opill than condoms, this is an issue that at least some interviewees are thinking about in preparation for insurance coverage of Opill. On the other hand, some advocates are concerned that quantity limits can create access barriers for consumers in the event that their pack of pills gets damaged, lost, or left behind.

Stocking decisions and signage can increase opportunities for coverage. Although a few states, such as Washington and Massachusetts, require pharmacies to stock contraceptive medications such as Plan B, pharmacies in most other states will decide whether or not to carry Opill. Stocking also has implications for insurance coverage because most plans provide more coverage for drugs purchased at an in-network pharmacy than at an out-of-network pharmacy, and in some cases such as with health maintenance organizations (HMOs), drugs and services are not covered by out-of-network providers at all.

Pharmacies’ decisions on where to stock OTC contraceptives will also play a role in access, both for those with and without insurance. Some pharmacies decide to put OTC contraceptives behind the pharmacy counter or in a locked cabinet on the shelf due to shoplifting concerns. Some interviewees noted that this type of placement in a pharmacy may make it more difficult to access the contraceptives and that some consumers may have confidentiality concerns, particularly for young people and those living in smaller towns and rural areas. On the other hand, one pharmacist interviewee said that having consumers come to the pharmacy counter to obtain OTC contraception allows the pharmacist to help them understand if the product is the best option for them, understand how to use it, and assess if it is covered by their insurance.

“There is a perception that these medications, Plan B and Opill, are more likely at risk for shoplifting. So even if they do have them out at the OTC area, they could be placed behind the locked cabinet. Think about the barrier, right? We have to go and actually ask somebody to be able to have access to it.”

–Representative from a national pharmacy benefits manager

Posting signage about the availability of OTC contraception and whether it may be covered by insurance could help increase consumer awareness and uptake. An interviewee suggested that some pharmacies may be voluntarily posting signage on the shelf where emergency contraception is stocked to inform customers that if they take the product to the pharmacy counter, the pharmacist may be able to bill insurance for it, rather than the customer having to pay for it entirely out-of-pocket. A pharmacist interviewee noted that posting this type of signage may be more difficult for chain pharmacies because they typically require upper management approval for any content that is posted in their pharmacies.

Pharmacist religious refusals can also impact access to contraception in general. Multiple interviewees in the study cited religious beliefs and refusals as common barriers to accessing hormonal contraceptives through the pharmacy in at least some parts of the state, typically in rural areas and small towns. While some health plans and pharmacies try to find a second prescribing pharmacist at the pharmacy, these refusals and objections have reportedly led to delays in patient access. Even in states where a prescription is not needed for insurance coverage of OTC contraception, a pharmacist may still refuse to process the claim.

Outreach and education to pharmacies, pharmacists, and patients will be critical in fully realizing the potential of an OTC daily oral contraceptive, as discussed by several state Medicaid programs, private health plans, pharmacists, and advocates. The insights gleaned from these interviews suggest that there is a role for a variety of stakeholders including consumer advocates, health plans, state Medicaid programs, PBMs, pharmacies, and pharmacists when it comes to informing consumers of this new product and insurance coverage for it.

“If you keep [Opill] locked up, which I’m imagining will be in some of these retailers, and nobody speaks about it, I don’t know how successful it will be. I hope that they’re going to have a good campaign to help educate everybody about it.”

–Community pharmacist

Contraceptive access advocates expressed that both the availability of OTC contraceptives and having plan coverage of these products can especially benefit communities that have historically faced a myriad of barriers to accessing and affording contraception. They encourage policymakers at the state and federal level to evaluate all possible options for covering OTC contraceptives, with special attention to addressing the concerns facing communities without a pharmacy or people that experience other barriers to access.

“Affordability is an equity issue. We want to make sure [Opill] is not just going to people who have privilege or who could have gotten it through other mechanisms and that it’s really reaching the communities with systemic barriers in place due to inequities in our healthcare system and in our society.”

–Representative from national contraceptive access advocacy group

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Discussion

State Policy Options

States have a variety of policy options if they seek to increase access to non-prescribed OTC contraception for individuals with private insurance. More states can continue passing laws requiring state-regulated health insurance plans to cover, without cost-sharing, OTC contraception without a prescription. Using broad language when developing laws and regulations, as some states have already done, can promote coverage of more drugs and products, such as Opill, emergency contraception, and non-hormonal methods such as condoms. Additionally, state laws requiring health plans to cover an extended supply of contraceptives, including those obtained over the counter without a prescription, could reduce burdens associated with having to order or go to the pharmacy every month. While these policies can increase opportunities for OTC contraceptive coverage for those who reside in those states, these policies only apply to those enrolled in state-regulated plans. States do not have the authority to require coverage for specific benefits in self-funded plans, which is the type of plan the majority of individuals with employer-sponsored coverage are enrolled in.

State Medicaid programs that do not currently have a SPA allowing broad coverage of OTC drugs will need to submit a SPA to CMS to cover OTC contraceptives (with a prescription). States that wish to cover Opill without a prescription for Medicaid enrollees may opt to use state-only funds. Most states that currently cover OTC contraception without a prescription for Medicaid enrollees only cover OTC emergency contraception and condoms, so policy changes would be required to permit coverage of a daily oral contraceptive pill such as Opill.

Expanding pharmacists’ scope of practice to permit them to prescribe contraception or enter into a standing order or other statewide protocol to dispense OTC contraception is another approach some states have taken. This approach still involves a prescription, but it can satisfy the prescription requirement to obtain coverage for the product and reduce some of the barriers often associated with having to obtain a prescription from a clinician.

Federal Policy Options

While state actions to increase access to non-prescribed OTC contraception without cost-sharing are meaningful for people who are eligible for that coverage, their reach is limited. The vast majority of states have not taken action to expand insurance coverage of OTC contraception without the need for a prescription. While some additional states may act on their own to develop systems and protocols to facilitate coverage of OTC methods without the need for a prescription, other states do not have the political climate to pass contraceptive coverage requirements in general, including OTC. Additionally, these coverage requirements will only apply to state-regulated health plans. Absent federal guidance or legislation, coverage requirements will continue to vary by state and by plan type.

At the federal level, in 2022, legislation was introduced in the U.S. House and Senate called the Affordability is Access Act that would require private health insurance plans to cover, without cost-sharing, FDA-approved OTC contraception purchased without a prescription. The legislation was re-introduced in 2023, shortly after the FDA advisory committees voted to recommend approval of Opill; however, its passage is unlikely in the current political climate.

Although the ACA requires most private health plans to cover, without cost-sharing, the full range of FDA-approved contraceptive methods, which includes OTC contraception, there is currently no specific requirement or policy that they be covered without a prescription. A prescription requirement is currently mentioned in federal FAQs clarifying ACA coverage requirements, with the most recent one issued by the Biden administration in July 2022. The FAQ references coverage of emergency contraception and states that plans must cover OTC contraceptives when the product is prescribed. It also states that plans are “encouraged to cover OTC emergency contraceptives with no cost-sharing when they are purchased without a prescription.” In June 2023, President Biden issued an executive order directing the U.S. Departments of Labor, Health and Human Services, and Treasury to consider new actions to improve access to affordable OTC contraception, including no-cost coverage. What those actions may look like and when they will occur is not yet known.

New federal guidance clarifying that coverage be provided with or without a prescription and without cost-sharing could have the effect of increasing access to non-prescribed OTC contraception such as Opill to the majority of people with private health insurance. Federal guidance under the preventive services contraceptive coverage requirements would apply to those in self-funded employer plans, as well as individual and other state-regulated plans and standardize OTC coverage for contraceptives across the country.

Medicaid programs, particularly for non-expansion populations, have considerable leeway in determining what benefits, including contraceptive methods, are covered. Although all state Medicaid programs cover outpatient prescription drugs, they are not required to do so. With limited exceptions (e.g., prenatal vitamins and certain tobacco cessation products), they are also not required to cover OTC drugs, but the majority of states do. CMS has indicated it could facilitate coverage of OTC contraception by approving SPAs permitting states to cover OTC drugs and products broadly. However, a prescription for OTC drugs is needed in order for the state to draw down federal matching funds. Congress would need to amend the federal Medicaid statute to require coverage of OTC products without a prescription. Absent that, states could adopt pharmacist prescribing to fulfill the prescription requirement.

