Quiz – How Well Do You Understand Your Health Insurance?

Published: Feb 23, 2026

Health insurance is often complicated, but understanding the basics helps you make better decisions about your coverage and care. This 10-question quiz touches on some terms you may encounter. Test your knowledge and pick up some useful insights along the way.

Question 1 of 10
Which statement best describes a health insurance premium?
Question 2 of 10
Which of the following is the best definition of the term “annual health insurance deductible”?
Question 3 of 10
Which statement describes the difference between a copayment and coinsurance?
Question 4 of 10
Your health insurance plan has a $1,000 deductible for hospital care and a $250 per-day copayment once the deductible is met. You are hospitalized for 4 days, and the hospital charges negotiated with the insurance company (the “allowed amount”) total $6,000. How much would you be responsible for paying?
Question 5 of 10
Which statement describes a Health Savings Account (HSA)?
Question 6 of 10
When you receive care from an out-of-network medical professional or facility, what costs might you be responsible for? (“Out of network” refers to a doctor, hospital, or facility that does not have a contract with your health insurance plan.)
Question 7 of 10
Under federal “surprise billing” protections, patients are generally shielded from higher out-of-network charges when they receive:
Question 8 of 10
What does it mean when a health care professional says that a test, procedure, or medication requires “prior authorization” in order for insurance to cover it?
Question 9 of 10
Which of the following best describes a prescription drug “formulary”?
Question 10 of 10
Which of the following are required to publicly post prices for health care services?

Medicare Advantage Enrollment Grew by About 1 Million People, Mainly Due to Special Needs Plans

Published: Feb 23, 2026

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) released the latest Medicare Advantage enrollment data on February 13, 2026. These data provide the first look into Medicare Advantage enrollment for 2026 following a statement published by CMS last fall that Medicare Advantage insurers projected total enrollment would be lower in 2026 than in 2025. The industry projections came at the same time insurers announced a drop in in the total number of Medicare Advantage plans that would be available for general enrollment (individual plans) in 2026, along with an increase the number of special needs plans (SNPs), which limit enrollment to beneficiaries with specialized health needs or who are eligible for both Medicare and Medicaid.

Overall, the data show that total Medicare Advantage enrollment continued to increase, although at a slower rate of growth than in prior years. The increase in 2026 was largely driven by increased enrollment in SNPs. Decisions made by insurers to expand SNP offerings have translated into enrollment growth in that segment. Enrollment in individual plans increased, but more slowly than in any year between 2007 and 2025. Changes in enrollment varied across the private insurers that sponsor Medicare Advantage plans, with some plans experiencing more rapid growth, while others saw a drop in enrollment.

These patterns suggest that the Medicare Advantage market remains an attractive choice for Medicare beneficiaries. In 2026, the average Medicare beneficiary can choose from among 32 Medicare Advantage plans with prescription drug coverage, most of which have no premium (other than the standard Part B premium) and the vast majority of which offer dental, vision, and hearing benefits, in addition to reduced cost sharing compared to traditional Medicare without a supplement.

Medicare Advantage enrollment reaches 35 million, increasing by 1.1 million since February 2025.

Just over 35 million people are enrolled in Medicare Advantage as of February 1, 2026 (Figure 1). That reflects an increase of 1.1 million people since February 2025, which translates into 3% growth year-over-year. Enrollment in Medicare Advantage has increased steadily over the last two decades, rising from 8 million people (19% of eligible beneficiaries) in 2007 to 34 million people (54% of eligible beneficiaries) in 2025, but the pace of enrollment growth has recently slowed. In 2025, enrollment increased 4%, which was a slower rate of growth than any year between 2007 and 2024 when the increase in enrollment averaged 9% a year.

Total Medicare Advantage Enrollment, 2007-2026 (Column Chart)

Medicare Advantage is the private plan alternative to traditional Medicare and provides coverage of Medicare Part A and Part B benefits. In most cases, Medicare Advantage plans also offer reduced cost sharing compared to traditional Medicare without supplemental insurance, coverage of non-Medicare services, such as vision, dental and hearing, and Part D benefits, usually for no additional premium (other than the Part B premium).

Special needs plans comprised 83% of the increase in enrollment over the last year.

In February 2026, more than 8 million people are enrolled in a SNP, an increase of nearly 900,000 enrollees since February 2025 (Figure 2), comprising 83% of total Medicare Advantage enrollment growth over the last year. The increase in enrollment in individual plans was much smaller, rising by 224,000 people compared to a year ago. Enrollment in employer- and union-sponsored group plans declined slightly, falling by about 40,000 enrollees compared to February 2025; the number of beneficiaries enrolled in group MA-PDs declined by about 1.2 million, which was mostly offset by a 1.1 million increase in enrollment in employer MA-only plans.

Year-Over-Year Medicare Advantage Enrollment Changes, By Plan Type (Split Bars)

The share of Medicare Advantage enrollees in SNPs increased from 21% in 2025 to 23% in 2026. Enrollment growth in SNPs has increased steadily since 2018 (13% of Medicare Advantage enrollment), when these plans were made a permanent part of the Medicare program. (See Appendix Table 1 for detailed data on enrollment by prescription drug coverage and plan type.)

Humana and Kaiser Permanente were the only large insurers to increase enrollment.

Across the five largest Medicare Advantage insurers, only Humana Inc. and Kaiser Foundation Health Plan, Inc. saw an increase in total Medicare Advantage enrollment, with Humana boosting its enrollment by 1.2 million enrollees, and Kaiser Permanente adding a smaller number with 64,000 additional enrollees. (Figure 3). Humana and Kaiser Foundation Health Plan saw enrollment increase across all plan types, that is individual plans, employer- and union sponsored group plans, and special needs plans. In contrast, UnitedHealth Group, Inc., the largest Medicare Advantage insurer, lost over 530,000 enrollees compared to February 2025. That change reflects a decline in enrollment in both individual (-582,000) and group (-219,000) plans that were partially offset by an increase in SNP enrollment (+267,000). CVS Health Corporation has 29,000 fewer enrollees this month than a year ago, reflecting a decline in individual plan enrollment (-81,000) that was partially offset by increases in SNP (+40,000) and group plan (+12,000) enrollment. Elevance Health Inc., which has 368,000 fewer enrollees this year than last, was the only one of the five largest insurers to see a decline in SNP enrollment (-18,000).

Enrollment in plans offered by the 150 insurers with a relatively small number of enrollees (fewer than 1 million enrollees) increased by 734,000 people in 2026. That increase reflects growth in SNPs (+388,000), individual plans (+331,000), and group plans (+15,000). Across small insurers who offered plans in both 2025 and 2026, more than three-quarters saw enrollment increase compared to a year ago.

Change in Medicare Advantage Enrollment By Insurer and Plan Type, 2025-2026 (Table)

Methods

This analysis uses data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) Medicare Advantage Enrollment and Landscape files. The analysis aggregates enrollment data from the monthly enrollment by contract/plan/state/county files, which excludes county-plan combinations that have fewer than 11 enrollees, leading to somewhat lower Medicare Advantage enrollment counts than reported elsewhere. Cost plans, PACE plans, and HCPPs are excluded.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Appendix

Medicare Advantage Enrollment, By Plan Type, 2010-2026 (Table)

Health Insurer Financial Performance in 2024

Published: Feb 23, 2026

Introduction

The largest private health insurance companies often offer plans in multiple markets, including the Medicare Advantage, Medicaid managed care, individual (non-group), and fully-insured group (small and large employer) health insurance markets. Each market has unique features, including eligibility, payment, and coverage rules, which affect insurers’ overhead and potential profit. In recent years, private insurers are playing a growing role in public insurance programs, with more than half of eligible Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in a private Medicare Advantage plan and more than three-quarters of Medicaid enrollees obtaining coverage through a managed care plan (typically a private insurer).

This brief examines two measures of financial performance – gross margins and medical loss ratios – in the Medicare Advantage, Medicaid managed care, individual, and fully insured group health insurance markets using data reported by insurance companies to the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC) and compiled by Mark Farrah Associates, through the end of 2024 (the most recent year of annual data). The Medicare Advantage market is made up of around 33M people in 2024. In comparison, this is less than half of the population for Medicaid managed care and about 70% of the size of the fully insured group market. However, the Medicare Advantage market is about 1.4 times larger than the individual market.

In 2024, per enrollee gross margins in dollars were highest in the Medicare Advantage market, and medical loss ratios (measured as percentages) were lowest in the individual insurance market. In 2024, the Medicaid managed care market had both the lowest gross margins per enrollee and highest medical loss ratio. While both gross margins and medical loss ratios are indicators of financial performance, higher margins and lower loss ratios (as they are calculated in this analysis) do not necessarily translate into greater profitability since they do not account for administrative expenses or tax liabilities. Additionally, the increasingly complex structure of insurance companies, including the rise in consolidation and vertical integration, and role of subsidiaries, make it difficult to isolate the revenues and expenses associated with a particular insurance market. (A detailed description of each market is included in the Appendix).

Measures of Financial Performance in 2024

Gross margins

The gross margin per enrollee is the amount by which total premium income exceeds total claims costs per person over a specified time period (i.e., per year).

At the end of 2024, gross margins per enrollee ranged from $608 in the Medicaid managed care market to $1,655 in the Medicare Advantage market. Gross margins per enrollee in the group market was $846, roughly half the level observed among Medicare Advantage plans on average. Per enrollee gross margins in the individual market in 2024 amounted to $987. The level of margins reflects, in part, the overall health needs and spending in a market segment. A similar margin in percentage terms will translate to a higher margin in dollars per enrollee when average health expenses are higher.

Gross Margins are Highest in Medicare Advantage in 2024 (Column Chart)

Medical loss ratios

Another way to assess insurer financial performance is to look at medical loss ratios (MLRs), or the percent of premium income that insurers pay out in the form of medical claims. Generally, lower MLRs mean that insurers have a higher share of income remaining after paying medical costs to use for administrative costs or keep as profits. Each health insurance market has different administrative needs and costs, so a lower MLR in one market does not necessarily mean that market is more profitable than another market.

MLRs are used in state and federal insurance regulation in a variety of ways. In the commercial insurance (individual and group) markets, insurers must issue rebates to individuals and businesses if their MLRs fail to reach minimum standards set by the ACA. Medicare Advantage insurers are required to report MLRs at the contract level (which typically combines multiple plans) and are required to issue rebates to the federal government if their MLRs fall short of the required level of 85% and are subject to additional penalties if they fail to meet MLR requirements for multiple consecutive years. For Medicaid managed care organizations (MCOs), CMS requires states to develop capitation rates for Medicaid to achieve an MLR of at least 85%. There is no federal requirement for Medicaid plans to pay remittances if they fail to meet their MLR threshold, but a majority of states that contract with MCOs require remittances in at least some cases. The MLRs shown in this issue brief are simple loss ratios (claims as a share of premium income) and may differ from loss ratios calculated using the definition of MLR in the ACA and in Medicaid managed care.

In 2024, MLRs were similar between the Medicare Advantage, Medicaid managed care, and group markets. However, individual market loss ratios were lower. Simple loss ratios were around 85% in individual market, 88% in the fully insured (group) market, 90% in the Medicare Advantage market, and 91% in the Medicaid managed care market.

Individual Market Loss Ratios Were the Lowest in 2024 (Column Chart)

Trends in Gross Margins

While gross margins are not equivalent to profitability, changes in gross margins can be indicative of changes in profitability (assuming administrative costs and tax liability are stable). Gross margins have declined from increases that occurred in 2020 during the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2024, all markets saw decreases in gross margins compared to 2023.

Medicaid Managed Care: Per enrollee gross margins in the Medicaid managed care market increased during the pandemic as policies prohibited states from disenrolling people from Medicaid in exchange for additional federal dollars. Gross margins decreased by 19% to $608 from 2023 to 2024, which is slightly higher than in 2019, before the pandemic. Starting in April 2023, “continuous enrollment” in Medicaid ended and states began disenrolling individuals who were no longer eligible or who did not complete the renewal process, and Medicaid/CHIP enrollment declined by more than 16% (about 15 million people) from March 2023 to December 2024. As millions were disenrolled, states and plans faced considerable rate setting uncertainty. A shift in member risk, characterized by an increase in acuity (or health risk) of the remaining population, and increasing utilization patterns began to emerge by late 2023, which may have contributed to the decrease in per enrollee gross margins seen from 2023 to 2024. States may use a variety of risk mitigation strategies, including “risk corridors” (where states and plans agree to share profit or losses), to provide financial protection and limits on financial risk for states and plans that may not be accounted for in the data used in this gross margin analysis. States may also make capitation rate adjustments (with CMS approval) when substantial coverage changes occur mid-year or adjustments are necessary to address unforeseen circumstances that increase benefit costs.

Medicare Advantage: Through the end of 2024, gross margins in the Medicare Advantage market averaged $1,655 per enrollee, which is 17% lower than in 2023 ($1,986), consistent with reports by the largest Medicare Advantage insurers of increased utilization beginning in late 2023 that extended through 2024. Additionally, the phase-in of changes to Medicare Advantage payments, stemming from revisions to how the federal government makes adjustments for the health status of enrollees, began in 2024 and reduced the pace at which revenue per enrollee grew. Per enrollee gross margins have consistently been larger than those in the individual, fully insured, and Medicaid managed care markets since 2018.

Group Market: Gross margins per enrollee for fully insured group plans declined by 7% from $914 to $846 from 2023 to 2024. This is the first time per enrollee gross margins in the fully insured group market have declined from the year prior since 2021, when they were the lowest in the past decade (not shown).

Individual Market: Individual market gross margins were about 5% lower in 2024 compared to 2023, going from $1,042 to $987 per enrollee.  In 2018, following efforts to repeal the ACA and defunding of Cost Sharing Reduction subsidies, insurers raised individual market premiums substantially. These premium increases resulted in significantly higher margins than in earlier years. For context, gross margins per enrollee in 2024 were around 35% and 16% lower than in 2018 and 2019, respectively.

Gross Margins Remain Higher in Medicare Advantage than Medicaid Managed Care, Group, or Individual Markets Despite Recent Declines (Table)

Trends in Medical Loss Ratios

Each health insurance market has different administrative needs and costs, so similar MLRs do not imply that the markets are similar to each other in profitability. Additionally, simple MLRs examined in this brief do not incorporate the effects of changes in tax law, such as the health insurer tax, which has been permanently repealed starting in 2021, was in effect in 2018 and 2020, but was not in 2019. While MLRs alone cannot convey whether a market is profitable in a particular year, if administrative costs hold mostly constant from one year to the next, a change in the MLR could imply a change in profitability.

Medical Loss Ratios Increased Slightly Across All Markets In 2024 (Column Chart)

Individual Market: The average individual market MLR in 2024 was similar to 2023, but higher than those seen in the years following the end of cost-sharing reduction payments. As mentioned earlier, 2018 and 2019 were exceptionally lucrative years for the individual market. Many plans fell short of the ACA’s MLR requirements and were therefore required to issue large rebates to consumers based on their 2018 and 2019 experience.

