Poll Finding

KFF/AP Rural Voters Survey

Published: Sep 23, 2026

This KFF/AP Rural Voters Survey was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF and The Associated Press. The survey was conducted online and by telephone August 12-24, 2026 among a nationally representative sample of 2,241 U.S. adults registered to vote in rural areas of the country. KFF and the AP each contributed financing for the survey, and representatives of each organization worked together to develop the survey questionnaire and analyze the results. Each organization bears the sole responsibility for the work that appears under its name. Sampling, data collection, weighting, and tabulation were managed by SSRS in close collaboration with KFF.

Interviews were administered in English (n=2,236) and Spanish (n=5) combining samples from the SSRS Opinion Panel who have been matched to the L2 voter file. and a stratified Registration-Based Sample (RBS) from the L2 voter file. For this study, rural areas were defined as those in Census tracts that fall within codes 5-10 of the USDA’s 2020 Rural-Urban Commuting Area (RUCA) Codes.

1,577 registered voters living in rural areas were reached through the SSRS Opinion Panel, The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to three reminder emails. Telephone panelists received up to four phone calls.

Another 664 rural adults were reached through a stratified Registration-Based Sample (RBS) from the L2 voter file. Stratification was based on rurality, race, and geography. RBS cases were invited to the survey through multiple contacts: An invitation letter including non-contingent incentive and a follow-up postcard to all, email reminders to those with a listed email address, text-message reminders to those with a cell phone number matched to the voter file, and outbound telephone calls to those with phone number matched to the voter file.

Individuals who completed the survey received a monetary incentive for their participation including either a $10 electronic gift card or a $10 incentive check depending on the method of contact. In order to ensure data quality, cases were removed if they failed two or more quality checks: (1) attention check questions in the online version of the questionnaire, (2) had over 30% item non-response, or (3) had a length less than one quarter of the mean length by mode. Based on this criterion, eight cases were removed.

A multi-stage weighting process was applied to ensure an accurate representation of the population including adjustments for the sample design and within household probability of selection. The combined panel and RBS samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the U.S. rural registered voter population using data from the L2 voter file. The variables included in weighting are gender, age, education level, race and ethnicity, Census region, RUCA category, 2024 turnout, and modeled likely 2024 vote choice.  

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available on request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. KFF public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total2,241± 3 percentage points
Party/Party Lean
Democrat/Lean Democrat836± 4 percentage points
Republican/Lean Republican1,174± 4 percentage points
Pure Independent177± 9 percentage points
 
MAGA Republicans/Rep leaners883± 4 percentage points
NOT MAGA Republicans/Rep leaners288± 7 percentage points

Key Takeaways

  • Economic frustrations in rural America have significantly worsened over the past decade, and growing dissatisfaction with the rising cost of living appears to be chipping away at rural voters’ historical support for President Trump. Rural voters overwhelmingly name the cost of living as their top election issue, and three quarters, including majorities across partisanship, now rate the cost of living in their area as either “fair” or “poor,” a 25-percentage point increase from 2017. While more rural voters prefer the Republican Party than the Democrats to best address the cost of living (40% v. 25%), many (27%) say they trust neither party, including most independents (67%) and four in ten (42%) Republicans who do not support the MAGA movement.
  • President Trump continues to garner strong approval among his base of Republicans across rural America, but growing economic frustrations may be impacting some Republicans’ enthusiasm to turn out in the 2026 midterms. About one-quarter (27%) of rural Republican voters disapprove of Trump’s handling of the economy, and this group is substantially less likely than Republicans who approve of Trump on the economy to say they are “absolutely certain” to vote in the upcoming election (59% vs. 79%). Overall, eight in ten Democratic rural voters (81%) say they are certain to vote, slightly higher than the share of Republican rural voters who say the same (74%).
  • As KFF polling has found nationally, health care costs play a large part in rural voters’ concerns about the cost of living. Two-thirds of rural voters say they are at least “somewhat worried” about affording health care for themselves or their families, on par with the share who say they are worried about affording gas (67%) and higher than worries about affording food (60%), monthly utilities (59%), or housing costs (46%).
  • More than half (54%) of rural voters disapprove of President Trump’s handling of health care, and views on the impact of his administration’s policies on areas like health care costs, Medicare, Medicaid, and the availability of health care are largely negative. For example, by more than a 2-to-1 margin, rural voters say the Trump administration’s policies have had a negative rather than a positive impact on their own health care costs (41% vs. 17%). Still, the Republican Party has a narrow advantage over the Democratic Party in rural voters’ trust to handle the cost of health care (33% vs. 28%), though about three in ten Republicans (28%) say they trust neither party on health care costs, rising to six in ten (59%) among independent rural voters. 
  • The overwhelming majority (92%) of rural voters say Medicaid is important for people in their local community and half have had a personal or family connection to the program at some point in their lives. However, awareness of future cuts to the program included in President Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” is low among rural voters, with most saying they don’t know whether the legislation increases or decreases future federal spending on Medicaid. Despite this, nearly twice as many rural voters say Trump’s health care policies have had a negative rather than a positive impact on Medicaid (44% vs. 24%). While rural Republican voters are more likely to say the impact of Trump’s policies on Medicaid has been positive (40%), a similar share (43%) say they have had no impact.
  • Provider shortages have been a persistent challenge in rural areas, and the poll finds increases since 2017 in the share of rural voters saying their area lacks sufficient doctors (46%, up from 33%) and hospitals (35%, up from 21%) to serve the needs of the local community. Some voters appear to attribute responsibility to the Trump administration, with more than twice as many saying the administration’s policies have had a negative rather than a positive impact on the availability of health care in their area (37% vs. 15%).