Conclusion

As new products come to market through OTC availability, the issues of cost and coverage are raised by payors and consumers alike. In the case of COVID tests there was a rapid adoption of no cost coverage, but there was a national pandemic emergency and a cross cutting will from stakeholders across the spectrum to do what was possible to expand access to the tests. Currently, for insurers to pay for an OTC product, some kind of prescription is typically needed for the plan to process a claim. There is no national requirement that OTC contraceptive drugs and products be covered without a prescription, although some states and plans have moved forward to implement coverage absent a federal requirement.

There has been some level of bipartisan support for the availability of an OTC contraceptive pill, but there is less agreement about whether these methods should fall under the ACA’s no cost coverage requirement and be covered free of cost to policyholders. A policy that requires plans to cover OTC drugs without the requirement for a prescription will likely also have implications for the coverage and payment for other drugs that have OTC status beyond contraceptives and will shape the actions of plans, public programs, pharmacies, and policyholders alike.

While some of the interviewees for this project expressed that their state coverage laws for non-prescribed OTC contraception have increased access to some degree, most cited extensive challenges and confusion over the implementation of these laws. Issues cited include the mechanics of billing for a medication that is not accompanied by a prescription, lack of awareness about these laws (for health plans, pharmacists, and enrollees); and reliance on pharmacist prescribing as a fallback approach in states that allow it. From the perspective of many interviewees, these challenges have limited the impact of these coverage laws to meaningfully increase access to non-prescribed OTC contraception. Additionally, state benefit requirements only apply to fully-insured plans and do not apply to self-funded employer plans, which are only regulated by federal law.

Some interviewees expressed that uniform coverage of OTC oral contraceptives under private plans and Medicaid can only be achieved with federal action to clarify that no prescription is needed for coverage without cost-sharing. They commented on the importance for states with requirements for coverage to communicate about the availability of these benefits with health plans, pharmacies, and consumers to increase awareness and therefore access. Some interviewees noted that eliminating the prescription requirement for OTC oral contraceptives could also expand their availability, particularly to low-income individuals who may not have the resources to purchase the products directly.

The extent to which OTC contraceptive pills can broaden the availability of effective contraceptives to those who seek them will depend on many factors including state and federal policies, pharmacy engagement, public awareness and education, affordability, as well as the implementation of systems of coverage. Absent federal guidance or regulations, the availability of private insurance and Medicaid coverage of OTC contraception without a prescription will continue to depend on the state in which one lives and, if covered by employer-sponsored insurance, the plan’s funding structure.

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Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements

KFF thanks all of the interviewees for sharing their time, expertise, insights, and feedback throughout the course of this project. All interviewees who agreed to be identified are listed below. The authors would also like to thank Donald F. Downing (University of Washington School of Pharmacy) for his contributions to this project.

AHIP (formerly America’s Health Insurance Plans)Ashley Seyfarth, PharmD, Owner, Kare DrugCat Livingston, MD, MPH, Medical Director, Health Share of OregonChristine Gilroy, MD, Chief Medical Officer, Express ScriptsIllinois Department of Healthcare and Family ServicesJenny Arnold, PharmD, CEO, Washington State Pharmacy AssociationNew Mexico MedicaidNew York State MedicaidRobyn Elliott, Managing Partner, Public Policy PartnersSally Rafie, PharmD, Founder, Birth Control PharmacistTara Pfund, PharmD, Product Manager, AssureCareVictoria Nichols, Free the Pill Project Director, Ibis Reproductive HealthWashington State Health Care Authority

Methods

KFF staff identified states and a wide range of stakeholders that are involved in aspects of the decision-making, implementation, and oversight of coverage of OTC contraceptive methods. States were selected based on whether they had implemented insurance coverage of OTC contraception without a prescription and/or expanded the scope of pharmacist practice.

To inform interviews with Medicaid officials, KFF contracted with Health Management Associates (HMA) to assist in identifying key officials from state Medicaid programs and facilitating contact with them. HMA also provided feedback on interview guides and this analysis written by KFF, and provided clarification and guidance regarding pharmacy industry policies, processes, and terminology.

Potential interviewees were contacted by KFF or HMA via email. Follow-up emails were sent to those who did not respond. KFF consulted with several experts in the fields of pharmacy and policy to develop interview guides, which were tailored to the type of industry/agency and provided to interviewees prior to the interviews. Interviews were conducted virtually (except one that was completed in writing) by the KFF research team and lasted 30 to 60 minutes. Some interviews had multiple representatives from one agency, company, or organization, while others had a single interviewee. Interviewees representing smaller private industries and organizations were offered a $200 gift card incentive to participate.

Interviewees were asked to review the draft report and provide their feedback prior to publication, which most did.

To ensure interviewee confidentiality, interviewees were instructed that they would not be personally recognized unless given express consent. For this reason, neither interviewee names nor affiliations are included in this report.

Appendix

Pharmacist Prescribing by State
Appendix Table 2: Steps to Submitting a Pharmacy Claim
1. Pharmacy enters information required to bill insurance into its computer system, including the patient’s insurance, the drug or product, the prescriber’s national provider identification number (NPI), and other relevant information. This can be performed by a pharmacist, pharmacy technician, or clerk.

2. Pharmacy submits the claim using the National Council for Prescription Drug Programs (NCPDP)’s standard. NCPDP sets the HIPAA standard for pharmacy claims.

3. The claim reaches what is referred to as a “switch,” which acts as a gate keeper to ensure the claim reaches the correct pharmacy benefit manager (PBM) or other payer.

4. The claim contains values associated with the patient that identifies the PBM/payer the claim should be sent to.

    • BIN – Bank Identification Number
    • PCN – Processor Control Number
    • Group# – Group Number is not always required; some plans only use BIN & PCN
    • Member ID

5. The PBM/payer receives the claim for processing.

6. After processing, the PBM/payer returns the claim back to the originating pharmacy through the “switch” with either an approval or a denial. There are other processes that might require the PBM/payer to return a claim containing more information before final processing.

7. An approved claim will provide the pharmacy with the amount being paid and the amount of copayment to collect from the patient (if any).

8. Actual payment to the pharmacy (money transfer) occurs at a later date based on the parties’ contractual agreement.

SOURCE: Kevin Gorospe, PharmD, Principal, Gorospe Solutions LLC

COVID-19 Vaccine Access for Uninsured Adults this Fall

Published: Sep 13, 2023

The FDA has approved and authorized updated COVID-19 vaccines for the fall, and CDC has recommended them for everyone, ages 6 months and older. This recommendation comes as COVID-19 hospitalizations, and likely cases, are on the rise. The fall will also mark the first time that COVID-19 vaccines will be commercialized – that is, transitioned to the commercial market for their manufacturing, procurement and pricing. Up until this point, the federal government had purchased all COVID-19 vaccines and provided them free of charge to anyone, regardless of insurance coverage or ability to pay.

While the average price paid by the federal government for the most recent COVID-19 booster was about $29/dose, vaccine manufactures have indicated that they will charge $110-$130 per dose, or 3-4 times as much, on the commercial market. This has raised concerns about how those who are uninsured will access COVID-19 vaccines going forward, particularly given the potential for adverse effects on individual and population-level health. While virtually everyone with public and private insurance is guaranteed free access to any CDC recommended vaccine, including for COVID-19, this is not the case for the more than 23 million uninsured non-elderly adults in the United States, a number that may be increasing due to the unwinding of the pandemic-era continuous enrollment policy in Medicaid. Uninsured adults are disproportionately low income, people of color, and in poorer health, including being more likely to be hospitalized for avoidable health conditions and to experience declines in their overall health than those who are insured.