Group Market: The average MLR for group plans was stable between 2022 and 2023 at 86% but rose to its 2021 value of 88% in 2024. These are all higher than in the years prior, when MLRs ranged from 83% in 2018 and 2020 to 85% in 2019.

Medicaid Managed Care: Relative to 2023, the average MLR in 2024 for the Medicaid managed care market increased from 88% to 91% (implying a potential decrease in profitability). This is the highest Medicaid managed care average medical loss ratio observed in the past decade (data not fully shown). As previously discussed, states and plans faced considerable rate setting uncertainty after millions of people were disenrolled during the unwinding of the pandemic-era Medicaid continuous enrollment provision, resulting in acuity and utilization shifts within the remaining population. These factors may have contributed to the change in MLR seen from 2023 to 2024. Looking ahead, implementation of the 2025 federal budget reconciliation law’s Medicaid coverage and financing provisions could affect Medicaid managed care plans.

Medicare Advantage: Average MLRs in the Medicare Advantage market rose to 90% in 2024. That is higher than before and during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, from 2018-2020, when MLRs ranged from 83% to 86%. The increase of the MLR in the Medicare Advantage market could imply decreased profitability, consistent with higher utilization and the effects of phasing in a new risk-adjustment model.  At the same time, it may be difficult to interpret changes in MLRs with increasing consolidation, driven in part by insurers purchasing related businesses, such as pharmacy benefit managers, physician groups, and post-acute care providers, because it is not entirely clear how insurers allocate expenses across different lines of business.

Medicare Advantage plans have both higher average costs and higher premiums (largely paid by the federal government), because Medicare covers an older, sicker population. So, even when Medicare Advantage insurers spend a similar share of their premiums on benefits as other insurers in other markets, the gross margins described above—which include profits and administrative costs—tend to be higher in Medicare Advantage plans.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Methods

We analyzed insurer-reported financial data from Health Coverage PortalTM, a market database maintained by Mark Farrah Associates, which includes information from the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC). We used the “Exhibit of Premiums, Enrollment, and Utilization” annual report (accessed January 21, 2026) for this analysis. The dataset analyzed in this report does not include California HMOs regulated by California’s Department of Managed Health Care. Additionally, for Medicaid, there are four states (California, Delaware, New York, and Oregon) that have different reporting practices and therefore may only have partial or no NAIC data available for the years displayed.

We excluded plans in each segment of interest that filed negative values or have negative or zero dollars in premiums or claims. We also excluded plans reporting at least 1,000 hospital patient days incurred per 1,000 member months. We only included plans that were categorized as having a “medical” focus in our analysis and exclude “specialty” plans which are categorized as “ancillary or supplemental benefit plans.” We also excluded any plans from the U.S. territories. We corrected for plans that did not file “member months” or filed a zero “member month” value in the annual statement but did file current year membership by imputing these values. If, after imputing, plans still did not have “member months,” they were excluded.

The group market in this analysis only includes fully insured plans (but excludes Federal Employee Health Benefits Program plans and plans regulated by the California Department of Managed Health Care). NAIC defines “Medicaid” as “business where the reporting entity charges a premium and agrees to cover the full medical costs of Medicaid subscribers.” This explicitly excludes Administrative Services Only (ASO) plans. We only use “medical” focused plans to help exclude any specialty plans; however, prepaid ambulatory health plans (PAHPs), prepaid inpatient health plans (PIHPs), or Programs of All-Inclusive Care for the Elderly (PACE) plans may be included in the analysis due to NAIC’s definition of Medicaid.

Gross margins per enrollee were calculated by subtracting the sum of total incurred claims from the sum of unadjusted health premiums earned and dividing by the total number of members.

Premiums for Medicare Advantage plans primarily consist of federal payments made to plans and any additional amounts plans may charge their enrollees. Premiums for Medicare Advantage plans do not include payments for Medicare Part D benefits. Premiums for Medicaid may not reflect contractual adjustments related to risk corridors or other risk-sharing adjustments.

To calculate medical loss ratios, we divided the market-wide sum of total incurred claims by the sum of all unadjusted health premiums earned. MLRs in this analysis are simple loss ratios and therefore, may differ from loss ratios used to calculate rebates.

Appendix

Individual Market: The individual market includes coverage purchased by individuals and families through the Affordable Care Act’s exchanges (Marketplaces) as well as coverage purchased directly off-exchange, which includes both plans complying with the ACA’s rules and non-compliant coverage (e.g., grandfathered policies purchased before the ACA went into effect and some short-term plans). The federal government provided subsidies for low and middle-income people in the Marketplace and includes measures, such as risk adjustment, to help limit the financial liability of insurers. Insurers in the individual market receive premium payments from enrollees, plus any federal subsidies for people in the Marketplaces.

Some plans submitting data on the Exhibit of Premiums Enrollment and Utilization appear to be including some Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) data in their Individual market filings. In a previous version of this analysis, we used the Supplemental Health Care Exhibit to address this. However, in this analysis, we opted to use the EPEU to ensure comparability.

Group Market: The fully insured group market serves employers, their employees and dependents who are enrolled in fully insured health plans. This market includes both small and large group plans but excludes employer-sponsored insurance plans that are self-funded, which account for 63% of workers with employer-sponsored insurance in 2024. This analysis does not capture metrics for the Federal Employee Health Benefit Program or California Managed Health Care plans.  Roughly 25 million people from the fully insured group market in 2024 are accounted for in this analysis. Plans typically receive premium payments from both employers and their employees.

Medicaid Managed Care: The Medicaid managed care market includes managed care organizations (MCOs) that contract with state Medicaid programs to deliver comprehensive acute care (i.e., most physician and hospital services) to enrollees. As of July 2024, more than three-fourths (over 66 million people) of all Medicaid beneficiaries nationally received most or all of their care from comprehensive risk-based MCOs. There is significant variation across states with respect to services that are covered by MCOs.

In this analysis, the NAIC data we use defines “Medicaid” as “business where the reporting entity charges a premium and agrees to cover the full medical costs of Medicaid subscribers” and only explicitly excludes Administrative Services Only (ASO) plans from their reporting. While we only use “medically” focused plans to help exclude any specialty plans, PAHPs, PIHPs and PACE plans may not be excluded due to NAIC’s definition of Medicaid. Additionally, for Medicaid, there are four states (California, Delaware, New York, and Oregon) that have different reporting practices and therefore may only have partial or no NAIC data available for the years displayed. In other work, KFF defines comprehensive MCOs as managed care plans that provide comprehensive Medicaid acute care services and, in some cases, long-term services and supports as well. This excludes “limited benefit plans” including prepaid ambulatory health plans (PAHPs), prepaid inpatient health plans (PIHPs), and Programs of All-Inclusive Care for the Elderly (PACE) that may be included in this analysis.

Medicare Advantage: The Medicare Advantage market provides Medicare-covered benefits through private plans to around 33 million Medicare beneficiaries in 2024, which is over half of all Medicare beneficiaries in 2024. The federal government makes risk-adjusted payments (higher payments for sicker enrollees and lower payments for healthier enrollees) to plans (averaging nearly $14,823 per enrollee in 2024) to cover the cost of benefits covered under Medicare Parts A and B and supplemental benefits, such as dental, vision, hearing, and others, with additional payments for costs associated with prescription drug coverage. Some plans charge enrollees an additional premium.

What Newly Released Medicaid Data Do and Don’t Tell Us

Published: Feb 20, 2026

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) is focused on addressing “fraud, waste and abuse” in health programs including Medicaid. Efforts span across different types of health coverage and across all provider and service types. In November 2025, CMS issued a letter to states describing opportunities for federal and state governments to work collaboratively. Efforts to address fraud, waste and abuse are not new. The Center for Program Integrity (CPI), within CMS, was established in 2010 to coordinate program integrity efforts and move from a “pay and chase” model to higher reliance on data analytics to detect and prevent fraud. CPI has worked with states to provide training through the Medicaid Integrity Institute and access to broad sets of complete data to help promote program integrity efforts.

On February 14, 2026, CMS released a dataset with provider-level spending data that the agency suggests could be used to identify unusual billing patterns for specific services, states, or providers. This policy watch describes what the data include, what they exclude, and how they could potentially lead to mistaken conclusions given the limitations of the data.

What do the data include and exclude?

The new dataset includes seven types of data:

  •  The national provider identifier (NPI) for the billing provider,
  • The NPI of the servicing provider (which may be an individual or an organizational entity),
  • The procedure code (also known as the healthcare common procedure coding system or HCPCS code),
  • The month and year,
  • The number of beneficiaries seen,
  • The number of procedures delivered (the count of claims), and
  • The total amount paid for the services.

The totals include records of outpatient services paid for by Medicaid directly (“fee-for-service”) and those paid for by Medicaid managed care organizations on behalf of enrollees between 2018 and 2024.

The data exclude all institutional records and all information about prescription drugs, which are significant shares of Medicaid spending, with hospital care accounting for 37% and being the single largest source of Medicaid spending. Beyond excluding entire categories of services, the data omit several types of information that are important in evaluating the reasonableness of service volume and spending:

  • Enrollment. The amounts of services used depend on how many people are eligible to receive the services, which varies based on state policies, the economy, and people’s demographics. Differences in service use over time or between geographic locations may not be comparable without accounting for the number of Medicaid enrollees and their age and health status.
  • Benefits and Coverage. The volume of services used also depends on what services states elect to offer and how they determine who is eligible to use those services, features that may change over time.
  • Payment rates. Spending on services depends on how much states are paying for each service, which could depend on the local cost of living as well as state decisions about how much payment rates should be to ensure reasonable access to care.
  • Diagnoses. The data do not include any information to indicate what condition the procedures are used to treat.
  • Place of service and other modifiers. The data exclude information about where the services were performed (including whether they were provided in-person or remotely) and other modifiers that are used to identify characteristics of the services.

How might the data lead to mistaken conclusions?

Although data analytics can be a powerful tool to identify potentially problematic patterns, they could lead to mistaken conclusions if used in isolation. A few specific shortcomings of the new Medicaid data stand out.

  • The reported procedures are not always comparable to each other. The data provide counts of patients, services, and Medicaid spending for each procedure, but the procedures are not in all cases comparable to each other. Some are very narrowly defined whereas others encompass a wide array of procedures. In CMS’ example of how the data could be used, spending on personal care appears to be a significant outlier and the single largest source of Medicaid spending. However, the “procedure” for personal care includes a range of possible services lasting from 15 minutes up to an entire day. In contrast, there are multiple separate procedures for psychotherapy that each correspond to visit length (30 minutes, 45 minutes, 60 minutes, etc.). Similarly, there are multiple procedures for emergency department visits and office visits that correspond to the complexity of the case on a scale from one to five. Personal care would not be the largest category of spending if institutional spending were also included.
  • Providers are not always comparable to each other. The data provide counts of patients, services, and Medicaid spending for each provider, but some of the providers are individuals whereas others are group practices, clinics, or even entire county and state health departments. In CMS’ example of how the data could be used to look at spending by provider, 10 of the 20 largest “providers” are state or local government agencies that both administer and deliver Medicaid benefits rather than health care providers. States’ approaches to delivering Medicaid benefits vary broadly, but in most cases, state or local health departments contribute by paying providers to deliver services and by providing services directly (particularly in the case of services for people with behavioral health needs and developmental disabilities).
  • There is limited information about the methods used to create the dataset or the underlying data quality. The data do not indicate how underlying Medicaid data were aggregated to create the summary file. They also do not address issues related to the quality of the underlying data, which come from the Transformed Medicaid Statistical Information System or T-MSIS. T-MSIS is a rich source of data, but sometimes there are issues with the data in specific states for specific topics. CMS maintains a rigorous “data quality atlas” that supports “insightful, methodologically sound analysis” of the data. The atlas provides a wealth of information about potential data problems. It’s unclear how CMS handled those issues when generating the recently-released data. For example, CMS reports that in the 2024 data, there were six states with unusable information about total spending for the services included in the data; and an additional 16 states where the data were of high concern. It is unknown whether CMS included the unusable data in the public file or whether the public data reflect a different version of T-MSIS.

Beyond those data issues, the data are missing context about how Medicaid spending and use of care changed between 2018 and 2024. The COVID-19 pandemic, which began in 2020, resulted in major changes to Medicaid spending that resulted from increased enrollment during the continuous enrollment period and increased awareness of unmet needs for behavioral health and long-term care. As states increased access to those services, use of those services and associated spending grew due to changes in states’ policies regarding coverage, eligibility, and provider payment rates.

Intrauterine Devices (IUDs): Access and Coverage in the U.S.

Published: Feb 19, 2026

Intrauterine devices (IUDs) are one of the most effective forms of reversible contraception. IUDs, along with implants, are known as long-acting reversible contraception (LARCs) because they can be used to prevent pregnancy for several years. IUDs have been used in the U.S. for decades, but a safety controversy in the 1970s prompted the removal of all but one IUD from the U.S. market by 1986. The first new generation IUD was introduced to the U.S. market in 1988, following revised Food and Drug Administration (FDA) safety and manufacturing requirements. Recent controversies have focused on the mechanism of action of IUDs, the high upfront costs for the device, and variability in insurance coverage and access. This fact sheet reviews FDA-approved IUDs, as well as use, availability, and key issues in insurance coverage and financing of IUDs in the U.S.

What is an IUD?

IUDs are small, T-shaped devices inserted into the uterus through the cervix by a trained medical provider to prevent pregnancy. A follow up visit may be recommended post-insertion to confirm its placement. IUDs are effective for three to 10 years and can be removed at any time up to the expiration date. There are two major categories of IUDs—copper and hormonal—and within those categories, there are currently six IUDs approved by the FDA (Table 1). In general, IUDs work by triggering an immune response in the uterus that prevents fertilization. Both copper and hormonal IUDs are more than 99% effective at preventing pregnancy. Like other forms of contraception, they do not protect against HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs). IUDs do not affect an established pregnancy and do not act as an abortifacient.


Table 1

Types of Intrauterine Devices

Non-hormonalAvailable in the U.S. SinceEffectivenessUse/IndicationsCommon Side Effects
Paragard Copper IUD198810 yearsCan be used as emergency contraception when inserted within 5 days of unprotected sexProlonged and/or heavier menstrual bleeding, inter-menstrual spotting, higher frequency or intensity of cramps
Miudella Copper IUD*Expected to be available in 20263 yearsN/A
HormonalAvailable in the U.S. SinceEffectivenessDosage and IndicationsCommon Side Effects
Mirena20015-8 years52mg; 
Can be used to treat heavy menstrual bleeding for up to 5 years and prevents pregnancy for up to 8 years
Inter-menstrual spotting, changes in menstrual bleeding 

Hormone-related headaches, nausea, breast tenderness, acne, mood changes, ovarian cysts, fatigue
Skyla20133 years13.5mg
Liletta20155-8 years52mg; 
Can be used to treat heavy menstrual bleeding for up to 5 years and prevents pregnancy for up to 8 years
Kyleena20165 years19.5mg

Note: *The Miudella Copper IUD was approved for use in the U.S. in 2025 and is expected to be available to patients in 2026.