Partisan Identification Among Rural Voters

The KFF/AP Rural Voters Survey draws from a nationally representative sample of 2,241 registered voters who currently live in census tracts classified as rural areas.

Rural voters skew more Republican compared to voters nationally, a difference that plays a role in their overall views and preferences on a range of issues.

Slightly more than half (54%) of rural voters identify as Republicans or Republican-leaning independents versus one-third (32%) who are Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents. A previous KFF poll found the national electorate is more evenly divided, with roughly similar shares identifying as either Democratic/Democratic-leaning (43%) or Republican/Republican-leaning (39%).

In addition to partisanship, this report also breaks out Republican/Republican-leaning rural voters by their support for President Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement. Three quarters of Republican rural voters say they support the MAGA movement, while a quarter (24%) do not.

Stacked bar chart showing the partisan breakdown of total voters and rural voters.

Cost of Living is the Top Issue for Rural Voters in 2026

A key theme echoed by majorities of rural voters across the country is that the current economic situation in the U.S. is putting significant pressure on them and their families – and it is what they want the candidates to be focused on during the 2026 election.

Cost of living is the top issue that rural voters want to hear midterm candidates talk about. About seven in ten (69%) rural voters say it is “extremely important” for candidates in the 2026 midterm elections to talk about cost of living, followed by health care costs (56%) and fraud in government programs (54%). Four in ten or more of these voters say it’s “extremely important” for candidates to talk about immigration (45%) or the conflict with Iran (42%), while smaller shares say they want to hear candidates talk about agriculture and farm policy (35%), abortion policy (28%), or gun policy (26%).

Stacked bar chart showing how important rural voters say certain issues are for midterm candidates to talk about.

While cost of living is a top concern across partisans,1 the ranking of issues differs. The top three issues Republican rural voters want candidates to discuss are fraud in government programs (65%), cost of living (62%), and immigration (56%). For Democratic voters in rural areas, the top three concerns are cost of living (80%), health care costs (72%), and the conflict with Iran (57%).

Split bar chart showing the share of rural voter partisans who say it is extremely important for midterm candidates to talk about certain issues.

In addition, rural voters overwhelmingly name economic factors, especially the rising cost of living, as the biggest problem in their communities. When asked what the biggest issue facing their local community is, roughly six in ten (57%) of these voters offer responses related to economic concerns as their community’s biggest issue, including rising costs, lack of jobs, low wages, housing affordability, and stagnant local economies.

In Their Own Words: Rural Voters Describe the Biggest Economic Problems Facing Their Local Communities

“Everything is expensive, the price of living is horrendous. It is impossible to even think of raising a family in this current climate. You can't even sustain one single person with one form of income, when most places aren't hiring full time so you have to have 2-3 part time jobs to sustain yourself.” – 27-year-old rural voter from Alabama, Democratic-leaning independent

“I think prices are too high right now. Also, the government takes way, way too much in taxes, leaving people too little to live on. We have to live within our means and balance our finances …Almost all of the politicians are hypocrites.” – 66-year-old rural voter from Ohio, Republican

“Gas prices are financially impacting me in a major way, someone who has to drive 45 minutes, each way, to work because I live rural, is impacting my budget. Between the gas prices and food prices increasing, I pay over $300 more on my budget. That's not a little amount when every penny counts. Also, property taxes have doubled in the last 4 years.” – 51-year-old rural voter from Florida, independent who doesn’t lean toward either party

“Healthcare and our economy, no new jobs, inflation, gas prices, electricity, water supply is not clean, hard to save money when you’re paying it just to survive and support yourself and your children and grandchildren.” – 56-year-old rural voter from West Virginia, Democrat