The federal government and vaccine manufactures have announced plans for a temporary approach to support access to the COVID-19 vaccine for uninsured adults. This policy watch provides an overview of how uninsured adults currently access recommended vaccines, how they have accessed COVID-19 vaccines thus far, including what is known about their vaccine uptake, and proposed plans to provide COVID-19 vaccines to uninsured adults this fall and beyond. It does not focus on uninsured and underinsured children who are guaranteed free access to all recommended vaccines through the Vaccines for Children Program.

For adults who are uninsured in the United States, there is no guaranteed access to free vaccines recommended for routine use. The federal government does purchase a limited number of recommended vaccines directly for uninsured and other qualifying adults through funding that comes from Section 317 of the Public Health Services Act. Section 317 is a discretionary program, dependent upon annual appropriations from Congress, and its funding is used both for purchasing recommended vaccines and for supporting the nation’s immunization infrastructure. As a discretionary program, funding does not necessarily match need or cost, or take into account the introduction of a new vaccine (such as for COVID-19 or RSV). Because of these limits, some states supplement their Section 317 funds with state funds in order to reach more people. To be eligible to receive free vaccines through the Section 317 program, adults must be uninsured, have no vaccine coverage, or be vaccinated as part of a public health response such as a mass vaccination campaign. Free vaccines are largely distributed through state and local health departments and community health centers. Uninsured adults who are unable to access free vaccines must pay out of pocket for the full cost of the vaccines or receive them on a sliding fee scale at certain safety net providers.

How have uninsured adults accessed COVID-19 vaccines up until this point?

During the COVID-19 pandemic emergency, the federal government spent billions of dollars in emergency funds to purchase COVID-19 vaccines, including boosters, to provide them free of charge to the public. Vaccines were distributed widely, through federal and state public vaccine distribution centers, pharmacies, and health centers, which were instrumental in prioritizing hard to reach communities during this time. In addition, states were given a temporary option to provide Medicaid coverage for COVID-19 vaccines to uninsured individuals and receive 100% federal matching funds to cover the costs of providing care. This coverage option ended when the public health emergency declaration ended in May.

What do we know about uptake of COVID-19 vaccines among uninsured adults?

Among adults between the ages of 18 and 65, and despite COVID-19 vaccines being free to all up until this point, those who are uninsured are much less likely to have been vaccinated compared to those who are insured (54% vs 75%), based on recent KFF polling. This difference in uptake may reflect several factors, including systemic barriers to accessing care among uninsured individuals, different views of vaccination, and other challenges.

What is the ‘Vaccines for Adults’ program proposed by the Biden administration?

The Biden administration has twice proposed to Congress in its annual budget request the creation of a new “Vaccines for Adults” (VFA) program to provide uninsured adults with access to all recommended vaccines, including COVID-19 vaccines, at no cost. Congress has not acted on these proposals. As a result, the administration has proposed a temporary “Bridge Access” program to provide COVID-19 vaccines to uninsured adults on a limited basis (see below).

What is the HHS Bridge Access Program?

To address concerns about COVID-19 vaccine access among uninsured adults this fall, the administration announced a new “Bridge Access Program” earlier this year. It will operate as a “public-private partnership to help maintain uninsured individuals’ access to COVID-19 care at their local pharmacies, through existing public health infrastructure, and at their local health centers.” Financed with $1.1 billion in funds already appropriated during the COVID-19 emergency (funds will be used for both vaccines and treatments), the program is largely managed by the CDC and has two main components:

  • Vaccines will be purchased through the CDC’s Section 317 program and distributed through that network of local health departments and health centers. The Health Services and Resources Administration will provide additional support to health centers to ensure equitable access to vaccines and treatments.
  • CDC will partner with three pharmacy chains (CVS, Walgreens, and eTrueNorth) and provide them with a per-dose payment to support vaccine administration costs, as was done during the public health emergency. This component of the program relies on vaccine manufacturers providing COVID-19 vaccines at no cost to uninsured people, as they have announced (see below).

CDC has indicated that vaccines under the program will begin to be available within 48 hours of being recommended by CDC. The program is temporary and will run through December 2024.

Will vaccine manufacturers help provide COVID-19 vaccines to the uninsured?

Many vaccine and drug manufacturers offer patient assistance programs to support those without insurance or with limited means in accessing their products; however, these programs vary in terms of eligibility and application process. Both Pfizer and Moderna have announced that they intend to provide their vaccines at no cost to uninsured individuals, though details are not yet available.

Discussion

During the COVID-19 pandemic emergency, the federal government spent billions of dollars in emergency funds to purchase COVID-19 vaccines, including boosters, to provide free of charge regardless of insurance status or ability to pay. As COVID-19 vaccines enter the commercial market for the first time, uninsured adults will no longer be guaranteed access to these vaccines at no cost. To address this in the short term, the federal government announced a “Bridge Access Program” that relies, in part, on vaccine manufacturers providing free vaccines to uninsured individuals. Still, full details on these efforts are not yet available. And, while participating pharmacies will be required to conduct outreach to underserved communities, ensuring eligible people know about the program will be a challenge.  Given that uninsured adults are disproportionately low income and people of color and that COVID-19 vaccine uptake among uninsured adults is already lower than among those with insurance, concerns about cost and lack of awareness about the availability of free vaccines could present additional barriers to vaccination and further exacerbate existing disparities in uptake and health status. Moreover, these temporary approaches do not address access to vaccines beyond COVID-19, such as for flu or RSV, and underscore the broader challenge faced by those who are uninsured in accessing preventive health services.

Medicare Advantage Enrollment, Plan Availability and Premiums in Rural Areas

Authors: Jeannie Fuglesten Biniek, Gabrielle Clerveau, Anthony Damico, and Tricia Neuman
Published: Sep 7, 2023

Medicare Advantage enrollment has grown rapidly in recent years, and in 2023, more than half (51%) of all eligible Medicare beneficiaries are in a Medicare Advantage plan. Most Medicare Advantage enrollees, and most Medicare beneficiaries, live in metropolitan areas. To understand the role of Medicare Advantage in rural areas, this analysis examines trends in enrollment, plan availability and premiums in less populated counties.

Medicare Advantage enrollment is lower, but has grown more rapidly in recent years in rural areas than in metropolitan areas. In 2023, 40% of all eligible Medicare beneficiaries in rural counties are enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan, nearly four times the share in 2010 (11%). Rural Medicare Advantage enrollees can choose from among 27 plans, on average, which is triple the number of plans available just five years ago. In rural counties, like all areas, most Medicare Advantage enrollees are in a plan that charges no additional premium, other than the Part B premium.

Medicare Advantage in Rural Areas

Medicare Advantage enrollment has quadrupled in rural areas since 2010 and reached 40% in 2023.

In 2023, a smaller share (40%) of Medicare beneficiaries in rural areas – counties with less than 10,000 people – are enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan than Medicare beneficiaries in micropolitan (10,000 to 50,000 people) or metropolitan (at least 50,000 people) areas (44% and 53%, respectively). Though Medicare Advantage enrollment is lowest in rural areas, it has grown more rapidly in these counties, nearly quadrupling from 11% of eligible Medicare beneficiaries in 2010 to 40% in 2023. Over the same period, the share of Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan in micropolitan areas nearly tripled (from 15% to 44%), and nearly doubled in metropolitan areas (from 27% to 53%).

Enrollment in Medicare Advantage has Grown Faster in Rural and Micropolitan Areas than in Metropolitan Areas Since 2010

In 2023, more than 1.8 million Medicare beneficiaries in rural areas are enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan, more than four times the number enrolled in 2010 (400,000). In metropolitan areas, enrollment increased from 9.7 million in 2010 to 26.3 million in 2023 and in micropolitan areas, enrollment rose from nearly 700,000 in 2010 to 2.6 million in 2023 (Appendix Table 1). The growth in enrollment translates into an average annual increase of 12% in rural areas and 11% in micropolitan areas, compared with 8% in metropolitan areas between 2010 and 2023.