Non-Hormonal Copper-T Intrauterine Device

There are two copper IUDs available in the U.S.: Paragard and Miudella. Both are hormone-free, T-shaped devices wrapped in copper wire. Copper IUDs prevent pregnancy by affecting the function and mobility of sperm so that sperm cannot reach the uterus to fertilize an egg. Current evidence does not support prior theories that the copper IUD damages fertilized embryos or prevents implantation.

Paragard was first approved by the FDA in 1984 and has been available in the U.S. since 1988. Initially, this copper IUD was marketed by Teva Women’s Health Pharmaceuticals under the brand name ParaGard, but was acquired by CooperSurgical in 2017. Paragard is effective for up to 10 years and begins working immediately post-insertion, meaning it does not require the use of a backup method of contraception. Because of this, Paragard can also be used as emergency contraception within five days of unprotected intercourse or contraceptive method failure and is more effective at preventing pregnancy that emergency contraceptive pills. Unlike Plan B emergency contraceptive pills, the effectiveness of IUDs does not vary based on weight.

In 2025, the FDA approved the first new copper IUD in the U.S. in over 40 years, Miudella, from Sebela Pharmaceuticals. Miudella is effective for up to three years, but unlike Paragard, it has not been approved for use as emergency contraception. In addition to using less copper, the new device is smaller in size and is made of a flexible material called nitinol that allows for easier placement inside the uterus. Miudella is expected to be publicly available in the U.S. in the first half of 2026. Clinical trials evaluating its potential for long-term use are ongoing.

Hormonal Intrauterine Devices (LNG-IUD)

Four hormonal IUDs are currently available on the U.S. market: Mirena, Skyla, Liletta, and Kyleena. They are also known as LNG-IUDs because they contain the progestin hormone levonorgestrel, which is released into the body in small amounts each day to prevent pregnancy. Hormonal IUDs are not effective as emergency contraception and require the use of a backup method of contraception for the first seven days after insertion.

Mirena, manufactured by Bayer Healthcare Pharmaceuticals, is the most used hormonal IUD and has been available on the market longer than other hormonal IUDs. In addition to preventing pregnancy for up to eight years, the FDA approved the use of Mirena to treat heavy menstrual bleeding for up to five years.

Skyla, also manufactured by Bayer, is slightly smaller than the Mirena, making it a better candidate for people with a smaller uterus. It can prevent pregnancy for up to three years.  

Liletta was developed by AbbVie and Medicines360—a non-profit women’s pharmaceutical company—specifically to be low cost and available to public health clinics enrolled in the national 340B Drug Pricing Program. The 340B program provides reduced cost pharmaceuticals to providersr that serve low-income populations.

Kyleena, the newest hormonal IUD, was approved by the FDA in September 2016 and became available in October 2016. It is also manufactured by Bayer and contains lower hormone levels than Mirena and Liletta.

Use, Awareness, and Availability of IUDs

Use of IUDs in the U.S. has been increasing substantially since the early 2000s but is still lower than other methods. Attitudes regarding the safety of IUDs have been shifting and interest has grown, especially among younger providers and contraceptive users who have less knowledge of the IUD controversies of the past.

Use

Data from the 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey shows that 17% of women ages 18 to 49 years old who reported using contraception used an IUD in the last 12 months (Figure 1). IUD use is highest among women ages 26 to 35, compared to 12% among women ages 18-25, as well as Black women and Asian women (Figure 1). Multiple provider groups including the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) and the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) have recommended use of IUDs for all individuals, including adolescents, regardless of parity.

Among Women Who Reported Using Contraception in the Prior 12 Months, 17% Said They Used an IUD (Bar Chart)

The promotion of LARCs as the “most effective” contraceptive methods has led to concerns about the potential for coercion, particularly due to racial biases in healthcare settings and the history of reproductive injustice against marginalized communities. Some people have reported that they have felt pressured to choose a method of contraception during contraceptive counseling and have felt that their providers preferred–and even pushed them towards–a LARC method because of their effectiveness in preventing pregnancy. Some individuals have reported that their physicians have been resistant and even unwilling to remove their IUDs early. Researchers have recommended that instead of first talking about LARCs and how effective they are, providers should first discuss with their patients their contraceptive preferences and reproductive goals and help patients choose a contraceptive method that meets their lifestyle needs. 

Postpartum Use

Providing IUDs immediately following a delivery, miscarriage, or abortion is an effective strategy for averting unintended pregnancy in the postpartum period, with less than 1% of users getting pregnant within a year of insertion. This can also be convenient as it does not require scheduling separate appointments for IUD-related services. Some postpartum patients opt for a delayed insertion, meaning they get an IUD one to eight weeks after delivery, rather than immediate or early insertion. In a small study on patient preferences on postpartum LARC, patients cited concerns about expulsion rates and side effects as primary reasons for delaying IUD insertion. While studies have shown that expulsion rates of IUDs are higher with immediate postpartum insertion, results vary across studies and there may be several factors that influence the risk of expulsion during this time.

Social Media Influence

Some prominent social media influencers have utilized their social networks to share their negative experiences with and rationale for discontinuation of hormonal birth control methods such as oral contraceptive pills or, in the case of IUDs, they have sometimes focused on the pain of IUD insertion as well as side effects. Some patients have stated that clinicians do not pay enough attention to pain management, which may deter those interested in contraception from considering IUDs as an option. The most recent national contraception guidelines recommend administering lidocaine as a local anesthetic prior to IUD insertion to reduce patient pain, as there is significant evidence supporting the use of lidocaine for IUD insertions. In addition to these guidelines, it is also recommended that clinicians provide patients with thorough and individualized counseling related to anticipated pain.

Some social media influencers and organizations have made false claims about the harms and efficacy of hormonal contraception and have also conflated IUDs with abortion. Extensive research shows IUDs do not affect an established pregnancy.

Awareness and Availability

A 2023 KFF survey of OBGYNs found that nearly all OBGYNs provided IUDs in their practice (93%). However, some physicians require multiple visits for an IUD insertion, which can be inconvenient for patients with limited time and resources and may deter them from obtaining an IUD. While ACOG recommends OBGYNs facilitate same-day insertion procedures to improve patient access and experiences with contraceptive care, providers report encountering several barriers such as high upfront costs and challenges with storage and reimbursement processes for IUDs. Nonetheless, the share of publicly funded family planning clinics that perform same-day IUD insertions has increased overall. Between 2022 and 2023, about three in five (59%) clinics performed same-day insertions, compared to one in three (34%) in 2015.

Publicly funded family planning clinics are an important source of care for many low-income and uninsured people of reproductive age. Like other providers, access to IUDs has been challenging for some clinics due to high upfront costs, as well as limited training and staff capacity to provide IUDs. As a result, not all these sites provide the full range of contraceptive services to their patients including IUDs. Overall 71% of clinics offered hormonal IUDs while 64% offered copper IUDs from 2022 to 2023.

Insurance Coverage and Financing of IUDs

The costs of IUDs have been a barrier to their use for both patients and providers. Prices for an IUD can range from $0 to $1,800, in addition to provider visits for insertion, removal, and confirmation that the device was properly placed. The ACA’s contraceptive coverage requirement eliminated many out-of-pocket costs for many women, but some still do not have access to full coverage.

Private Insurance

The ACA includes a requirement that most private insurance plans must cover at least one type of all 18 FDA-approved contraceptive methods without cost sharing, meaning plans must cover the copper IUD and at least one hormonal IUD at no cost to policy holders. Plans determine which hormonal IUD they cover and must cover an alternate hormonal IUD if medically necessary. After the ACA contraceptive coverage mandate went into effect in 2012, studies found an increase in LARC initiation among women with private insurance coverage. Additional research found that the share of privately insured women paying $0 in out-of-pocket costs for IUDs doubled from 40% in 2012 to 88% in 2014. However, this analysis also suggests that the number of women with out-of-pocket expenses for IUD insertion increased between 2016 and 2020, despite the coverage requirement. While many women with private insurance (69%) continued to have no cost-sharing for IUD insertions in 2020, three in ten (31%) paid an average of $41 for IUD-related services.

Insurers can use medical management to help control costs and encourage beneficiaries to choose more affordable contraceptive methods. While insurers can require step therapy and prior authorization, federal guidance prohibits insurers from categorically restricting access to a method. Insurers can choose to cover generic contraceptives only while charging cost-sharing for the brand-name version, but since IUDs do not have a generic equivalent, the brand-name version must be covered without cost-sharing.

Medicaid

Federal law requires Medicaid programs to cover family planning services and supplies without cost-sharing, but there are variations in coverage between states and between different Medicaid populations. For enrollees of the traditional Medicaid programs that were in place prior to the passage of the ACA, coverage of IUDs is determined by each state program. States policies may limit coverage to only certain brands or types or apply medical management protocols to restrict availability.

Those who qualify for Medicaid under the ACA’s expansion of the program receive coverage for both the copper IUD and at least one hormonal IUD. The ACA requires these expansion programs to cover all FDA approved methods for women without cost-sharing, which is the same as the requirement for private insurance plans. Currently, 31 states and D.C. extend Medicaid coverage for family planning services, including contraception, to some uninsured women who do not qualify for full scope Medicaid.

States have adopted a variety of payment policies to facilitate and improve access to postpartum LARC insertion. In the past, labor and delivery services were typically reimbursed through a single global fee. However, the global fee has previously been cited as a barrier to hospital LARC provision for not covering the costs of providing a LARC postpartum, and the absence of a separate fee or increase in reimbursement has become a disincentive for some providers. Over the last decade, most states have revised their Medicaid reimbursement policies to include a separate fee for postpartum LARC services, either a separate fee for LARC devices only, LARC insertion only, or separate fees for both (Figure 2). Six states—Idaho, North Dakota, Nebraska, Arkansas, Kentucky, and New Hampshire—continue to reimburse providers through a single global fee.

In Most States, Medicaid Providers Are Reimbursed Through Separate Payment Methods for Postpartum LARC (Choropleth map)

Uninsured

The federal Title X National Family Planning Program funds a network of clinics to provide family planning care to millions of low-income and uninsured people at reduced or no cost. Federal guidelines such as the CDC’s and the Office of Population Affairs’ Providing Quality Family Planning Services (QFP) and HRSA’s recommendations for preventive services for women state that offering women the full range of FDA-approved contraceptive methods is a critical element of quality family planning care.  

Faced with higher costs or challenges getting reproductive care, uninsured women could decide to stop using contraception because they cannot afford it or switch to a less effective method, which could result in an increase of unwanted pregnancies and a loss of reproductive autonomy. The 2024 KFF Women’s Health Survey found one in five uninsured women of reproductive age has had to stop using a birth control method in the past 12 months because they couldn’t afford it, a rate that is four times greater than those with Medicaid (5%) or private insurance (2%). The uninsured rate is expected to increase substantially over the next decade due to forthcoming federal policy changes, particularly because of the 2025 federal budget law.

Community health centers (CHCs) and specialized family planning clinics such as Planned Parenthood centers play a major role in providing reproductive health care to low-income people, medically underserved communities, and people who are uninsured. CHCs are required to provide “voluntary family planning” services but have significant leeway in determining what specific services they provide. Research has found that sites that received Title X funds were consistently more likely to offer IUDs compared to sites that do not receive Title X funding. For example, nearly all (98%) of Planned Parenthood clinics offered same-day IUD insertions from 2022 to 2023, compared to just over a third (38%) of FQHCs.

Some manufacturers operate programs that offer reduced prices or fully subsidized IUDs for some low-income people. IUD manufacturers may also offer installment plans for those who purchase IUDs directly and have no other coverage.

Medicaid Managed Care Reporting and Transparency: Managed Care Program Annual Reports

Published: Feb 18, 2026

Introduction

Comprehensive, capitated managed care is the dominant Medicaid delivery system, accounting for about 78% of beneficiaries (over 66 million individuals as of July 2024) and 50% of total Medicaid spending (over $458 billion in FY 2024). States were contracting with over 290 individual Medicaid managed care organizations (MCOs) (as of July 2024), which represent a mix of private for-profit, private non-profit, and government plans. Medicaid managed care contracts are among the largest and most complex state contracts, frequently exceeding billions of dollars a year. While the majority of states contract with managed care plans, states decide which populations and services to include in managed care arrangements, leading to considerable variation across states. States have been largely responsible for monitoring and overseeing managed care plans, while federal rules have evolved over time. Historically, publicly available managed care performance data has been limited and inconsistently available across states, limiting transparency and accountability of individual plans.

Sweeping changes to Medicaid managed care rules and regulations in 2016 and 2024 included provisions related to beneficiary protections, access, and program oversight, including new managed care reporting and oversight requirements and efforts to promote transparency. The first Trump administration relaxed some managed care requirements in rules issued in 2020, but the administration left the managed care reporting requirements intact. To date, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has continued to publicly post newly collected state managed care reports on Medicaid.gov. It remains uncertain whether the Trump administration will seek to roll back or revise provisions included in the 2024 managed care final rules.

This brief describes the Managed Care Program Annual Report (“MCPAR”), a relatively new, comprehensive report on state managed care programs that includes plan-level data, that must be submitted (to CMS) by states annually. It functions alongside other managed care reports aimed at improving state and federal managed care program monitoring, oversight, and transparency. (Future KFF analysis will explore policy relevant metrics from the data.)

MCPAR Background

By introducing the MCPAR reporting requirement, CMS intended to address the fragmented program information it received from states and to improve managed care program oversight. In finalizing the MCPAR requirement in 2016, CMS indicated it expected the reports would provide valuable and timely information to assess managed care program operations in each state and would improve transparency. In its June 2021 guidance, CMS noted the structured data collected from MCPARs (and other newly required managed care reports) would allow for the analysis of state-specific and national data and that CMS could use these data to assist states in improving their managed care programs while also ensuring compliance with federal laws and regulations. See Appendix for additional information on key administrative actions related to the MCPAR.

The first MCPARs were due to CMS between December 2022 and September 2023 (with due dates dependent on the managed care contract period). Following the release of CMS guidance in June 2021 that triggered the 2016 requirement, states are required to submit one MCPAR report for each managed care program the state administers, no later than 180 days after each program’s contract year (which typically operate on a calendar- or state fiscal year-basis). A managed care “program” is defined by a specified set of benefits and eligibility criteria identified in managed care plan contracts.1 A state may run separate programs for different populations (e.g., children, adults, etc.). As of February 2026, CMS has made MCPAR reports from 2023 and 2024 available on Medicaid.gov. (States are also required to post MCPARs on their websites; however, it is unclear how many states have posted their MCPAR reports. The 2024 rule reaffirmed regulatory transparency requirements and sets a timeframe (within 30 calendar days of submitting to CMS) for posting MCPARs on state websites.)

MCPAR Data

The MCPAR collects data across many areas of managed care program operations, including plan-level data (Table 1). Notably, the MCPAR template is designed to collect plan-level data in specific areas including enrollment, prior authorization, grievances and appeals, quality measures, encounter data submissions, sanctions, program integrity, and financial performance. While there are some limitations (discussed in more detail below), plan-level data can be used to analyze and compare individual plan performance within and across states. In addition, the MCPAR template collects state- and program-level data – for example, providing information on certain state monitoring activities, contract requirements, and program characteristics.

Examples of Data Required in the Managed Care Program Annual Reports (MCPARs) (Table)

The bullets below provide additional context and information involving select MCPAR data elements/domains that are often cited as key to improving managed care oversight and transparency:

  • Grievances and appeals. Plan-level data on appeals and grievances can help reveal quality and access issues. MCPAR reported grievance and appeal data include the total number of appeals and grievances resolved, the service types and reasons for appeals and grievances, the total number of state fair hearings and their outcomes, and the outcomes of external medical reviews (if offered by the state). Previously, states were not required to report appeals and grievances data to CMS.
  • Prior authorization. The original MCPAR reporting template did not require states to track the number of prior authorization denials or appeal outcomes. Beginning with MCPAR reports submitted in June 2026, states will be required to report new plan-level prior authorization data, including the total number prior authorization requests, denial and approval rates, the percentage of standard prior authorization requests that were approved after appeal, and average and median decision times. These new data can be used to assess timeliness of prior authorization decisions, the extent of plan denials, and plan-wide issues with access to care. CMS expanded prior authorization reporting requirements following the release of an Office of Inspector General (OIG) report that raised concerns about the high number and rates of denied prior authorization requests by some plans and concerns that states were not adequately overseeing and monitoring MCO decisions on prior authorization requests. MCPAR prior authorization reporting requirements align with public reporting requirements included in the 2024 Interoperability and Prior Authorization rule.
  • Sanctions. States may impose monetary or non-monetary sanctions on managed care plans if they do not meet contractual obligations. Historically, publicly available data on states’ use of sanctions has varied across states. A recent MACPAC state scan indicated the most common sanction tools identified in managed care contracts include monetary penalties, corrective action plans, and administrative/corrective actions. The MCPAR template collects plan-level data on state-imposed sanctions. Reported elements include intervention type (e.g., civil monetary penalty, liquidated damages, suspension of new enrollment, correction action plan), performance issues (e.g., quality measure performance, network adequacy, timely payment to providers), and sanction amount (if applicable/a monetary penalty was imposed).
  • Program integrity. Plans are required to conduct a variety of program integrity activities. For example, plans must have a system for routine internal monitoring and auditing of compliance risks, promptly report to the state all overpayments identified or recovered, and notify the state if they receive information regarding changes to enrollee and provider eligibility. The MCPAR collects data related to plan program integrity activities, including plan-level data on managed care provider overpayments recovered, the number of program integrity investigations opened and resolved by plans, and how frequently plans report changes in beneficiary circumstances to the state. The reports also collect data on state program integrity responsibilities including contract standards for overpayments, how the state monitors overpayment reporting, and links to audits of plan encounter and financial data.

MCPAR Limitations

While the data and information contained in MCPARs have the potential to facilitate assessment and comparison of plan performance within and across states, there are also limitations. For example:

  • Relatively new requirements. MCPARs are still in the initial years of implementation. The MCPAR template has evolved since its initial release. CMS is likely to continue to refine MCPAR reporting requirements and instructions to ensure consistency across states and to improve data quality and completeness.
  • Data variation & comparability. There is significant variation across states in managed care programs (populations served, benefits), plan contract requirements, and state monitoring and oversight approaches. As a result, direct comparison across states, particularly in certain areas, may be challenging. States may also use inconsistent methods for certain metrics or reporting may be inconsistent across states.
  • Importance of contextualized data. Without context, MCPAR data may be difficult to interpret in some areas. For example, listing sanctions without context may make it difficult to determine the significance of the noncompliance or the state’s approach to enforcing contract compliance issues. Low numbers of appeals and grievances could reflect few adverse benefit determinations, that access to care met enrollees’ needs, or that the plan does not adequately categorize or track appeals and grievances.
  • Scope. MCPARs do not capture all aspects of managed care program and plan performance. MCPARs are also not the only source of plan or program performance information. Additional data can be found in other reports, including the MLR summary report and external quality review (EQR) annual technical report.
  • Report format. TheMCPAR reports are currently posted on Medicaid.gov as PDF files, which allows for a centralized, uniform report repository. While the reports are posted publicly, they are technical and may be difficult for the general public/consumers to understand or gain actionable insights.
  • Report period. As states operate with different contract years, the timing of data submission and the scope of reported data can differ (including number of months covered).
  • Timeliness. The lag in time between end of contract year and report posting (on Medicaid.gov or state website) may affect the immediacy and relevance of the data.

According to a March 2024 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report, CMS had developed a draft plan (as of April 2023) for processing and analyzing MCPAR data, including developing an analytic dashboard, publishing summary reports and state-level data, and implementing an oversight plan. While CMS began publishing state MCPAR reports on Medicaid.gov in July 2024, CMS indicated to GAO they planned to prioritize working with states on data quality and technical assistance before implementing next steps related to data use and oversight. In November 2025, CMS told GAO that the agency is working on developing an internal appeals and grievance dashboard, to facilitate using the data for oversight, with planned implementation by June 2026. MACPAC is also currently examining state and federal tools for ensuring accountability of managed care organizations and may issue additional policy recommendations in a future report.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Appendix

Federal oversight has primarily focused on reviewing and approving plan contracts and capitation rates, and states have generally had considerable flexibility in implementing federal managed care monitoring and oversight requirements. While states have historically produced a variety of data and reports on their managed care programs (e.g., encounter data, external quality reviews etc.), states were not required to produce or submit standardized, comprehensive managed care program reports. Publicly available managed care performance data has been limited and inconsistently available across states, limiting transparency. The following bullets track administrative action related to introducing and implementing the MCPAR reporting requirements:

  • 2016. In 2016, under the Obama Administration, CMS issued sweeping managed care regulations to advance program goals related to access, quality, fiscal and program integrity, beneficiary protections, and monitoring and oversight. The rules created new managed care reporting requirements, requiring states to submit three annual reports: 1) an annual managed care program report, 2) a network adequacy and access report, and 3) a medical loss ratio (MLR) summary report. Implementation of the reporting requirements was phased in. However, the first annual managed care program reports were not due until CMS issued guidance on the content and form of the report.
  • 2017-2020. In 2017, under the first Trump administration, CMS indicated it would use “enforcement discretion” to allow states to postpone compliance with certain managed care rules introduced in 2016 (although it’s unclear what enforcement discretion was offered and to which states). In 2020, CMS finalized revisions to Medicaid managed care rules in specific areas (e.g., relaxing network adequacy requirements and beneficiary protections) aimed at reducing state and federal burden, streamlining regulations, improving rate setting transparency, and promoting state flexibility. The new managed care reporting requirements from the 2016 rule were left intact, including the annual managed care program report requirement, though the administration did not issue further guidance to effectuate the reporting requirement.
  • 2021-2024. In June 2021, the Biden administration released guidance that triggered the annual managed care program report (referred to now as the managed care program annual report or “MCPAR”) requirement, developed standard reporting templates (for the MCPAR, network adequacy and access report, and MLR Summary report) and a variety of toolkits, and released a series of informational bulletins on managed care monitoring and oversight. The first MCPAR reports were due to CMS in December 2022. To improve transparency, CMS began posting state-submitted MCPAR (and MLR Summary) reports on Medicaid.gov in 2024 (from “performance year” 2023). In 2024, the Biden administration also issued significant new Medicaid managed care regulations aimed at improving access, quality of care, and monitoring and transparency, including expanding MCPAR reporting elements and transparency requirements.
  • 2025 and beyond. The second Trump administration has continued to post state-submitted MCPAR reports on Medicaid.gov (reports from 2024 were posted in 2025). The administration has also made minor revisions and additions to the MCPAR template2 and released an updated MCPAR “FAQ” in August 2025. CMS has also given states the option to forgo completing the access and network adequacy sections of the MCPAR, noting this option was introduced to reduce state burden and duplication with the separate network adequacy and access report; however, it may also reduce transparency as the network adequacy and access report is not currently posted on Medicaid.gov. In November 2025, CMS told GAO that the agency is working on developing an internal appeals and grievance dashboard, to facilitate using the data for oversight, with planned implementation by June 2026. Beginning with MCPAR reports submitted in June 2026, states are required to report new plan-level prior authorization data including the total number prior authorization requests, denial and approval rates, appeal outcomes, and average and median decision times. The 2024 managed care rule requires states to include the results of enrollee experience surveys in the MCPAR (for contract rating periods that begin on/after July 9, 2027).

  1. States must submit MCPAR reports for MCO programs and for limited benefit prepaid inpatient health plan (PIHP) and prepaid ambulatory health plan (PAHP) programs (except for PAHPs that only cover non-emergency medical transportation). States must also submit MCPAR reports for primary care case management (PCCM) entities but are only required to complete certain sections.  ↩︎
  2. The Excel template posted on Medicaid.gov lists 2025 MCPAR updates and effective dates on the “Revisions” tab. ↩︎

The Mexico City Policy: An Explainer

Understanding the Trump Administration’s “Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance” Policy

Published: Feb 17, 2026

Editorial Note: Originally published in Jan. 2017, this resource is updated as needed, most recently on Feb. 17, 2026, to reflect the latest developments.

Key Points

  • On January 27, 2026, the Trump administration released details of the latest iteration of the Mexico City Policy (MCP), now part of a broader umbrella called “Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance (PHFFA),” significantly expanding the policy to encompass more funding, more organizations, and new policy areas.
  • First announced in 1984 by the Reagan administration, the Mexico City Policy has been rescinded and reinstated by subsequent administrations along party lines and has been in effect for 23 of the past 42 years.
  • Historically, when in effect, the policy had required foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to certify that they would not “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning” using funds from any source (including non-U.S. funds) as a condition of receiving U.S. government global family planning funding. This was expanded by President Trump in 2017 to encompass the vast majority of U.S. bilateral global health assistance (including PEPFAR, maternal and child health, malaria, nutrition, and other U.S. global health programs). The latest expansion now includes most non-military foreign assistance and applies to U.S. NGOs, international organizations, and foreign governments, as well as foreign NGOs. In addition to abortion, it prohibits the promotion of “discriminatory equity ideology” and “gender ideology.”
  • KFF estimates have found that almost $40 billion could now be subject to the policy restrictions, billions more than during the first Trump administration ($7.3 billion).
  • While the full reach of this latest expansion will be shaped by broader changes to the U.S. foreign aid portfolio, potential legal challenges, and additional applications to other agencies and funding streams, it already extends well beyond the reach of what was in place during the first Trump administration.

What is the Mexico City Policy?

The Mexico City Policy is a U.S. government policy that – when in effect – has required foreign NGOs to certify that they will not “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning” using funds from any source (including non-U.S. funds) as a condition of receiving U.S. global family planning assistance and, as expanded by the first Trump administration, most other U.S. global health assistance. The latest expansion, by the second Trump administration, applies to significantly more funding (most non-military foreign assistance), many more organizations (beyond foreign NGOs), and new services and activities (beyond abortion).The policy was first announced by the Reagan administration at the 2nd International Conference on Population, which was held in Mexico City, Mexico, on August 6-14, 1984 (hence its name; see Box 1).1 It was renamed “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance” (PLGHA) in 2017, and now “Protecting Life in Foreign Assistance” (PLFA) as part of the broader “Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance (PHFFA)” Policy umbrella. Among opponents, it is also known as the “Global Gag Rule,” because, in addition to prohibiting service delivery, it also prohibits the promotion of restricted activities, including through lobbying, referrals, and public information campaigns.

Box 1: The Original Language of the Mexico City Policy, 1984

“[T]he United States does not consider abortion an acceptable element of family planning programs and will no longer contribute to those of which it is a part. …[T]he United States will no longer contribute to separate nongovernmental organizations which perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning in other nations.”2

When first instituted in 1984, the Mexico City Policy marked an expansion of existing legislative restrictions that already prohibited U.S. funding for abortion internationally. Prior to the policy, foreign NGOs could use non-U.S. funds to engage in certain voluntary abortion-related activities as long as they maintained segregated accounts for any U.S. money received, but after the Mexico City Policy, they were no longer permitted to do so if they wanted to receive U.S. family planning assistance. During those years, U.S. funding for family planning ranged from approximately $300-$600 million annually.

When the policy was expanded by President Trump in 2017 to include the vast majority of U.S. bilateral global health assistance, including funding for HIV under the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), maternal and child health, malaria, nutrition, and other programs, it increased the funding that could be subject to restrictions to more than $7 billion.3 At that time, the Trump administration also moved to further tighten restrictions in how it defined “financial support,” reaching other areas of U.S. development assistance beyond global health and other non-U.S. funding streams. See “What is the definition of ‘financial support’?” below.4

Although President Biden rescinded the policy, President Trump reinstated the MCP through a presidential memorandum on January 24, 2025, directing the Secretary of State to “to implement a plan to extend the requirements of the reinstated Memorandum to global health assistance furnished by all departments or agencies,” which would reach beyond the 2017 expansion. Some organizations and members of Congress had also called for the policy to be expanded to apply to all foreign assistance, and last year, it was reported that the administration intended to include new areas of restrictions related to DEI and gender.

On January 27, 2026, the policy details were released under three separate, but inter-related final rules (interim final rules were first posted on January 23) as part of the PHFFA umbrella (see Box 2). The rules cite the presidential memorandum on the MCP and eight other presidential actions issued in January and February of 2025 that addressed foreign aid, DEI, and gender issues to “ensure that foreign aid is aligned with administration policy and promotes human flourishing.” As such, the PHFFA applies to most non-military foreign assistance and most recipients of foreign aid (not just foreign NGOs). In addition to abortion, it prohibits promoting “discriminatory equity ideology,” including activities related to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), and promoting “gender ideology,” including providing gender affirming care, seeking legal protections based on gender identity, and other related services and activities. The rules indicate that the State Department will work with other agencies that administer foreign assistance to expand the policy further.

Box 2: Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance (PHFFA) Policy

The Trump administration released details of its new Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance (PHFFA) Policy, which includes the latest expansion of the Mexico City Policy, via three separate, but related, final rules on January 27, 2026. Each rule applies to the same funding streams, types of organizations, and award mechanisms but restricts different activities and services:

With the latest expansion, KFF estimates have found that as much as $39.8 billion in U.S. foreign aid and almost 2,600 prime recipient organizations may be affected (this number should be considered a floor since the policy requirements are passed down when funding is sub-awarded to another organization).