The average Medicare beneficiary living in a rural county can choose among 27 Medicare Advantage plans, triple the number of plans offered five years ago.

Across all areas, the number of Medicare Advantage plans available to the average Medicare beneficiary have risen steadily since 2018, after holding relatively constant in earlier years. In 2023, the average Medicare beneficiary in a rural area has 27 Medicare Advantage plans to choose from, which is three times more than the number of plans available in 2018 (9 plans). This is similar to the growth in micropolitan areas, where the average Medicare beneficiary has access to 31 plans in 2023, compared to 11 plans in 2018. In contrast, the average Medicare beneficiary in a metropolitan area can choose from substantially more plans – 46 in 2023, just over double the number in 2018 (22 plans) (Figure 2).

Since 2018, the Number of Medicare Advantage Plans Offered to the Average Medicare Beneficiary has Grown Rapidly in all Areas

In 2023, the average Medicare beneficiary living in a rural area can choose among Medicare Advantage plans offered by six firms, twice the number of firms offering plans in these counties in 2018.

Since 2018, the average number of firms offering Medicare Advantage plans has increased in all areas. The average Medicare beneficiary in a rural area can choose from plans offered by six firms in 2023, which is double the number of firms offering plans in these areas in 2018 (3 firms). The trend in the number of firms offering plans in micropolitan areas is similar, rising from three in 2018 to six in 2023. The number of firms offering plans has been consistently higher in metropolitan areas than in other geographic areas, rising from six firms in 2018 to ten firms in 2023 (Figure 3).

On Average, Fewer Firms Offer Medicare Advantage Plans in Rural and Micropolitan Areas Than in Metropolitan Areas

More than two-thirds (69%) of Medicare Advantage enrollees in rural areas are in a plan that requires no premium other than the Part B premium.

A somewhat smaller share of enrollees in rural (69%) and micropolitan (66%) counties pay no additional premium compared with enrollees in metropolitan areas (75%) (Figure 4). Medicare Advantage plans may impose a premium for the cost of Medicare-covered services above payments made by the federal government to the plans, as well as the cost of prescription drug coverage. Most Medicare Advantage plans offer extra benefits for no additional premium.

A Smaller Share of Rural and Micropolitan Medicare Advantage Enrollees are in a Plan With no Additional Premium than Medicare Advantage Enrollees in Metropolitan Areas

Since 2015, the share of Medicare Advantage enrollees in plans with no additional premium has increased steadily in all areas. Growth has been fastest in rural areas where the share of enrollees in plans with no additional premium increased from 21% in 2015 to 69% in 2023. Growth has been similarly rapid in micropolitan areas, rising from 24% in 2015 to 66% in 2023. In metropolitan areas, the share of enrollees in plans with no additional premium has been consistently higher than in rural or micropolitan areas, but has increased more slowly, rising from 53% in 2015 to 75% in 2023 (Appendix Table 2).

Discussion

Medicare Advantage enrollment and plan availability in rural areas have increased rapidly in recent years, as they have in more populated counties. Private plans often provide supplemental benefits to enrollees for no additional premium (other than the Part B premium), including some coverage of dental, vision, and hearing services, as well as reduced cost sharing compared to traditional Medicare without a supplemental plan. At the same time, Medicare Advantage plans may use provider networks, limiting coverage of services delivered by out-of-network providers. Provider networks may impose barriers to people living in rural areas who already face challenges obtaining health care services because of fewer providers and longer travel distances. Despite recent growth, Medicare Advantage enrollment in rural areas remains lower than enrollment in more populated areas. This could be the result of fewer investments in marketing and outreach in these areas by Medicare Advantage insurers, because financial returns are lower given the smaller population of potential enrollees. As Medicare Advantage enrollment continues to grow, understanding how plans differ across metropolitan, micropolitan and rural areas will be increasingly relevant to assessing how well private plans meet the needs of their enrollees.

Jeannie Fuglesten Biniek and Tricia Neuman are with KFF. Gabrielle Clerveau was with KFF at the time this brief was written. Anthony Damico is an independent consultant.

Appendix

Medicare Advantage Enrollment in Metropolitan, Micropolitan and Rural Areas, 2010 - 2023

Share of Medicare Advantage Enrollees in Plans With no Additional Premium in Metropolitan, Micropolitan and Rural Areas

Understanding Medicaid Procedural Disenrollment Rates

Authors: Jennifer Tolbert, Robin Rudowitz, and Patrick Drake
Published: Sep 7, 2023

As states unwind the Medicaid continuous enrollment provision, data show that large shares of people are being disenrolled for paperwork or procedural reasons as opposed to being determined ineligible. These high procedural disenrollment rates are raising concerns that many people who remain eligible for Medicaid may, nevertheless, be losing coverage. But, there are different procedural disenrollment rates being reported that can be confusing to interpret. This policy watch explains how the different rates are calculated, provides insights for interpreting the data, and describes steps the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) and states are taking to reduce procedural disenrollments.

What are procedural disenrollments?

Procedural disenrollments occur when there is no definitive determination of ineligibility. Procedural disenrollments may happen because enrollees do not receive renewal notices or face barriers to completing the redetermination process, such as not understanding what steps need to be taken. In some cases, people may be procedurally disenrolled because eligibility workers are not able to process documents enrollees have submitted before cases are automatically closed. Some enrollees may know they are no longer eligible, perhaps because of an increase in income or other change in circumstance, and do not respond to the renewal request so the state cannot make a definitive determination that the person is no longer eligible. While some states are reporting reasons for procedural terminations that indicate whether someone may be over income or did not respond, these data are limited. The main concern with procedural disenrollments is that many people losing Medicaid for these paperwork reasons may still be eligible and do not have another source of health coverage.

How are the procedural disenrollment rates calculated and how should different rates be interpreted?

Different procedural disenrollment rates are being reported for states because of differences in how those rates are calculated. When calculating procedural disenrollment rates, the denominator and timeframe matter. A procedural disenrollment rate calculated using total disenrollments as the denominator is going to be higher than a rate that uses all initiated renewals, which includes enrollees whose coverage was renewed as well as cases that remain pending, as the denominator. Additionally, a cumulative procedural disenrollment rate based on all reported renewal data since the start of the unwinding period is going to differ from one that is cohort based and reflects only procedural disenrollments for a single month. The cumulative procedural disenrollment rate reported by KFF, 73% as of September 5, 2023, uses total disenrollments as the denominator, highlighting that a substantial majority of disenrollments are for paperwork reasons rather than for people being definitively determined ineligible. In contrast, the cumulative procedural disenrollment rate using all initiated renewals as the denominator is 20%, reflecting the fact that many people have had their coverage renewed (Figure 1).

Overall, 73% of disenrollments are due to procedural reasons, among states reporting as of September  5, 2023

Reporting procedural disenrollments as a share of total disenrollments isolates procedural disenrollments and can help to identify systems or other issues. High procedural disenrollment rates using this methodology may reflect problems with mail delivery, backlogs in processing returned forms, or problems complying with federal regulations related to processing redeterminations. In contrast, states with lower procedural disenrollments as a share of total disenrollments may have more effective processes and procedures for contacting enrollees; they may provide a longer timeframe for enrollees to respond; or they may have more robust systems that streamline the process for returning renewal forms or submitting documentation.

Examining procedural disenrollments as a share of people renewed or the share of all initiated renewals can provide important context for understanding the data. States that are renewing large shares of people each month or that are holding redetermination cases open to give enrollees more time to respond may have lower overall disenrollment rates, even if their procedural disenrollment rates as a share of total disenrollments are high. An example is the District of Columbia, which has a 90% procedural disenrollment rate as a share of total disenrollments that drops to just 27% when calculated as a share of total completed renewals because DC is renewing coverage for 70% of enrollees (Figure 2). While some states, such as Texas, have procedural disenrollment rates that are higher than the national average for each measure, other states, such as Michigan, have rates that are lower.

Examples of how procedural disenrollment rates may vary based on how the rate is calculated.