When Has the Mexico City Policy Been in Effect?

The Mexico City Policy has been in effect for 23 of the past 42 years, primarily through executive action, and has been instated, rescinded, and reinstated by presidential administrations along party lines (see Table 1). 

The policy was first instituted in 1984 (taking effect in 1985) by President Ronald Reagan and continued to be in effect through President George H.W. Bush’s administration. It was rescinded by President Bill Clinton in 1993 (although it was reinstated legislatively for one year during his second term;5 see below).6 The policy was reinstated by President George W. Bush in 2001,7 rescinded by President Barack Obama in 2009,8 and reinstated and expanded by President Trump in 2017.9 It was rescinded by President Biden in 2021.10 President Trump then reinstated the policy from his first term in January 2025, noting an intention to expand it further, with final rules released in January 2026.11

The U.S. Mexico City Policy Over Time (Table)

How Has the Mexico City Policy Been Instituted (and Rescinded)?

The Mexico City Policy has, for the most part, been instituted or rescinded through executive branch action (typically via presidential memoranda12). While Congress has the ability to institute the policy through legislation, this has happened only once in the past when  a modified version of the policy was briefly applied by Congress during President Clinton’s last year in office as part of a broader arrangement to pay the U.S. debt to the United Nations.13 (At that time, President Clinton was able to partially waive the policy’s restrictions.14)Other attempts to institute the policy through legislation have not been enacted into law,15 nor have legislative attempts to overturn the policy.16 See Table 1.

To What Entities Does the PHFFA Policy Apply?

Under the PHFFA, the types of organizations now subject to the policy, albeit with different applications, include:

  • Foreign NGOs,17 which include:
    • international NGOs that are based outside the U.S.,
    • regional NGOs that are based outside the U.S., and
    • local NGOs in assisted countries.
  • U.S. NGOs,18
  • Foreign governments19 and parastatals20 (note: the State Department will assess whether or not to apply the policy based on foreign policy considerations), and
  • International organizations (note: applies to voluntary contributions; international organizations who are recipients of only U.S. assessed contributions are not subject to the policy).21

A waiver of the policy or its elements in specific cases is allowed if, in the Secretary of State’s judgment, such a waiver is necessary for national security or foreign policy purposes; see “Are waivers or exemptions allowed?”.

When in place, the policy applies to these organizations as a condition of receiving most non-military U.S. foreign assistance, either directly (as the main – or prime – recipient of U.S. funding) or, for foreign NGOs, U.S. NGOs, and international organizations, indirectly (as a recipient of U.S. funding through an agreement with the prime recipient; referred to as a sub-recipient); see “To what assistance does the PHFFA apply?” below.

Importantly, some aspects of the policy are applied differently based on organization type:

  • The strongest restrictions apply to foreign NGOs and international organizations, which are required to agree that outside the U.S. they will not provide or promote abortion as a method of family planning, promote gender ideology, promote discriminatory equity ideology, or engage in unlawful DEI-related discrimination with any funding, from any source; they also must agree not to provide financial support to any other foreign NGO or international organization that engages in such activities. See “What is the definition of ‘financial support’?” below.
  • A U.S. NGO is required to agree that it will not provide abortion as a method of family planning outside the U.S. (including with non-Federal funds) and that it will not, “within the scope of any program, project, or activity funded by foreign assistance,” provide or promote abortion as a method of family planning, promote gender ideology, promote discriminatory equity ideology, or engage in unlawful DEI-related discrimination. It is also required to “ensure the physical and financial separation of their foreign assistance-funded programs, projects, and activities from the provision or promotion of” prohibited activities; if such separation is made, a U.S. NGO may carry out prohibited “promotion” activities (such as conducting public information campaigns, or using or teaching education materials) with non-Federal funds but still may not “provide” prohibited activities (such as providing abortion, providing “sex-rejecting procedures,”22 or engaging in unlawful DEI-related discrimination) with any funds. In addition, U.S. NGOs “are not subject to an additional requirement not to provide financial support using non-Federal funds to other organizations that provide or promote abortions outside the United States.”
  • A foreign government or parastatal is subject to the policy if the State Department decides to apply the policy – in whole or in part – to an award based on foreign policy considerations; specifically, foreign governments and parastatals may have to agree to not use U.S. foreign assistance award funds to provide or promote abortion as a method of family planning, promote gender ideology, promote discriminatory equity ideology, or engage in unlawful DEI-related discrimination. If it is applied, foreign governments and parastatals “will be required to place any foreign assistance funds under the award in a segregated account to ensure that such funds may not be used to support such activity to the extent the foreign government conducts or supports such activity.” Thus, a foreign government may carry out prohibited activities with non-Federal funds, and they are not subject to the financial support requirement.

To What Assistance Does the PHFFA Apply?

The PHFFA policy applies to most non-military foreign assistance, beyond U.S. global health assistance or U.S. family planning assistance alone (see Table 2).23 Specifically, it applies to foreign assistance administered by the State Department under title III of the annual Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS) Appropriations Act as well as four other headings within the SFOPS appropriations act: International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement; Nonproliferation, Anti-Terrorism, Demining and Related Programs; Peacekeeping Operations; and International Organizations and Programs.24 This extends its reach to other sectors, beyond global health, to include humanitarian assistance; economic development, democracy, human rights, and governance; peace and security; education and social services; and environment.25 Within these accounts, the policy currently applies to two main types of funding instruments used for foreign assistance – grants and cooperative agreements – and also to grants provided under contracts. The administration has stated its intention to apply the policy to contracts, subject to future rule-making.26 This was also sought during President Trump’s first term when a proposed rule to this effect was issued, but it was never finalized.27 The rules also indicate that the State Department will work with other agencies that administer foreign assistance to apply the restrictions to their funding streams.

What Does It Mean to “Flow Down” the Policy?

Foreign NGOs, international organizations, U.S. NGOs, foreign governments, and parastatals must pass down (or “flow down”) the policy requirements under the award terms, as applicable, to sub-recipients of foreign assistance, which would then require the sub-recipients to agree to the policy’s restrictions and then flow down the requirements to other organizations, as applicable, if they sub-award the funding further.

Expansion of the Mexico City Policy and the Creation of the PHFFA Policy (Table)

What is the Definition of “Financial Support”?

The financial support28 requirement governs any funding, no matter the source of funds, provided by foreign NGOs and international organizations to a foreign NGO or international organization for any purpose, if that foreign NGO or international organization happened to provide or promote prohibited activities (there are some differences based on type of organization; see “To what entities does the PHFFA Policy apply?” above). This approach codifies how the financial support requirement was expanded during the first Trump administration.29

Accordingly, this approach to “financial support” may affect funding provided by other donors (such as other governments and foundations) and non-foreign assistance funding provided by the U.S. government for a wide range of purposes. For example, if this funding is first provided to a foreign NGO or international organization that has accepted the policy (as a recipient of U.S. global health or other non-military foreign assistance), the organization then could not, using another donor’s funding for any purpose, provide support to a foreign NGO that provides or promotes prohibited activities.

What Activities Are Prohibited Related to Abortion?

Under the expanded Protecting Life in Foreign Assistance (PLFA) policy under PHFFA, foreign NGOs and international organizations “agree that, during the period of the award, [they] will not, outside the United States, provide or promote abortion as a method of family planning, or provide financial support to any other foreign NGO or [international organization] that engages in such activities” (there are some differences based on type of organization; see “To what entities does the PHFFA Policy apply?” above. Restricted activities include (also see Box 3):

  • providing abortion as a method of family planning,30
  • providing advice and information about and offering referral for abortion – where legal – as part of the full range of family planning options,
  • promoting changes in a country’s laws or policies related to abortion as a method of family planning (i.e., engaging in lobbying), and
  • conducting public information campaigns about abortion as a method of family planning.31

The prohibition of these activities is why the policy has been referred to by its critics as the “Global Gag Rule.”

The policy also provides information and clarification about other abortion-related matters:

  • Allows for exceptions in cases of rape, incest, risk to life of mother: The policy does not prohibit, where consistent with local law, organizations from providing advice and information about, performing, or offering referral for abortion in cases where the pregnancy has either posed a risk to the life of the mother or resulted from incest or rape.32 The policy also states that “treatment of an ectopic pregnancy or spontaneous loss of pregnancy (a miscarriage) is not an abortion.”
  • Allows for post-abortion care: The policy states that “treatment of injuries or illnesses caused by legal or illegal abortions,” which is known as post-abortion care, is not restricted.
  • Prohibits passive referral: The policy now prohibits responding to a question about where a safe, legal abortion may be obtained when a woman who is already pregnant clearly states that she has already decided to have a legal abortion (passively providing information, versus actively providing medically-appropriate information). The policy does permit an exemption to be sought from the State Department where this, or another term, is in conflict with local law. This is an expansion compared to the prior policy where passive referral was permitted and the policy requirements did not apply when healthcare providers had an affirmative duty required under local law to provide counseling about and referrals for abortion as a method of family planning.

Box 3: Other U.S. Legal and Policy Restrictions on Abortion and Foreign Assistance

U.S. funding for abortion overseas using certain U.S. foreign assistance was already restricted and remains restricted under several provisions of the law. This includes a prohibition on using U.S. funding to pay for an abortion as a method of family planning (and, in actual policy practice, it was not allowed in any case, even in cases of risk to life, rape, or incest33), nor was using funds to conduct certain abortion-related activities.34 Specifically, before the Mexico City Policy was first announced in 1984, U.S. law already prohibited the use of U.S. aid:

  • to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortion (the Helms Amendment, 1973, to the Foreign Assistance Act);
  • for biomedical research related to methods of or the performance of abortion as a means of family planning (the Biden Amendment, 1981, to the Foreign Assistance Act); and
  • to lobby for or against abortion35 (the Siljander Amendment, first included in annual appropriations in 1981 and included each year thereafter).

Shortly after the policy was announced in 1984, the Kemp-Kasten Amendment was passed in 1985, prohibiting the use of U.S. aid to fund any organization or program, as determined by the president, that supports or participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or involuntary sterilization (it is now included in annual appropriations).

The Leahy Amendment (first passed in 1994 and now included in annual appropriations) clarified that the Helms Amendment use of the term “motivate” should not be construed to prohibit, where legal under local law, the provision of information or counseling about all pregnancy options.  

What Activities Are Prohibited Under “Gender Ideology”?

Under the new Combating Gender Ideology in Foreign Assistance policy of the PHFFA, foreign NGOs and international organizations “agree that, during the period of the award, [they] will not, outside the United States, promote gender ideology, or provide financial support to any other foreign NGO or [international organization] that promotes gender ideology” (there are some differences based on type of organization; see “To what entities does the PHFFA Policy apply?” above). Gender ideology is defined in the policy as “an ideology that replaces the biological category of sex with an ever-shifting concept of self-assessed gender identity.”36 Restricted activities include:

  • providing or promoting gender-affirming care;
  • lobbying for legal protections based on gender identity, legalization or availability of gender-affirming care, and lobbying for the continued legality of such activities or to change policies;
  • conducting a public information campaign in foreign countries regarding acceptance of “gender ideology” or the benefits and/or availability of gender-affirming care;
  • using or teaching sex education materials that include gender ideology; and
  • conducting drag queen workshops, performances.

The policy also defines sex as “person’s immutable biological classification as either male or female,” which will have likely implications for vulnerable populations served by U.S. foreign assistance programs, including transgender persons.

The policy allows procedures done to “to treat a person with a medically verifiable disorder of sexual development,” “for purposes other than attempting to align an individual’s physical appearance or body with an asserted identity that differs from the individual’s sex,” or “to treat complications of, including any infection, injury, disease, or disorder that has been caused by or exacerbated by, the performance of” gender-affirming care.

What Activities Are Prohibited Under “Discriminatory Equity Ideology”?

Under the new Combating Discriminatory Equity Ideology in Foreign Assistance policy of the PHFFA, foreign NGOs and international organizations “agree that, during the period of the award, [they] will not, outside the United States, promote discriminatory equity ideology, engage in unlawful [diversity, equity, and inclusion-related, or] DEI-related discrimination, or provide financial support to any other foreign NGO or [international organization] that conducts such activities” (there are some differences based on type of organization; see “To what entities does the PHFFA Policy apply?” above). Discriminatory equity ideology is defined in the policy as “an ideology that treats individuals as members of preferred or disfavored groups, rather than as individuals, and minimizes agency, merit, and capability in favor of generalizations,”37 such as that “an individual, by virtue of the individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, should be discriminated against or receive adverse treatment to achieve diversity, equity, or inclusion.” Restricted activities include:

  • promoting discriminatory equity ideology, which includes using or teaching education materials (including books, curricula, and media) that advance such ideology; and
  • unlawful DEI-related discrimination, which the policy defines as “discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, or national origin if such discrimination violates U.S. federal antidiscrimination law or would violate U.S. federal antidiscrimination law if it occurred inside the United States, including the use of those characteristics as a selection criterion or preference for, or basis for exclusion from, employment, contracting, program participation, resource allocation, or similar activities, opportunities, or benefits.”38

The policy does not “address discrimination on the basis of disability or other protected classes, nor does it address … grounds other than race, color, religion, or national origin.”

Are Waivers or Exemptions Allowed?

The rules allow for waivers or exemptions in certain cases as follows:

  • Waiver: A waiver of the policy or its elements in specific cases is allowed if, in the Secretary of State’s judgment, such a waiver is necessary for national security or foreign policy purposes. A waiver can be issued either by the Secretary of State or the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Assistance, Humanitarian Affairs, and Religious Freedom, and according to the rules, the State Department will issue guidance on the waiver process.
  • Foreign governments/parastatals: The State Department is allowed to exercise discretion, based on foreign policy considerations, in determining whether, and how (in full or in part), to apply the policy terms to the awards of foreign governments and parastatals.
  • Local law: The policy permits an exemption to be sought from the State Department where a specific PHFFA award term is in conflict with local law (see, for example, “Prohibits passive referral” above).

What Has Been the Impact of the Mexico City Policy?

A KFF literature review of studies examining the policy, from 2001 to 2024, identified a range of impacts associated with the policy, when in effect, including: increases in abortion rates and reductions in contraceptive prevalence (among other health outcomes); disruption and gaps in services; reduction in service integration; over-implementation and chilling effects; confusion about the policy; loss of civil society/NGO coordination and partnerships; and increased administrative burden (see Box 4). In addition, several studies sought to calculate or estimate the reach of the policy, as measured by amount of funding, countries, and/or NGOs affected.

Box 4: Impacts Associated with the Mexico City Policy in the Literature

  • Increased abortion rates
  • Increased pregnancy
  • Decreased contraceptive prevalence
  • Disruption in family planning and other services
  • Gaps in family planning and other services
  • Reduced service integration
  • Over-implementation and chilling effect
  • Confusion
  • Loss of civil society/NGO coordination and partnerships
  • Increased administrative burden

During the first Trump administration, two official assessments by the State Department were released:

  • Initial six-month review of implementation of the policy: released in February 2018, it directed agencies to provide greater support for improving understanding of implementation among affected organizations and provided guidance to clarify terms included in standard provisions of grants and cooperative agreements.
  • Second review of the policy, covering the first 18 months of implementation: released in August 2020, it found the awards declined spanned a variety of program areas,39 in addition to cross-cutting awards; spanned geographic areas, but many were for activities in sub-Saharan Africa; and led to gaps or disruptions in service delivery sometimes being reported, despite U.S. efforts to transition projects to another implementer in order to minimize disruption.

Additionally, a report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO), released in March 2020, found that from May 2017 through FY 2018, the policy had been applied to over 1,300 global health projects, with the vast majority of these through USAID and CDC, and NGOs declined to accept the expanded policy during the first Trump administration in 54 instances, totaling $153 million in declined funding40 across USAID and CDC. The State Department and DoD did not identify any instances where NGOs declined to accept the policy conditions.


  1. “Policy Statement of the United States of America at the United Nations International Conference on Population (Second Session), Mexico City, Mexico, August 6-14, 1984,” undated, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1973537?seq=1; United Nations Division of Economic and Social Affairs/Population Division, “United Nations Conferences on Population,” webpage, undated, https://www.un.org/en/conferences/population. ↩︎
  2. “Policy Statement of the United States of America at the United Nations International Conference on Population (Second Session), Mexico City, Mexico, August 6-14, 1984,” undated, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1973537?seq=1. ↩︎
  3. KFF analysis of Trump Administration/Department of State: “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” fact sheet, May 15, 2017, https://2017-2021.state.gov/protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance-2/index.html; “Background Statement: Announcement of ‘Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,’” background opening statement, May 15, 2017; “Implementation of Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (Formerly known as the ‘Mexico City Policy’),” PRM press guidance, May 15, 2017; “Background Briefing: Senior Administration Officials on Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” press release of special briefing by senior Department of State officials via teleconference, May 15, 2017, https://2017-2021.state.gov/background-briefing-senior-administration-officials-on-protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance/index.html; “Subject: Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” Federal Assistance Management Advisory Number 2017-01; “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (May 2019),” MCP-related portion of standard provisions for cooperative agreements and grants to U.S. NGOs (May 2020) and foreign NGOs (Aug. 2020)); and KFF analysis of data from: Congressional Appropriations Bills, Press Releases, and Conference Reports; Federal Agency Budget and Congressional Justification documents and Operating Plans; ForeignAssistance.gov; Office of Management and Budget, personal communication. ↩︎
  4. USAID, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Frequently Asked Questions and Answers,” Oct. 2019, https://web.archive.org/web/20210125230730/https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1864/FINAL_Protecting_Life_in_Global_Health_Assistance_FAQs_Oct_2019_USAID.pdf. ↩︎
  5. The temporary, one-year legislative imposition of the policy occurred as part of a broader deal related to paying the U.S. debt to the United Nations. See FY 2000 Consolidated Appropriations Act, P.L. 106-113, https://www.congress.gov/bill/106th-congress/house-bill/3194/text; PAI, Global Gag Rule Timeline, July 12, 2011; and Richard Cincotta and Barbara Crane, “The Mexico City Policy and U.S. Family Planning Assistance,” Science, Oct. 19, 2001, Vol. 294: pp. 525-526, https://science.sciencemag.org/content/294/5542/525. ↩︎
  6. Bill Clinton Administration, “Subject: AID Family Planning Grants/Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Acting Administrator of the Agency for International Development, January 22, 1993, Clinton White House Archives, https://clintonwhitehouse6.archives.gov/1993/01/1993-01-22-aid-family-planning-grants-mexico-city-policy.html. ↩︎
  7. George W. Bush Administration, “Subject: Restoration of the Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, January 22, 2001, Bush Administration White House Archives, https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/20010123-5.html; “Subject: Restoration of the Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, March 28, 2001, Federal Register, https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2001/03/29/01-8011/restoration-of-the-mexico-city-policy; George W. Bush Administration, “Subject: Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, August 29, 2003, Bush Administration White House Archives, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2003/08/20030829-3.html. ↩︎
  8. Barack Obama Administration, “Mexico City Policy and Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, January 23, 2009, Obama White House Archives, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/mexico-city-policy-and-assistance-voluntary-population-planning. ↩︎
  9. Donald J. Trump Administration, “The Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Health and Human Services, the Administrator of the Agency for International Development, Jan. 23, 2017, Trump Administration White House Archives, https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-memorandum-regarding-mexico-city-policy/. ↩︎
  10. Joe Biden Administration, “Memorandum on Protecting Women’s Health at Home and Abroad,” presidential actions, Jan. 28, 2021, https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/28/memorandum-on-protecting-womens-health-at-home-and-abroad/; White House, “FACT SHEET: President Biden to Sign Executive Orders Strengthening Americans’ Access to Quality, Affordable Health Care,” statements and releases, Jan. 28, 2021, https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/01/28/fact-sheet-president-biden-to-sign-executive-orders-strengthening-americans-access-to-quality-affordable-health-care/. ↩︎
  11. White House/Donald J. Trump Administration (second), “The Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of Health and Human Services, the Administrator of the Agency for International Development, Jan. 24, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/memorandum-for-the-secretary-of-state-the-secretary-of-defense-the-secretary-of-health-and-human-services-the-administrator-of-the-united-states-for-international-development/; White House/Donald J. Trump Administration (second), “FACT SHEET: President Donald J. Trump Enforces Overwhelmingly Popular Demand to Stop Taxpayer Funding of Abortion,” fact sheets, Jan. 25, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2025/01/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-enforces-overwhelmingly-popular-demand-to-stop-taxpayer-funding-of-abortion/; Protecting Life in Foreign Assistance, 91 Fed. Reg. 3319 (Jan. 27, 2026) (amending 2 C.F.R. §602), final rule, https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01519/protecting-life-in-foreign-assistance. ↩︎
  12. Presidential memoranda “are often used to carry out routine executive decisions and determinations, or to direct agencies to perform duties consistent with the law or implement laws that are presidential priorities” and are not required to be published in the Federal Register (although those pertaining to the Mexico City Policy sometimes have been). These presidential instruments or directives “may have the force and effect of law only if the presidential action is based on power vested in the President by the U.S. Constitution or delegated to the President by Congress.” Memoranda have the same legal authority as executive orders, although the latter is always required to be published in the Federal Register. Quotes as stated in Congressional Research Service (CRS), Executive Orders: Issuance, Modification, and Revocation, April 16, 2014, RS20846, https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/RS20846. ↩︎
  13. The legislative application of the policy – applying to FY 2000, which was from Oct. 1, 1999, until Sept. 30, 2000 – included language that prohibited USAID from providing family planning assistance to any foreign private, nongovernmental, or multilateral organizations until they certified that during the period for which the funding was made available 1) they would not perform abortions as a method of family planning in any foreign country and 2) they would not violate the laws of any foreign country regarding abortion and would not engage in lobbying any foreign country regarding abortion. FY 2000 Consolidated Appropriations Act, P.L. 106-113, https://www.congress.gov/bill/106th-congress/house-bill/3194/text; PAI, Global Gag Rule Timeline, July 12, 2011; and Richard Cincotta and Barbara Crane, “The Mexico City Policy and U.S. Family Planning Assistance,” Science, Oct. 19, 2001, Vol. 294: pp. 525-526, https://science.sciencemag.org/content/294/5542/525. ↩︎
  14. The legislation included an option for the president to waive these restrictions; however, if he exercised the waiver option (for no more than $15 million in family planning assistance), then $12.5 million of this funding would be transferred to maternal and child health assistance. The president did exercise the waiver option. FY 2000 Consolidated Appropriations Act, P.L. 106-113, https://www.congress.gov/bill/106th-congress/house-bill/3194/text. ↩︎
  15. CRS, Abortion and Family Planning-Related Provisions in U.S. Foreign Assistance Law and Policy, May 17, 2016, R41360, https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc855791/. ↩︎
  16. CRS, Appropriations for FY2000: Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs, updated August 4, 1999, RL30211, https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc814156/; CRS, International Family Planning: The “Mexico City” Policy, updated April 2, 2001, RL30830, https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metacrs1906/; CRS, Abortion and Family Planning-Related Provisions in U.S. Foreign Assistance Law and Policy, May 17, 2016, R41360, https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc855791/; PAI, Global Gag Rule Timeline, July 12, 2011. ↩︎
  17. Under PHFFA, an NGO is a for-profit or not-for-profit organization that is not part of the U.S. government, a foreign government, or a international organization; includes private sector organizations, non-profit organizations, and educational institutions. A foreign NGO is formally defined in the rules as “any non-governmental organization or entity, whether non-profit or profit-making (including any commercial firm and educational institution), not organized or existing under the laws of the United States, any State of the United States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, or any other territory or possession of the United States.” ↩︎
  18. Under PHFFA, an NGO is a for-profit or not-for-profit organization that is not part of the U.S. government, a foreign government, or a international organization. A U.S. NGO is formally defined in the rules as “any non-governmental organization or entity, whether non-profit or profit-making (including any commercial firm and educational institution), organized or existing under the laws of the United States, any State of the United States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, or any other territory or possession of the United States.” Prior to the latest expansion, U.S. NGOs had not been directly subject to the Mexico City Policy but had to agree to ensure that they did not provide funding to any foreign NGO sub-recipients unless those sub-recipients had first certified adherence to the policy. ↩︎
  19. Under PHFFA, a foreign government is “any department, agency, independent establishment, or other entity of the government of a foreign country.” ↩︎
  20. Under PHFFA, a parastatal is a “foreign-government-owned organization operated as a commercial company or other organization, including non-profits, or enterprises in which foreign governments or foreign government agencies have a controlling interest.” ↩︎
  21. An international organization (also referred to as a multilateral organization) is an organization that is jointly supported by multiple governments and, often, other partners (versus bilateral efforts, which are carried out on a country-to-country basis); includes specialty agencies of the United Nations (U.N.) and international financing mechanisms that pool and direct resources from multiple public and private donors for specific causes. Furthermore, each rule of PHFFA defines an international organization as “(A) Any organization designated as being entitled to enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and immunities under the International Organizations Immunities Act; (B) Any organization treated as a public international organization pursuant to the regulations or policies of the Department of State; (C) Any organization established by international agreement and whose governing body is composed principally of representatives of national governments; or (D) Any other multilateral entity in which sovereign nations participate.” ↩︎
  22. According to the rule, to “provide a sex-rejecting procedure means any act of performing any procedure, or prescribing, dispensing, or utilizing any drug or device, for a sex-rejecting procedure, and any act of paying for, assisting in carrying out, or operating a facility that carries out, any such activities.” It also defines a “sex-rejecting procedure” as “any pharmaceutical or surgical intervention that is provided for the purpose of attempting to align an individual’s physical appearance or body with an asserted identity that differs from the individual’s sex either by: (I) intentionally disrupting or suppressing the normal development of natural biological functions, including primary or secondary sex-based traits; or (II) intentionally altering an individual’s physical appearance or body, including amputating, minimizing or destroying primary or secondary sex-based traits such as the sexual and reproductive organs.” ↩︎
  23. In the past, foreign NGOs had been required to adhere to the Mexico City Policy – when in effect – as a condition of receiving support through certain U.S. international funding streams: family planning assistance through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and, beginning in 2003, family planning assistance through the U.S. Department of State. In the 2003 memorandum announcing the policy’s expansion to include the Department of State, President Bush stated that the policy did not apply to funding for global HIV/AIDS programs and that international organizations that are associations of governments are not included among “foreign NGOs.” The first Trump administration expanded the policy to apply to the vast majority of U.S. bilateral global health assistance furnished by all agencies and departments, including: family planning and reproductive health; maternal and child health (including household-level water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH)); nutrition; HIV under PEPFAR; tuberculosis; malaria under the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI); neglected tropical diseases; global health security; and certain types of research activities (see: George W. Bush Administration, “Subject: Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, August 29, 2003, Bush Administration White House Archives, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2003/08/20030829-3.html. Department of State: “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” fact sheet, May 15, 2017, https://2017-2021.state.gov/protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance-2/index.html; “Background Statement: Announcement of ‘Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,’” background opening statement, May 15, 2017; “Implementation of Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (Formerly known as the ‘Mexico City Policy’),” PRM press guidance, May 15, 2017; “Background Briefing: Senior Administration Officials on Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” press release of special briefing by senior Department of State officials via teleconference, May 15, 2017, https://2017-2021.state.gov/background-briefing-senior-administration-officials-on-protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance/index.html; “Subject: Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” Federal Assistance Management Advisory Number 2017-01; “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (May 2017),” MCP-related portion of standard provisions for cooperative agreements and grants to NGOs, May 11, 2017; USAID: USAID: “Standard Provisions for U.S. Nongovernmental Organizations: A Mandatory Reference for ADS Chapter 303,” ADS Reference 303maa, partial revision May 18, 2020, http://web.archive.org/web/20200916043917/https://www.usaid.gov/ads/policy/300/303maa; “Standard Provisions for Non-U.S. Nongovernmental Organizations: A Mandatory Reference for ADS Chapter 303,” ADS Reference 303mab, partial revision Aug. 18, 2020, https://web.archive.org/web/20200916055738/https://www.usaid.gov/ads/policy/300/303mab ; CDC, “Additional Requirement – 35: Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” webpage, https://web.archive.org/web/20201028113231/https://www.cdc.gov/grants/additional-requirements/ar-35.html?CDC_AA_refVal=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.cdc.gov%2Fgrants%2Fadditionalrequirements%2Far-35.html; NIH, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance,” webpage, https://web.archive.org/web/20201217194950/https://grants.nih.gov/policy/protecting-life-global-health-assistance.htm. ↩︎
  24. This includes voluntary contributions to international organizations from foreign assistance. ↩︎
  25. This includes stabilization assistance and migration and refugee assistance. ↩︎
  26. As of Feb. 26, 2026, the policy will be effective and apply to all new grants and cooperative agreement awards that provide covered non-military foreign assistance, as well as to all existing grants and cooperative agreement awards when amended to add new funding. ↩︎
  27. The exception to this is “grants under contracts,” which were previously subject to the policy; they are essentially grants made to sub-awardees by recipients of contracts. ↩︎
  28. The rules state “to provide financial support means to provide funds from any source and for any purpose to a foreign NGO or [international organization] through an award, sub-award, contract, sub-contract, grant under contract, or other written agreement or donation of funds.” ↩︎
  29. In June 2019, USAID provided additional information to reflect this broader interpretation of the standard provisions. USAID, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Frequently Asked Questions and Answers,” Oct. 2019, https://web.archive.org/web/20210125230730/https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1864/FINAL_Protecting_Life_in_Global_Health_Assistance_FAQs_Oct_2019_USAID.pdf. ↩︎
  30. The PLFA of the PHFFA defines “to provide abortions as a method of family planning means any of the following activities: (A) any act of performing or inducing an abortion as a method of family planning; (B) any act of prescribing, dispensing, utilizing, selling, manufacturing, or distributing drugs, devices, or equipment for the purpose of performing or inducing abortion as a method of family planning; or (C) any act of paying for, assisting in carrying out, or operating a facility that carries out, any of the activities described above.” ↩︎
  31. The PLFA of the PHFFA defines “to promote abortion as a method of family planning includes any of the following activities: (A) Committing resources, financial or otherwise, to increase the availability, or use, of abortion as a method of family planning; (B) Operating a service-delivery site that provides counseling, including advice and information, regarding the benefits and/or availability of abortion as a method of family planning (unless, in the case of a United States nongovernmental organization, the physical and financial separation requirements under this paragraph with respect to foreign assistance are satisfied); (C) Providing advice that abortion as a method of family planning is an available option, or referring for, or encouraging women to consider, abortion as a method of family planning[;] (D) Lobbying, pressuring, or encouraging a foreign government to legalize or make available abortion as a method of family planning, or lobbying, pressuring, or encouraging such a government to continue the legality of abortion as a method of family planning;(E) Conducting a public-information campaign in a foreign country regarding the benefits and/or availability of abortion as a method of family planning; and, (F) Using or teaching sex education materials (including books, curricula, media, etc.) that promote abortion as a method of family planning.” ↩︎
  32. While the policy allows exceptions for organizations that perform abortions with non-U.S. funds in the cases of a pregnancy that threatens the life of the woman or was a result of rape or incest, long-standing USAID interpretation of the Helms Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act had not permitted U.S. funding to support the performance of abortions in these exceptional cases. ↩︎
  33. While the policy allows exceptions for organizations that perform abortions with non-U.S. funds in the cases of a pregnancy that threatens the life of the woman or was a result of rape or incest, long-standing USAID interpretation of the Helms Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act had not permitted U.S. funding to support the performance of abortions in these exceptional cases. ↩︎
  34. For information about other U.S. government requirements and policies related to family planning and reproductive health, see: KFF, The U.S. Government and International Family Planning & Reproductive Health: Statutory Requirements and Policies; KFF, Statutory Requirements & Policies Governing U.S. Global Family Planning and Reproductive Health Efforts, 2012; CRS, Abortion and Family Planning-Related Provisions in U.S. Foreign Assistance Law and Policy, R41360, https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R41360/. ↩︎
  35. When initially introduced, the amendment prohibited only lobbying for abortion, but in subsequent years Congress modified the language to include lobbying against abortion as well. ↩︎
  36. The rule defines gender identity as “an individual’s fully internal and subjective sense of self, disconnected from biological reality and sex and existing on an infinite continuum. Gender identity does not provide a meaningful basis for identification and cannot be recognized as a replacement for sex.” ↩︎
  37. According to the policy, generalizations include the following: (I) Members of one race, color, religion, sex, or national origin are morally or inherently superior to members of another race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; (II) An individual, by virtue of the individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive, whether consciously or unconsciously; (III) An individual’s moral character or status as privileged, oppressing, or oppressed is primarily determined by the individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; (IV) Members of one race, color, religion, sex, or national origin cannot and should not attempt to treat others without respect to their race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; (V) An individual, by virtue of the individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, bears responsibility for, should feel guilt, anguish, or other forms of psychological distress because of, should be discriminated against, blamed, or stereotyped for, or should receive adverse treatment because of actions committed in the past by other members of the same race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, in which the individual played no part; (VI) An individual, by virtue of the individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, should be discriminated against or receive adverse treatment to achieve diversity, equity, or inclusion; (VII) Virtues such as merit, excellence, hard work, fairness, neutrality, objectivity, and racial colorblindness are racist or sexist or were created by members of a particular race, color, religion, sex, or national origin to oppress members of another race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; or (VIII) the United States is fundamentally racist, sexist, or otherwise discriminatory.” ↩︎
  38. The policy cites “examples of unlawful practices such as race-based training sessions, race-based segregation in facilities or resources, implicit segregation through program eligibility, race-based “diverse slate” policies in hiring, race-based program participation (including when framed as addressing underrepresentation), DEI training programs that promote discrimination based on protected characteristics, such as by stereotyping, excluding or disadvantaging individuals based on their race, color, religion, or national origin, or creating a hostile environment.” ↩︎
  39. Including family planning and reproductive health (FP/RH), HIV and AIDS (HIV/AIDS), maternal and child health (MCH), tuberculosis (TB), and nutrition. ↩︎
  40. Specifically, seven prime awards amounting to $102 million and 47 sub-awards amounting to $51 million (more than two-thirds of sub-awards were intended for Africa). ↩︎