How are CMS and states addressing high procedural disenrollment rates?

CMS has sent letters to states identifying concerns with high procedural disenrollment rates and potential systems issues contributing to inappropriate procedural terminations. On August 9, 2023, CMS sent letters to states expressing general concern over procedural disenrollment rates and urging states to take action to reduce those rates. CMS flagged 28 states where the agency deemed the procedural disenrollment rate to be too high. The rates reported in the letters were for May 2023 only, using total renewals initiated in the month as the denominator, and CMS defined a high procedural disenrollment rate as greater than 10%, More recently, CMS sent a letter to state Medicaid Directors on August 30, 2023 identifying a potential issue related to how some states are processing ex parte renewals (i.e., renewals that make use of electronic data sources documenting income and other circumstances) that could be contributing to inappropriate procedural terminations for some individuals, including children. According to the letter, any state that is out of compliance with federal rules must implement a mitigation strategy until the issue is fixed, reinstate coverage for all individuals who were improperly terminated for procedural reasons, and pause procedural disenrollments for individuals who may be affected.

Most states have adopted at least some of the flexibilities CMS has made available during the unwinding period aimed at reducing procedural disenrollment rates. More recently but prior to the release of the CMS letters, some states extended renewal notice timelines by 30 days to give people additional time to respond and to give states additional time to reach out to enrollees who have not yet responded. Other states temporarily paused procedural disenrollments for certain cohorts or for all enrollees. In light of the recent CMS letters, states can be expected to adopt additional strategies to reduce procedural disenrollments.

News Release

Already at Record High, ACA Marketplace Enrollment Could Increase Further

Published: Sep 7, 2023

Enhanced Marketplace subsidies have continued to drive up enrollment in the individual market, and the loss of Medicaid coverage by millions of people could contribute to this trend, according to a new KFF analysis. Meanwhile, enrollment in non-ACA-compliant plans is at a record low.

As of early 2023, an estimated 18.2 million people have individual market coverage, the highest since 2016. Individual market enrollment grew by about 29% between early 2020 and early 2023 — a result of enhanced subsidies introduced by the Inflation Reduction Act, increased outreach, and an extended enrollment period.

This enrollment growth could continue in 2023 as states resume Medicaid disenrollments amid the unwinding of the continuous enrollment provision. Some of the people losing Medicaid coverage may be eligible for subsidies on the ACA Marketplaces.

Due in part to the enhanced subsidies, about 4 in 5 individual market enrollees have subsidized coverage — the highest share since the ACA was implemented.

The number of people in non-compliant plans has fallen each year and could decrease further due to the Biden Administration’s proposed rule that would reverse the expansion of short-term plans. An estimated 1.2 million people were in non-ACA-compliant plans in mid-2022, compared to 5.7 million in mid-2015. These short-term plans often do not include certain benefits or coverage for pre-existing conditions and can impose a dollar limit on insurance coverage.

If unsubsidized premiums rise in 2024 due to higher health care prices and utilization, enhanced subsidies could shield most individual market enrollees from increases in their monthly payments.

As ACA Marketplace Enrollment Reaches Record High, Fewer Are Buying Individual Market Coverage Elsewhere

Authors: Jared Ortaliza, Krutika Amin, and Cynthia Cox
Published: Sep 7, 2023

With Marketplace enrollment at a record high in early 2023, the upcoming open enrollment period could be among the busiest yet. In addition to Marketplace enrollees renewing coverage, uninsured people and those buying individual coverage off-Marketplace – as well as those losing Medicaid coverage as the pandemic-era continuous enrollment provision unwinds – may want to check if they are eligible for expanded subsidies under the Inflation Reduction Act.

This analysis looks at how many people are signed up for each type of individual market coverage—both on- and off-Marketplace and with or without subsidies—as of early 2023. The number of people enrolled in compliant and non-compliant plans was also evaluated up to 2022, the latest year this data is publicly available. A key takeaway from this analysis is that as Marketplace enrollment has reached record highs with enhanced premium assistance, fewer people are buying coverage off-Marketplace, but the overall individual market is nonetheless growing.

Individual market enrollment continues to grow, driven by enhanced subsidies. As of early 2023, an estimated 18.2 million people have individual market coverage, the highest since 2016 (Figure 1). The individual health insurance market grew rapidly in the early years of ACA implementation, reaching nearly 20 million people in early 2015, nearly double the approximately 11 million signed up before the ACA. However, these enrollment gains were partially offset by subsequent declines driven by steep premium increases, particularly among people not receiving subsidies. By early 2020, the individual market had declined to about 14 million enrollees.

During this period of decreasing individual market enrollment, subsidized enrollment increased from 2017-2019 which corresponds with the Trump Administration ending federal cost-sharing reduction (CSR) payments; this led to insurers “silver loading” premiums for CSRs and increased premium subsidies for some.

There Are About 18 Million People Enrolled In the Individual Market

With passage of enhanced subsidies in the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), combined with boosted outreach and an extended enrollment period, 2021 marked the first year since 2015 when there was an increase in individual market enrollment. Individual market enrollment grew about 5% from 14.1 million in first quarter 2020 to 14.9 million in first quarter 2021.

The ARPA’s subsidies didn’t simply bring people from off-Marketplace plans to the Marketplace; the subsidies also helped bring overall individual market enrollment higher, up to 18.2 million in early 2023, an increase of about 29% from early 2020.

Now, with enhanced subsidies in place, the vast majority of people buying individual market coverage are subsidized. The Inflation Reduction Act continues the ARPA subsidies without interruption for another three years through 2025. That means premiums are capped for people with incomes over 400% of the poverty level ($120,000 for a family of 4 in 2024) who were ineligible for subsidies previously, and those who were already eligible for subsidies are paying even less than they were before. Overall, about 4 in 5 individual market enrollees are now subsidized (Figure 2) – the highest share since the ACA was implemented – and some of those who aren’t receiving a subsidy might find they are eligible if they moved onto the Marketplace.

Almost 4 In 5 Individual Market Enrollees are Subsidized

Heading into 2024 open enrollment, we estimate there are still about 2.5 million people buying unsubsidized coverage off-Marketplace, including some in non-ACA-compliant plans (like grandfathered and short-term plans). Early 2023 off-Marketplace enrollment decreased by 20% compared to early 2022. Despite Trump Administration efforts to promote non-compliant coverage, the number of people in non-compliant plans has fallen each year.

While enrollment in non-ACA-compliant plans is at a record low, a substantial number continue enrolling in non-compliant plans. Using federal risk adjustment data and data compiled by Mark Farrah Associates, we estimate 1.2 million people were in non-ACA-compliant plans in mid-2022, compared to 5.7 million in mid-2015 (Figure 3). Although we don’t yet have complete 2023 data, it’s likely ACA-compliant enrollment (both on- and off-Marketplace) is currently at a record high and that non-compliant enrollment is at a record low.

Non-compliant short-term plans often do not include certain benefits or coverage for pre-existing conditions, and can impose a dollar limit on insurance coverage. For example, of short-term plans reviewed, none covered maternity care, most didn’t cover prescription drugs, about half didn’t include mental health or substance use treatment, and most imposed a dollar limit on covered services or drugs. The Biden Administration’s proposed rule, which would reverse Trump Administration’s expansion of short-term plans, may further reduce enrollment in non-compliant plans if it is finalized.

The Share of Compliant Enrollment Reached a High of 93% In Mid-2022

The share of individual market enrollment in ACA compliant plans has increased to 93% in mid-2022 compared to 71% in mid-2015. These data are only available through mid-2022, and non-compliant enrollment may have fallen even further in 2023.

Some off-Marketplace enrollees will find they are still ineligible for subsidies, even with enhanced subsidies. Undocumented immigrants and people with affordable offers of employer coverage are ineligible for Marketplace subsidies. Additionally, although there is no longer an upper income limit for subsidies, people with higher incomes who would pay less than 8.5% of their income for an unsubsidized benchmark silver plan do not qualify for subsidies because their premium isn’t high enough to trigger financial help. Even so, some of the latter group may find it advantageous to purchase on the Marketplace because if they experience midyear changes in their income or other circumstances, they may begin receiving subsidies mid-year without changing plans or they could retroactively claim a subsidy when they file taxes.