A Look at the Medicaid Payment Error Rate Measurement (PERM) Program and Upcoming Changes and Impacts

Published: Feb 13, 2026

Introduction

Medicaid is a very complex program that involves millions of enrollees, hundreds of thousands of providers, and significant federal and state expenditures. Both the federal government and states are responsible for ensuring the proper management and functioning of the Medicaid program to ensure it is providing quality and efficient care while using funds–taxpayer dollars–appropriately with minimal waste. Program integrity efforts historically have worked to prevent and detect fraud, waste, and abuse, to increase program transparency and accountability, and to work on corrective action plans and recover improperly used funds. The Trump Administration has signaled reducing fraud, waste, and abuse across federal programs (including Medicaid) is a priority.  However, broader Medicaid cuts from 2025 reconciliation law may impede states’ ability to invest in oversight and other administrative initiatives to reduce fraud. The reconciliation law also includes changes that directly address the Medicaid Payment Error Rate Measurement (“PERM”) program, which over time could have financial and administrative implications for states. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates that Medicaid payment reductions related to PERM could reduce federal spending in Medicaid by $7.6 billion over ten years.

The PERM program measures “improper payments” in Medicaid to produce improper payment rates. Improper payments are payments that do not meet CMS program requirements, often the result of administrative or paperwork issues. PERM is designed to help states improve their operation of the program and reduce errors; it is not a measure of fraud against the program. Beginning October 1, 2029, the reconciliation law requires HHS to reduce federal Medicaid financial participation to states that exceed a three percent PERM eligibility error rate threshold. (SNAP policy changes will also require states to pay a portion of SNAP benefit costs, depending on the state’s payment error rate.) While Medicaid pays most outlays properly (93.9% in 2025) most improper payments are due to insufficient documentation (77.2% in 2025), including eligibility-related errors (68.1% due to insufficient documentation in 2025). State error rates vary, but nearly one quarter of states have eligibility error rates above the three percent PERM threshold based on their most recent audit result. This brief explains the PERM program and its three components as well as upcoming changes to PERM and possible state impacts.

What is PERM?

The PERM program operates according to requirements set in law and CMS rulemaking. The Improper Payments Information Act (IPIA) of 2002 (replaced by the Payment Integrity Information Act (PIIA) of 2019) requires the heads of federal agencies to annually review programs they administer and identify those that may be susceptible to significant improper payments, to estimate the amount of improper payments, to submit those estimates to Congress, and to submit a report on actions the agency is taking to reduce the improper payments. The federal government has designated Medicaid and other programs (including Medicare, SNAP, and TANF) as “risk-susceptible.” Medicaid receives this designation due to its size and complexity, as the program involves millions of enrollees, hundreds of thousands of providers, 51 state agencies (including DC), different delivery systems, complicated eligibility rules, and significant federal and state expenditures. GAO monitors high-risk programs and their improper payments, including Medicaid.To comply with IPIA requirements in Medicaid, CMS developed the PERM program.

The PERM program measures improper payments in Medicaid by producing a national improper payment rate through cyclical audits of state Medicaid programs. Improper payments are payments that do not meet Medicaid program requirements. The improper payment rate is the estimated share of Medicaid claims that do not meet Medicaid program requirements. The error rate is not a “fraud” rate (or a waste or abuse rate), but a measurement of payments made that did not meet statutory, regulatory, or administrative requirements or are made in an incorrect amount including overpayments and underpayments. Each year (since 2009) HHS has reported an estimated national (or overall) Medicaid improper payment rate, which is based on reviews of three program components: fee-for-service (FFS) claims, managed care capitation payments, and eligibility determinations. In 2025, Medicaid paid an estimated 93.9% of outlays properly, representing $610.95 billion in proper federal payments (Figure 1). The overall estimated improper payment rate was 6.1%, or $37.39 billion in federal payments. (See Box 1 for discussion of improper payment rate trend over time.)

The PERM Program Finds that Medicaid Pays Most Outlays Properly (Area Chart)

PERM audits a sample of state Medicaid FFS claims and managed care payments every three years. Federal contractors conduct standardized audits of states on a rolling three-year basis, meaning each PERM cycle measurement includes one-third of states (see Appendix). Annually, the most recent three cycles are combined to produce a national improper payment rate (weighted by state size). Audits include a random sample of FFS claims and managed care payments from a 12-month period. To create the 2025 improper payment rate, PERM program contractors reviewed about 48,000 claims and managed care payments.1 States receive results of their audits and use the information to improve compliance during the next audit cycle. States are often required to develop and implement corrective action plans to reduce mistakes and improve recordkeeping.

What types of errors does the improper payment rate capture?

Most improper payments are due to insufficient documentation or missing administrative steps. HHS reports the different types of errors that contribute to the improper payment rate each year. In 2025, 77.2% of improper Medicaid payments were the result of insufficient documentation or missing administrative steps (Figure 2). These payments were not necessarily for ineligible enrollees, providers, or services since they may have been payable if the missing information had been on the claim and/or the state had complied with requirements. Examples include state failure to retain documentation of enrollee eligibility or to appropriately screen enrolled providers, or medical records not submitted or missing required documentation to support the medical necessity of a claim. Errors that represent “monetary loss” made up the remaining one quarter (22.8%) of improper payments in 2025 (Figure 2). Monetary loss represents a subset of improper payments where CMS has sufficient information to conclude the payment should not have been made or was made in the incorrect amount. These errors include payments made for enrollees who are ineligible for the program or for services and providers not enrolled. 

Most Improper Payments are Due to Insufficient Documentation or Missing Administrative Steps (Stacked column chart)

How do the different PERM components contribute to the improper payment rate?

The overall improper payment rate is calculated based on three component error rates: fee-for-service, managed care, and eligibility. The PERM program uses a random sample of Medicaid claims and managed care payments to calculate component error rates. Those component error rates are combined to produce an overall improper payment rate.

Fee-for-Service. Within a FFS delivery system, the state Medicaid agency pays providers or groups of providers directly. The FFS PERM component estimates the payment error rate for fee-for-service claims, where selected claims undergo a medical review (focused on documentation in the medical record) and a data processing review (checking if claims followed correct procedures –e.g., coding, billing and payment amounts).

Managed Care. States that contract with Medicaid managed care plans pay a set per member per month (“capitation”) payment to the plan for the services covered by the contract. The managed care PERM component estimates Medicaid managed care capitation payments made by the state in error (plan payments to providers are not reviewed under PERM). The PERM program’s first report (2009) estimated a managed care component error rate of 1.5%, and since 2011, the estimated managed care error rate has remained below one-half of one percent (Figure 3).

Eligibility. The eligibility component assesses the state’s application of federal rules and documented state eligibility policies and procedures. States must provide records or documentation to support eligibility determinations. Non-compliance with eligibility requirements may include not performing a required element (e.g., income verification); not providing or retaining sufficient documentation for a required element; failing to conduct timely eligibility redeterminations; determining eligibility under the incorrect eligibility category; or enrolling an individual who is not eligible. (Note that PERM does not attempt to identify or measure instances where a state incorrectly determines an individual is ineligible for Medicaid – i.e., where eligibility rules were applied inaccurately.) 

The Overall Improper Payment Rate is a Three-Year Rolling Average Estimated From Three Components (Line chart)

Box 1: The improper payment rate has changed over time, largely due to the ACA implementation and the COVID-19 public health emergency.

Pre-ACA: Between 2009 and 2013, the overall improper payment rate trended downward as information systems improved states’ ability to determine provider and enrollee eligibility . The PERM program’s eligibility component error rate decreased from 2011 to 2014, when it was estimated at 3.11 percent (Figure 3). The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) passed in 2010 and phased in several changes to the Medicaid program, including the 2014 Medicaid expansion.

ACA Implementation: During the 2013-2019 period, the overall improper payment rate trended upward, driven by errors in FFS claims related to state non-compliance with new provider screening, enrollment, and documentation requirements introduced in 2012 under the ACA. From 2015 to 2018, HHS suspended eligibility audits as states began to implement new eligibility standards and determination requirements under the ACA. During this period, the overall PERM rate was calculated using a proxy eligibility estimate of the 2014 eligibility component error rate, 3.11 percent to provide states with time to adjust to eligibility process changes in the Affordable Care Act.

Post ACA: Beginning in 2019, PERM reintroduced the eligibility component under updated rules, for the first time requiring states to work with an independent contractor using nationally standardized eligibility audit procedures2. Between 2019 and 2021 the overall improper payment rate rose again (Figure 3), driven by the new standardized PERM eligibility audits. Most of the eligibility error rate was attributed to errors due to insufficient documentation or administrative mistakes. The 2021 improper payment rate is the first estimate that includes reintegrated eligibility error rates (conducted under updated rules) for all three audit cycles (i.e., all states).

COVID-19 Public Health Emergency (PHE): Beginning in 2021, the overall improper payment rate decreased sharply. In 2024, the improper payment rate (5.1%) was less than one-fifth of the 2021 estimate (21.7%). The 2024 improper payment rate was the lowest rate since the COVID-19 pandemic began, which HHS reported was due in part to the exclusion of certain audit review elements as policies adopted during the PHE that paused eligibility renewals and disenrollments and reduced requirements for provider enrollment and revalidations were taken into consideration and due to improved state compliance with program rules. The COVID-19 PHE and related flexibilities were in place from early 2020 through early 2023.

Post-COVID-19 PHE: In early 2023 states began to phase-out the continuous enrollment provision that suspended Medicaid eligibility renewals and disenrollments during the pandemic and flexibilities that reduced provider enrollment requirements. Most states completed eligibility redeterminations for all Medicaid enrollees and resumed disenrollments by August 2024. Improper payment rates since 2021 include at least some audits conducted while COVID-19 PHE flexibilities were in place. The 2025 improper payment rate incorporated the first full audit conducted following the end of the PHE (July 2023 – June 2024). The 2025 improper payment rate (6.1%) increased relative to 2024 (5.1%). From early 2023 through late 2024, states resumed eligibility renewals and disenrollments and phased out provider screening flexibilities allowed during the PHE.

What types of errors are driving the eligibility component error rate?