Yet others who were previously ineligible for Marketplace subsidies may now be eligible. For example, the Biden Administration’s fix to the “family glitch” means dependents of workers, who have affordable self-only coverage but unaffordable family coverage through their employers, can get Marketplace subsidies starting in 2023.

Marketplace enrollment data are as of the first quarter of 2023. In the second quarter of 2023, states started to disenroll people from Medicaid, some of whom may be signing up for subsidized Marketplace coverage.

How might future premium increases affect people in the individual market? Looking back over the last ten years of the ACA, changes in individual market enrollment closely mirror changes in what people had to pay for coverage. In years when premiums were rising steeply from 2016-2018, unsubsidized individual market enrollment fell. When premiums held mostly steady from 2019 to 2020, so did individual market enrollment. Then, as new subsidies became available in 2021-2023, individual market enrollment picked up again, driven by an increase in the number of subsidized enrollees.

Heading into 2024, we may see unsubsidized premiums rise, pushed up by rising health care prices and utilization. However, unlike when premiums rose in past years, the Inflation Reduction Act’s enhanced subsidies could shield the vast majority of individual market enrollees from increases, even those with higher incomes. In fact, some people who aren’t subsidized in 2023 may find premium increases in 2024 make them newly eligible for subsidies (if their benchmark premium rises above 8.5% of their income). But, to take advantage of subsidies, they would need to shop on the Marketplace during open enrollment.

Methods

Federal enrollment and risk adjustment data were combined with administrative data insurers report to state regulators, as compiled by Mark Farrah Associates, to determine the number of enrollees in each type of individual market coverage. Early effectuated enrollment reports (available for years 2015-2023) were used to determine the number of on-Marketplace and subsidized enrollees. Risk adjustment data (available for years 2014-2022) were used to determine the total number of enrollees in ACA-compliant plans. The number of compliant enrollees in Massachusetts and Vermont in 2015-2021 and Massachusetts in 2022 was estimated using a ratio of total Exchange enrollment to total compliant enrollment in all the other states.

Mark Farrah Associates data were used to estimate the total number of enrollees in the individual market. Because some plans do not file quarterly data, we adjust these plans’ enrollment numbers based on enrollment changes seen in plans that do file quarterly. We also remove likely Children’s Health Insurance Program, or CHIP, enrollees from the individual market total.

The 4 Arguments You Will Hear Against Drug Price Negotiation

Author: Larry Levitt
Published: Sep 6, 2023

As the Biden administration begins the process of negotiating prices for 10 costly drugs on behalf of Medicare and its beneficiaries as authorized in last year’s Inflation Reduction Act, KFF Executive Vice President for Health Policy Larry Levitt probes some likely arguments against it in this op-ed column in The New York Times. The column also examines the policy and political implications of the debate and pending legal challenges.

Will Where You Live Determine Access and Coverage of Emerging Anti-Obesity Drugs?

Authors: Rakesh Singh and Patrick Drake
Published: Aug 30, 2023

This document was updated on Sept. 8, 2023 to cite a related analysis.

Key health organizations began recognizing obesity as a disease a decade or more ago and treatment methods for the condition have ranged from behavior change counseling to bariatric surgery. A class of prescription drugs (GLP-1) that can result in substantial weight loss is emerging as a potentially revolutionary treatment for the one-third of U.S. adults who are obese* (having a body mass index of 30 or above). But, health coverage and access in the fragmented U.S. health care system is determined by many actors, and the rate of obesity in the state of residence could factor into coverage, and therefore how accessible and affordable this class of drugs is for patients.

A look at KFF’s State Health Facts indicator of the distribution of adults with a body mass index (BMI) of 30 or more shows that the 20 states with the highest rates of obesity are all in the Midwest and South, as classified by the U.S. Census Bureau (Figure 1).

Obesity Rates Are Highest In the Midwest and South

When comparing average obesity rates by region (Figure 2), adult rates in the Midwest and South are about five percentage points higher than the Northeast and six percentage points higher than the West.

Figure 2: Average Age of Adults Who are Obese by U.S. Region

The cost of treating adults who are obese with GLP-1 drugs would be substantial in the near term and could impact coverage policies. For state Medicaid programs in the Midwest and South, and employers and insurers with a significant presence in these regions, the higher rates of obesity among residents may factor into their decisions. Also a factor in access to these drugs, seven of ten states that have not adopted the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion and nearly all (97%) of the people experiencing a coverage gap due to non-expansion are in the South.

Currently, Medicaid coverage for drugs prescribed for weight loss varies by state but is generally limited for GLP-1 drugs, and employer-based and private insurance coverage of weight-loss drugs also varies. The Medicare program does not cover the drugs for weight loss due to a legislative ban.

Recent reports (Business Insider, STAT, WSJ) reveal some employers previously covering GLP-1 drugs are pulling back coverage and health insurers are scrutinizing physicians’ off-label prescribing. With the prospect of a dramatic increase in costs if the class of drugs continues to gain FDA approval, coverage of the drugs could stall, drop, or be restricted, including limiting coverage eligibility to people with a higher body mass index. (Obesity is typically classified into three ranges of BMI. The American Medical Association recently clarified its policy on the role of BMI as a measure of obesity, noting historical problems and its limitations.) Other potential actions include:

  • Limiting off-label use,
  • Requiring additional treatment like behavioral therapy in conjunction with the drugs,
  • Prior authorization, including step-therapy to try less expensive options first, and
  • Higher cost-sharing.

The early clinical results and potential of new prescription drugs for weight loss have caught the interest of nearly half of U.S. adults. Federal and state policymakers, employers and insurance coverage providers are in the early stages of considering these drugs’ potential costs and benefits in determining if and how to cover them in insurance plans. The long-term cost savings from a reduction in obesity and its related risks in the country could be substantial. Still, the current U.S. prices of these drugs for weight loss are high and their lifetime use may be required for continued health benefits. It is also important to note that some patients prescribed the drugs are experiencing side effects and their use’s long-term impact remains a question.

With adults in the Midwest and South having higher obesity rates, states’ coverage programs and regional employers could face higher health insurance costs – particularly in the short term – and seek ways to control the use of newer weight-loss drugs. As coverage of GLP-1 prescription drugs develops, regional trends could diverge.

*The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, using clinical measurements, estimates about four in ten adults are obese. KFF estimates are based on analysis of state-level Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System self-reported data collected by the CDC and state health departments via phone calls.

Continued Rises in Extreme Heat and Implications for Health Disparities

Published: Aug 24, 2023

Climate change-related extreme heat events have lengthened, become more frequent, and increased in intensity over the past few decades with some of the worst conditions and impacts observed in Summer 2023. Across the globe and the country there have been rising incidents of extreme heat, and air quality events. June 2023 became the hottest June on record, globally, while smoke from wildfires in Canada driven by climate change-related heat resulted in significant air pollution that affected more than 60 million people in the U.S. In August, prolonged dry conditions and high winds in Hawai’i laid the foundation for wildfires that caused massive destruction on the island of Maui and other areas of the islands, resulting in the largest loss of life due to wildfires in modern U.S. history. As temperatures continue to rise and extreme heat events that are linked to adverse health outcomes become more frequent in the U.S., people of color and other underserved communities are disproportionately affected.

Extreme heat can have serious health impacts, including death. According to the Community Resilience Estimates (CRE) for Heat tool developed by the U.S. Census Bureau and Arizona State University, which accounts for factors such as housing quality, transportation exposure, and financial hardship, nearly a quarter of people in the U.S. are socially vulnerable if exposed to extreme heat. Extreme heat is the leading cause of weather-related deaths, killing more people in the U.S. than any other weather phenomenon. According to mortality data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, between 2018 and 2021, there were a total of 4,681 heat-related deaths, with the number of deaths rising each year from 2019 onward (Figure 1). However, studies suggest that this is likely a vast undercount, and other evidence shows that extreme heat is associated with higher all-cause mortality. One estimate pegs the cost of heat events in the U.S. at approximately $1 billion in excess health care costs each year and, if unaddressed, could cost the U.S. economy approximately $14.5 trillion over the next fifty years.