Insufficient documentation errors are the cause of most eligibility errors. While the national eligibility error rate decreased from 2021-2024, due in part to audits that accounted for the continuous enrollment provision that paused Medicaid eligibility renewals and disenrollments from March 2020 through March 2023 (e.g., excluding errors due to out-of-date redeterminations or changes in the enrollee’s circumstances), the eligibility error rate rose from 2024 to 2025 as states resumed normal eligibility operations (Figure 3 and Box 1). Insufficient documentation errors continue to be the cause of most eligibility errors (Figure 4). Eligibility determination errors caused by reasons other than insufficient documentation include enrollees receiving services for which they are financially or categorically ineligible (for example, an enrollee who is eligible for a certain eligibility group and receives services through a program for another eligibility group).

The Eligibility Error Rate Is Mostly Due to Documentation Errors (Stacked column chart)

Recent federal rules increase recordkeeping requirements aimed at reducing insufficient documentation errors. Beginning in 2026, states must adhere to updated eligibility and payment recordkeeping standards required in the 2024 Eligibility and Enrollment Final Rule. This rule aimed to reduce “paperwork” errors that lead to the majority of eligibility-related improper payments by implementing new documentation and retention requirements and procedures. The Eligibility and Enrollment rule specifies that states must maintain records for all eligibility determinations in an electronic format, clarifies what information must be contained in the records, and requires that records be kept for a minimum of three years. States must comply with these requirements by June 2026.

How is the reconciliation law changing the PERM program and how could these changes impact states?

PERM program changes in the reconciliation law focus on the eligibility component of the error rate. Beginning in 2029, states may be subject to a financial penalty if PERM eligibility error rates exceed three percent. Even before passage of the reconciliation law, HHS had the authority to recoup federal funds from states with eligibility-related improper payment error rates greater than three percent. This statutory recoupment authority was first implemented by CMS through the Medicaid Eligibility Quality Control (MEQC) program (which complements the PERM program). In 2020, GAO reported no recoupments due to MEQC eligibility errors had occurred since 1992. In 2017, CMS introduced new procedures to begin recouping funds based on PERM eligibility errors beginning in FY 2022, but there are no public reports of any recoupments. Prior law also gave HHS authority to grant states “good faith” waivers if they demonstrated a “good faith effort” to improve eligibility error rates. However, the reconciliation law effectively eliminates “good faith” waivers, requiring CMS to impose the penalty for states that exceed the PERM eligibility error threshold. Beginning October 1, 2029, states with eligibility error rates greater than three percent will have to repay the federal portion of the improper payment amount above the three percent threshold. The reconciliation law also expands the types of eligibility errors that are used to calculate the financial penalty. Insufficient documentation errors will be included in the federal financial recoupment calculation. Implementing federal financial recoupment will likely depend on further federal guidance to states.

Based on the most recent PERM audits, nearly one quarter of states have eligibility error rates above the new threshold for penalty.3 Twelve states had eligibility error rates above three percent in their most recent PERM audit (Figure 5). The most recent three PERM audit cycles used Medicaid claims and payments from July 2021 – June 2024. During most of this period, eligibility redeterminations and disenrollments were paused under flexibilities related to the COVID-19 PHE, which likely decreased the rate of eligibility errors. As a result, the audit results may not indicate future state performance. The amount of federal funds recouped will vary across states due to differences in eligibility error rates and because of federal match rate (FMAP) differences across states. States with a higher traditional “FMAP” rate risk losing a greater share of any payments subject to recoupment because a larger share of their Medicaid payments come from federal funds.

States will need to prepare for PERM program changes and implement other complex eligibility and enrollment policy changes required by the reconciliation law at the same time. State readiness to comply with increased recordkeeping and electronic documentation requirements in the Eligibility and Enrollment rule will also vary. At a time of increasing state budget pressures, states may need to invest in upgraded technology, expanded audits or staffing, or other costly increases to program integrity capacity to maintain a low rate of improper payments. At the same time, states are also implementing other complex eligibility policy changes required by the 2025 reconciliation law, including several changes by January 1, 2027:

  • The reconciliation law requires states to implement work requirements (at application and renewal) for Medicaid expansion adults. States will need to make significant changes to eligibility systems in a short timeframe to verify compliance as well as to identify individuals who qualify for exemptions or optional exceptions. Failure to document compliance with complex work-related federal and state eligibility determination policy could lead to increased PERM eligibility errors.
  • The reconciliation law increases the frequency of required eligibility redeterminations from every 12 months to every 6 months for expansion adults. An increased number of eligibility determinations could result in additional eligibility errors.
  • The reconciliation law also decreases the time period that states must provide retroactive Medicaid coverage (from three months to one month of retroactive coverage for expansion adults and two months for traditional enrollees). Narrowed claims payable under new retroactive coverage rules could result in additional payment errors.


Beginning in 2029, states risk losing federal funds if their PERM eligibility error rate is above three percent – a threshold nearly one quarter of states met prior to implementing complex eligibility changes included in the reconciliation law (12 states in 2025, Figure 5). However, because these audits occurred during the PHE and unwinding periods, the results may not predict future improper payment rates. CBO estimated $7.6 billion over 10 years in Medicaid payment reductions related to the reconciliation law’s changes to PERM. Updated electronic documentation and recordkeeping requirements may help reduce some errors due to insufficient documentation or administrative missteps. However, to limit the risk of financial penalty due to eligibility errors, states may add administrative steps or impose more onerous paperwork requirements on enrollees or applicants.

State-Specific Error Rates Vary, but Nearly One Quarter of States Have Error Rates Above the Threshold for Penalty Based on Their Most Recent Audit Result (Choropleth map)

Appendix

The overall improper payment estimate for each state combines the state’s fee-for-service, managed care, and eligibility estimates, with a correction factor so that sampled payments that are improper in more than one of those components are not double counted.

State Audit Results for Most Recent PERM Audit Cycles (Table)
  1. HHS selects a sample size for each PERM component for each state. The number of claims or payments sampled for a state audit ranged between 288 and 1,782 FFS claims, between 38 and 200 managed care payments, and between 97 and 644 eligibility determinations. ↩︎
  2. Under PERM program procedures prior to a 2017 Final Rule (implemented in 2019), the PERM program’s eligibility component error rate was state reported rather than measured by standardized methodology under an external auditor. The PERM FFS and managed care components have continuously been measured by an external auditor. ↩︎
  3. In the past, CMS has cautioned that comparing state PERM rates to one another is difficult due to variation in state systems and policies as well as due to external factors (that can make year to year comparisons difficult). ↩︎

VOLUME 40

New KFF Poll Finds Trust in CDC Remains at Low Point Amid Falling Trust Among Democrats – These Findings and Others Included in New Polling Dashboard


Highlights

KFF’s latest Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust finds that trust in the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) for reliable vaccine information remains at its lowest point since the COVID-19 pandemic began amid recent drops in trust among Democrats. These findings as well as data from dozens of past KFF polls are now available on KFF’s new Health Information and Trust Polling dashboard, which includes key insights and long-term trends from KFF’s polling on health information and trust over the years.

And new evidence finds no link between autism and prenatal use of acetaminophen, commonly known as Tylenol, but confusion may persist as officials continue to question the drug’s safety, illustrating how trust in different messengers can shape public perceptions despite scientific understanding.


With HHS recently reducing the number of vaccines universally recommended for children in the U.S., the latest KFF Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust finds that just under half (47%) of the public now say they trust the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) at least “a fair amount” to provide reliable information about vaccines. This is similar to the share of the public who said the same in September, but down more than 10 percentage points since the beginning of the second Trump administration, and a continuation of declining trust in the CDC since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The latest poll finds that Democrats’ trust in the CDC for vaccine information has further declined, with just over half (55%) of Democrats now expressing trust in the agency – down from 64% in September. About four in ten Republicans say they trust the CDC for vaccine information, similar to the share who said the same a few months ago and in 2023, but about half as many Republicans who said they trusted the CDC on coronavirus in early 2020.

Findings from the latest KFF Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust, and more than a dozen previous polls, are now available on a new interactive dashboard tracking the public’s trusted sources for health information, attitudes toward vaccines, and use of news, social media and AI for health-related information.

The dashboard includes new data on trusted sources of health information across demographics, an interactive timeline showing how trust in the CDC as an information source has changed over time, as well as a ranking of exposure to and belief in false or unproven health claims measured in KFF polls over the years, among other data. The dashboard highlights many key themes found across KFF’s health information and trust polling, such as the “malleable middle”: across an array of false or unproven health claims measured in past KFF surveys, many adults continue to express uncertainty over these claims’ validity, saying they are either probably true or probably false.

While Few Adults Think False or Unproven Health Claims Are Definitely True, Many Express Uncertainty (Stacked Bars)

The downloadable data and charts allow researchers, policymakers, journalists, and others to explore partisan and demographic differences on key health information issues. The dashboard will be updated regularly.


Recent Developments

New Evidence Reaffirms That There is No Link Between Tylenol and Autism, but Confusion May Persist

What happened?

A new review and meta-analysis published in The Lancet found no evidence that acetaminophen (Tylenol) use during pregnancy increases the risk of autism or attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Reinforcing existing clinical guidance, the authors concluded that acetaminophen should remain the recommended pain and fever treatment for pregnant people, but ongoing falsehoods asserted by the Trump administration about the link may still confuse people about its safety.

How widespread is the narrative?

After the Trump administration warned against a potential link between prenatal acetaminophen use and neurodevelopmental outcomes in September 2025, despite a lack of causal evidence, KFF polling, fielded shortly after the Trump administration’s announcement, found that three-quarters (77%) of the public had heard the unproven claim that taking Tylenol during pregnancy can increase the risk of autism. Overall, just 4% of adults said the unproven claim was “definitely true,” while 35% said the claim was “definitely false.” At the same time, most adults expressed uncertainty, with 30% saying it was “probably false” and another 30% saying it was “probably true.” Views on this unproven claim vary by political affiliation, with just over half of Republicans (56%) saying it was “definitely” or “probably” true compared to far fewer Democrats.

Stacked bar chart showing the level of belief that U.S. adults, by gender, age, and partisanship, have in the false claim that Tylenol during pregnancy increases the risk of the child developing autism.

Federal officials continue to suggest there is a link, despite new findings

While the new findings add to the large body of scientific research that finds no evidence of a link between acetaminophen in pregnancy and autism, confusion may persist due to continued erroneous messaging from federal officials. On January 5, several days before the study’s publication, President Trump warned pregnant people against using Tylenol in a post on Truth Social. After the study was published, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) questioned its conclusions, stating that “many experts have expressed concern” about a link between acetaminophen use during pregnancy and outcomes like autism and ADHD.

Why this matters

Individuals may weigh these conflicting messages based on trust in these sources. According to Pew Research, Americans report more confidence in scientists (77%) than in elected officials (27%) to act in the public’s best interest. At the same time, KFF polling from January 2026 shows that trust in sources for health information can vary by political affiliation, with majorities of Republicans saying they trust President Trump and HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. for reliable health information, compared to fewer than half of independents or Democrats. However, across partisanship, doctors and health care providers remain the most trusted source of health information, placing them in a key position as messengers of health information for the public.


What We’re Watching

Recent changes in how the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) maintains its public data systems come at a time when confidence in federal health institutions is already eroding. A study published in the Annals of Internal Medicine found that nearly half of the CDC’s routinely updated databases were paused without explanation in 2025. Of the 82 databases updated at least monthly at the start of the year, 38 had not been updated for six months by the end of October. Nearly 90% of the paused systems were related to vaccines, occurring as vaccine decision-making has increasingly been framed as an individual choice rather than a public health consideration. Pausing these databases reduces the availability of timely information used in public health decision-making. Local health officials often depend on CDC databases to guide responses to outbreaks, and researchers warn that the absence of regular, reliable data may make it more difficult to respond effectively. The lack of regularly updated data from systems the CDC has historically maintained may reinforce existing doubts about institutional reliability and transparency.


AI & Emerging Tech

Patients Prioritize Privacy in AI Health Care Disclosures as Trust Remains Low, New Research Finds

What does new research show about patient trust in AI?

  • A study published in the American Journal of Managed Care found that many people may assume artificial intelligence (AI) tools used in health care are already thoroughly evaluated for safety and effectiveness. Given this baseline assumption, study participants prioritized privacy and data protection when asked what information should be disclosed about AI tools.
  • The study examined patient perspectives on AI transparency in health care settings through community deliberations with Michigan residents. Researchers identified five content areas that study participants recommended be included on AI transparency labels similar to drug labels or nutrition facts panels, with privacy and security ranked first, followed by health equity, safety and effectiveness, application, and implications for health outcomes.

Why this matters

  • Participants in the study assumed AI tools would be thoroughly evaluated for safety and effectiveness, but the study authors note that this assumption is not always supported by current policy and implementation strategies. Questions about the accuracy and potential harms of AI in health care remain, including concerns about AI chatbots providing wrong or dangerous medical advice. KFF polling has found that just one in three adults say they would trust an online health tool that uses AI to access their medical records to provide personalized health information.
  • The study found that providing transparent and accessible information about how AI is used in health care settings could help build trust and enable patients to engage with their providers about the use of AI tools. By grounding transparency efforts in patient priorities, particularly around privacy, equity, and safety, health care organizations and AI developers may be able to address some public concerns that currently limit confidence in AI tools.

More From KFF

About The Health Information and Trust Initiative: the Health Information and Trust Initiative is a KFF program aimed at tracking health misinformation in the U.S., analyzing its impact on the American people, and mobilizing media to address the problem. Our goal is to be of service to everyone working on health misinformation, strengthen efforts to counter misinformation, and build trust. 


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The Monitor is a report from KFF’s Health Information and Trust initiative that focuses on recent developments in health information. It’s free and published twice a month.

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Support for the Health Information and Trust initiative is provided by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF). The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of RWJF and KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities. The data shared in the Monitor is sourced through media monitoring research conducted by KFF.

KFF Dashboard: Progress Toward Global Malaria Targets in PMI Countries

Published: Feb 11, 2026

Note:  This interactive includes data from before January 2025, and therefore does not reflect the potential impact of changes implemented by the Trump administration since then. For more information, see KFF’s Overview of President Trump’s Executive Actions on Global Health and The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI).

About this Dashboard

This dashboard monitors the status of the U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative’s (PMI) partner countries’ progress toward global malaria targets. It includes data for 30 countries, including 27 focus countries in Africa (including the three PMI partner countries – Burundi, Gambia, and Togo – that were added in 2023) and three countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion in South-East Asia.1 Together, these 30 countries represent almost 90% of the global malaria burden. Data are from the WHO’s World Malaria Report 2025. The data powering this dashboard are available for download here. KFF will continue to track PMI country progress on these indicators and update the dashboard as new data become available.


  1. PMI countries include the following: Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Burma, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Côte d’lvoire, D.R. Congo, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Thailand, Togo, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI), Where We Work, accessed: https:/www.pmi.gov/what-we-do/. PMI, Press release: U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative Announces Plans to Expand to New Partner Countries, accessed: https://www.pmi.gov/u-s-presidents-malaria-initiative-announces-plans-to-expand-to-new-partner-countries/. ↩︎