Number of Heat-Related Deaths, 2018-2021

While extreme heat and other climate-related weather events have implications for everyone, they disproportionately affect historically marginalized groups who are at higher risk for dying from heat exposure. Recent literature shows that within the U.S., some communities of color have higher risks of heat-related mortality than White people. Consistent with trends in earlier years, between 2018-2021, AIAN people were most likely to die due to heat compared to all other racial and ethnic groups, and Black people had a higher rate of heat-related deaths compared to White people. The rate for Hispanic people was similar to that of White people, while Asian people had a lower rate of heat-related death (Table 1). Data also show that noncitizens are more likely to die from heat exposure compared with citizens.

Heat-Related Deaths and Age-Adjusted Mortality Rates (per 1,000,000) by Race and Ethnicity, 2018-2021

These higher mortality risks reflect increased exposure to heat due to underlying inequities. Due to historically-codified residential segregation in the U.S. including “redlining,” on average, people of color have a higher likelihood of living in a census tract with higher summer daytime surface urban heat island intensity compared to their White counterparts. Low income communities and communities of color also suffer from tree inequity, increasing the risk of exposure to extreme heat and subsequent heat-related illnesses. Communities that live in these historically zoned areas are also more likely to have higher rates of asthma and cardiovascular illnesses and other diseases that increase their risk of poor health outcomes associated with exposure to climate change-related extreme heat and air pollution. The Southern U.S. and some areas in the Northeast and Midwest have experienced the greatest increases in the number of heat wave days in the U.S., which may have equity implications because these affected areas include higher shares of people of color, and are therefore more likely to be exposed to longer and more intense heat waves. Projections suggest that disparities in extreme heat exposure will continue to persist thirty years from now.

More limited access to air conditioning also contributes to disproportionate exposure to extreme heat and heat-related illnesses. Low-income households, which include disproportionate shares of people of color, face affordability challenges to accessing air conditioning. Lack of air conditioning increases risk of negative health outcomes including death due to heat exposure. Rising temperatures have been associated with increases in mortality among incarcerated people, a population in which people of color are overrepresented, and that sometimes has more limited access to air conditioning. The 2023 Texas heat wave highlighted the impact of lack of air conditioning in prisons. Approximately 13% of deaths in Texas prisons during warm months between 2001 and 2019 were associated with extreme heat in unairconditioned prisons. Further, as temperatures continue to rise, U.S. power grids may be unable to support the surges in energy use due to increase air conditioning and cooling infrastructure usage during heat waves and other extreme weather events.

People of color, noncitizen immigrants, and people with low incomes are more likely to work in jobs with climate-related health risks, including heat. Heat is a top cause of exertion-related occupational injuries and deaths. Workers at risk of heat stress include outdoor workers and workers in hot environments, such as construction workers, agricultural workers, factory workers, firefighters, among others. Migrant or immigrant workers make up significant proportions of farmworkers and are disproportionately exposed to environmental hazards, including heat.

The Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and the Center for Disease Control and Prevention have heat stress prevention recommendations, but there currently are no national standards in place to protect workers from exposure to extreme heat. In 2021, OSHA issued a proposed rulemaking to protect workers from extreme heat exposure and heat stress in indoor and outdoor settings by seeking information on issues that may be considered in developing a standard. Since then, OHSA has established an enforcement initiative on heat-related hazards and created a National Advisory Committee to better understand challenges and identify and share best practices to protect workers. However, to date, a standard has not been established. As of Summer 2023, OSHA is seeking feedback from small businesses and local governments on the potential impact of a workplace heat standard on small businesses. Five states currently have occupational heat protection standards. In contrast, Texas Governor Gregg Abbott signed House Bill 2127 that limited local governments’ abilities to regulate work breaks. The law is expected to overturn local ordinances that mandate regular water breaks for workers, including construction workers who are disproportionately exposed to extreme heat

As extreme heat continues to worsen, strategies to mitigate exposure and reduce health risk will be of increasing importance. The Biden Administration has taken some steps to increase awareness and understanding of heat exposure and health risks, including launching a new heat.gov website, and plans to develop a National Heat Strategy. The newly established Office of Climate Change and Health Equity within the Department of Health and Human services aims to address the impact of climate change on health and is developing new tools to help track heat-related illnesses. Other agencies have taken steps to educate individuals and communities about how to protect themselves from extreme heat and to develop more climate-resilient communities. Ongoing efforts to address rising temperatures, reduce risks of heat exposure, and increase protections for those most at-risk for heat exposure will be important for reducing negative health impacts due to extreme heat particularly for groups who already face disparities in health.

Understanding Mergers Between Hospitals and Health Systems in Different Markets

Published: Aug 23, 2023

A growing body of evidence shows that consolidation in health care provider markets has led to increases in prices without clear evidence of increases in quality. Policymakers and regulators have historically focused on consolidation within the same geographic area, but there have been a large number of mergers and acquisitions (referred to as “mergers” in this brief) between hospitals and health systems that operate in different regions (referred to as “cross-market mergers” in this brief), including several multi-billion dollar deals over just the past couple of years. Some experts have raised concerns that cross-market mergers could result in hospitals and health systems raising their prices. It is also possible that cross-market mergers could result in the elimination of service lines by some acquired hospitals, which may reduce access to care.

This issue brief explains the role and implications of cross-market mergers in hospital and health system markets and describes the approaches that government antitrust agencies have taken in reviewing these types of transactions.

What Is a Cross-Market Merger?

A “cross-market merger” entails a merger between two health care providers that operate in different geographic markets for patient care.1 , 2  For instance, this term could apply to the following scenarios:

  • Two health systems that operate in different geographic markets merge. For example, in April 2023, Kaiser Permanente and Geisinger announced their plans to merge. These systems operate in different regions of the United States, with Kaiser Permanente operating in five states in the West (including California) and Georgia, Maryland, Virginia, and DC and Geisinger operating in Pennsylvania. In 2022, Kaiser Permanente and Geisinger earned $95 billion and $7 billion in operating revenues, respectively.3 
  • A health system acquires an independent hospital in a geographic market where it does not operate. One example is Christus Health’s acquisition of Gerald Champion Regional Medical Center in July 2023. Christus Health is a large health system based in Texas that includes 28 hospitals, while Gerald Champion Regional Medical Center is an independent hospital in Alamogordo, New Mexico that is over 200 miles away from the nearest Christus Health facility.

Cross-market mergers can involve hospitals and health systems that are in neighboring markets as well as entities that are hundreds or even thousands of miles apart. An example of the former is the recent merger between University of Michigan Health—which is based in Ann Arbor, Michigan—and Sparrow Health System, which is based about 65 miles away in Lansing, Michigan. An example of the latter is the recently proposed merger of UnityPoint Health—which operates in the Midwest (Iowa, Illinois, and Wisconsin)—and Presbyterian Healthcare Services, which operates in New Mexico.

How Common Are Cross-Market Mergers?

Hospital and health system mergers are common, and many of these mergers involve providers in different geographic markets. For example, according to one study, about 1,500 hospitals were targeted as part of a completed merger or acquisition from 2010 through 2019 and most of these deals (55%) involved hospitals or health systems in different commuting zones. According to another study, about one in eight rural hospitals merged with an out-of-market hospital or health system from 2010 through 2018. A series of large, cross-market mergers in recent years have drawn further attention to this topic. Table 1 below provides examples of nine large, cross-market merger deals announced since June 2021, each of which entailed health systems with combined annual operating revenues of at least five billion dollars.

Examples of Cross-Market Mergers Announced Since June 2021 With Combined Operating Revenues of at Least $5 Billion

Cross-market mergers may be appealing to health systems that are seeking to expand for at least a couple of reasons. First, cross-market mergers have received little resistance from government antitrust agencies relative to mergers between health care providers that operate in the same market.4  Second, many health care markets are already highly concentrated, leaving fewer opportunities for health systems to expand within a given region.

What Are the Potential Implications of Cross-Market Mergers?

Cross-market mergers may benefit patients in some instances when hospitals and health systems are able to operate more efficiently as a combined entity. Even if hospitals and health systems are located in different markets, they may be able to share knowledge and best practices with each other, such as by collaborating to develop better clinical practice guidelines and sharing effective strategies and tools for managing patients’ care. Operating at a larger scale may also facilitate providers’ participation in complicated, value-based payment programs, which some health plans offer in an effort to reduce costs and improve the quality of care. Hospitals and health systems merging within and across markets can also potentially achieve efficiencies by purchasing goods and supplies in greater volume.

In some scenarios, small and struggling hospitals may seek to merge with large health systems in order to improve their finances or offer higher-quality services. For example, a large health system with deep pockets could provide a smaller hospital with resources to purchase new equipment and invest in quality improvements or provide a financial backstop and access to capital that may enable a struggling rural hospital to keep its doors open. A large, financially successful system could also share management strategies with hospitals that are losing money to help them operate more efficiently.

However, cross-market mergers may lead to higher prices. In fact, researchers have estimated that these types of deals have led to price increases ranging from 6 to 17 percent, though only a small number of studies have focused on cross-market mergers.

There are at least a few reasons why cross-market mergers could lead to price increases, even though they entail hospitals and health systems that are not competing against each other in the same area. First, a combined health system with providers in, say, different areas of a state may be able to use its dominant position in one market to negotiate higher prices in another when contracting with a given health plan (e.g., a state employee plan with enrollees that reside in several markets). Second, a combined health system may compete with other health systems that also operate across the same markets. In that case, the combined health system may be hesitant to offer lower prices in one market out of concern that their competitor will retaliate by lowering prices and undercutting them in other markets. Finally, a large system that, say, acquires a small hospital may have more expertise in bargaining with insurers, which it could use to negotiate for higher prices.

Another concern that has been raised about certain types of mergers, which could also apply to some cross-market mergers, is that they may reduce access to care. For instance, a large health system that acquires a small rural hospital may be less responsive to community needs and more willing to eliminate service lines, such as obstetric care. Relatedly, a hospital may also reduce spending on community benefits after being acquired by a health system.

How Do Government Antitrust Agencies Approach Cross-Market Mergers?

Federal and state antitrust agencies seek to promote competitive markets—often to benefit consumers—by scrutinizing mergers and other potentially anticompetitive practices. Antitrust agencies have historically focused on mergers between hospitals and health systems that operate in the same geographic market, though there are signs that they have begun to take a closer look at cross-market mergers. While federal antitrust agencies have yet to formally challenge a cross-market merger, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has identified these types of deals as an area of interest and has investigated at least two specific cross-market mergers (between Advocate Aurora Health and Atrium Health and between Spectrum Health and Beaumont Health).5 

At the state level, the state attorney general in California has used its legal authority to impose conditions on mergers that have been identified as cross-market deals. These conditions have included, for example, placing restrictions on price increases and requiring that the merged entities maintain certain services, such as by having a minimum number of emergency room, intensive care, and obstetrics beds. In Minnesota, the state attorney general had begun to investigate whether to challenge a proposed merger between Fairview Health Services (based in Minnesota) and Sanford Health (based in South Dakota) before the two systems abandoned their plans in July 2023.

Cross-market mergers have never been fully-litigated by a federal or state antitrust agency, and doing so in the short term may be difficult. First, only a handful of analyses have focused on cross-market mergers, limiting the ability of regulators to cite potential consequences based on empirical evidence. Second, antitrust agencies have not yet released detailed guidelines for evaluating cross-market mergers,6  nor have they tested legal strategies for challenging cross-market mergers in the courts. In contrast, when antitrust agencies challenge within-market mergers, they can rely on years of legal precedent as well as economic frameworks recognized by the courts. Finally, antitrust litigation can be complex and expensive. Without adequate funding, it may be impractical to challenge a large number of health care provider business practices that raise anticompetitive concerns, including cross-market mergers. Given these challenges, it is conceivable that cross-market mergers will continue unabated in the near future.

Discussion

Hospital and health system mergers are common, and these mergers often involve providers in different geographic markets. Cross-market mergers may have benefits in some scenarios, for example, if the providers involved share effective clinical strategies for improving patient care. However, a handful of studies indicate that cross-market mergers can lead to increases in health care prices. It is also possible that some hospitals may become less responsive to community needs after a cross-market merger. Antitrust agencies have begun to take a closer look at mergers of hospitals and health systems across different geographic regions, which may have a bearing on affordability and access to care in many regions across the country, but they have yet to fully-litigate a cross-market merger.

Some policy and regulatory options have been floated that could address some of the concerns about cross-market mergers. For example, government regulators could use their existing authority to scrutinize cross-market mergers, which antitrust agencies have begun to do. States could enact laws to give government agencies authority to require some or all types of providers to obtain prior approval from the government before merging. California has done so, and attorneys general in the state have used this authority to impose conditions on cross-market mergers to limit price hikes and require that merging entities maintain certain services. In addition, regulators could prohibit certain types of clauses in contracts between providers and insurers that may allow merged entities to leverage market power to negotiate for higher prices in one market based on their strong position in another.7 

Each of these policy and regulatory options would involve tradeoffs. For example, determining whether to challenge a given cross-market merger could entail weighing the potential benefits of a merger, such as allowing a small hospital to keep its doors open, against the potential for some harm, such as higher health care prices and potentially less access to care for patients in a given market. As the number of cross-market mergers increases, these concerns and tradeoffs are likely to be on the radar of policymakers and regulators.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

  1. This brief defines cross-market mergers based on providers being in separate geographic markets. We distinguish this from vertical mergers, which occur when there is consolidation between providers that offer different services along the same supply chain, such when a hospital acquires a physician practice. ↩︎
  2. Regulators and researchers have long grappled with how to define the boundaries of geographic markets for health care services. As a result, a merger that is considered to cross markets by some may be identified as occurring within a single market by others. ↩︎
  3. Kaiser Permanente and Geisinger are both integrated health systems that include both insurance plans and health care providers. Revenues reflect all sources of operating income. ↩︎
  4. For example, in 2015, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) initiated a legal challenge against a planned merger between two Illinois health systems—Advocate Health and Northshore University HealthSystem—arguing that the combined entity would control over half of the market for general acute care inpatient services in the North Shore area of Chicago.  The two systems eventually abandoned their plans to merge. However, Advocate Health was later involved in two cross-market mergers—first with Aurora Health (based in the neighboring state of Wisconsin) to form Advocate Aurora Health and then with Atrium Health (based in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama) to form Advocate Health. The Federal Trade Commission investigated the latter merger, but the government did not seek to challenge either merger in the courts. ↩︎
  5. The Department of Justice (DOJ) and FTC have taken additional steps that indicate that they are taking a closer at cross-market mergers. For example: (1) in September 2021, the FTC announced that they would be considering cross-market effects in their reviews of large merger deals, (2) in February 2023 and July 2023, respectively, the two agencies withdrew from their health care policy statements which, among other things, may have created a safety zone for large health systems to acquire small hospitals in other markets, and (3) in July 2023, the two agencies released a draft version of their updated guidelines for reviewing mergers that included language which might be used to challenge cross-market mergers (though this is not yet clear). ↩︎
  6. In July 2023, the FTC and DOJ released a draft version of their updated guidelines for reviewing mergers that included language which might be used to challenge cross-market mergers (though this is not yet clear). ↩︎
  7. This would entail banning “all-or-nothing clauses,” which require an insurer that wants to contract with a particular provider in a system to contract with all providers in that system. ↩︎