“Electric bills and bills period. No one can afford to live anymore with the high food prices, high rent. Making do and I work 48 hrs a week with a family of 5 at home” – 36-year-old rural voter from New York, Republican

“We have lost several major manufacturing plants in my town. This resulted in a large portion of the community becoming unemployed. This has created a huge ripple effect of issues including a huge migration of people out of the area. Lower number of students enrolled has led to a drop in school funding and we are having to close an elementary school. The city council is proposing allowing a data center to be built close to town to "bring in jobs/opportunities" even though the majority of the community is against it and actively fighting it.” – 32-year-old rural voter from Kansas, Democrat

“The amount I am paying for groceries is too high for the income I make, and I am a teacher. I have a degree I should be able to afford a vacation for my family. I should be able to go to the local store and not pay about double what it is at Walmart.” – 26-year-old rural voter from North Dakota, Republican

Note: Responses are lightly edited for length and spelling, but reflect respondents' own language and do not represent the views of KFF.

Current Economic Conditions Weigh Heavily on Rural Voters

While most rural voters continue to have positive views of their community in terms of safety and raising children, their views on cost of living in their areas has gotten markedly worse over the past decade. Three in four rural voters now say the cost of living in their community is “only fair” or “poor”, a 25-percentage point increase since 2017, when half of rural voters said the same. This includes double-digit increases in the shares of Republican, Democratic, and independent rural voters who rate the cost of living in their community negatively.  

Seven in ten rural voters (72%) also rate job opportunities in their communities negatively, a slight increase from two-thirds (67%) in 2017.

Range plot showing the share of rural voters who rate their community as only fair or poor in 2017 and 2026.

Majorities of rural voters across partisanship describe the cost of living in their community negatively, including more than eight in ten independents (87%) and Democrats (85%) and fewer, but still a majority, of Republicans (66%). Republican rural voters who do not support President Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement are somewhat more negative in their views of the cost of living where they live compared to MAGA supporters (73% v. 64%).

Stacked bar chart showing how rural voters rate the cost of living in their community. Results shown among party identification and Republican MAGA and non-MAGA supporters.

A plurality of rural voters say good-paying jobs have faded in their communities in the past five years. Overall, more than four in ten (44%) say there are fewer good paying jobs in their community compared to five years ago, while just one in six (17%) say there are more of these jobs. Another four in ten say the number of well-paid jobs in their area is about the same as it was five years ago. 

Democratic and independent rural voters are more likely than their Republican counterparts to say good-paying jobs have waned in their communities in the past five years, but similar to dynamics seen on other economic sentiments, non-MAGA supporting Republicans are nearly twice as likely as MAGA supporting Republicans to say good-paying jobs have declined where they live. Views that good-paying jobs have declined in their community are also held by larger shares of rural voters who are Hispanic (66%), Black (61%), have annual household incomes below $40,000 (51%), or are under age 50 (50%) compared to their counterparts.

Stacked bar chart showing the share of rural voters who think there are fewer, more, or about the same number of good paying jobs in their community compared to five years ago.

More than four in ten (44%) rural voters say their local economy has gotten worse during the second Trump presidency, including eight in ten (82%) Democratic rural voters, half (51%) of independents, and one in five (19%) Republican rural voters, though this rises to a third (35%) among non-MAGA supporting Republicans.

All of these negative economic sentiments may be contributing to rural voters’ views of President Trump overall and on the economy. About six in ten rural voters (57%) disapprove of President Trump’s handling of the economy. While about half (48%) of rural voters approve of his overall job performance, this has dropped slightly from a similar question asked in 2017, when 56% of rural registered voters said they approved. Notably, a larger share of Republican rural voters disapprove of President Trump’s handling of the economy (27%) than of his overall job performance (18%).

For Republican rural voters, however, approval of President Trump varies widely between MAGA supporters and non-MAGA supporters, suggesting that the President’s approval among rural Republicans outside his core base is much weaker. Half or more non-MAGA Republican rural voters (who make up a quarter of Republican rural voters overall) say they disapprove of the president’s job performance (52%) and his handling of the economy (55%) compared to one in six or fewer MAGA-supporting Republicans.

Split bar chart showing the share of rural voters who say they approve or disapprove of the way Donald Trump is handling his job as president and the economy. Results shown by party identification and MAGA support.

Republican Rural Voters Sour on the Economy May Not Turn Out in 2026

While the overwhelming majority (98%) of rural Republican voters say they would be more likely to vote for a Republican candidate than a Democrat in the upcoming election, dissatisfaction with President Trump’s handling of the economy may be impacting some Republican rural voters’ motivation to turn out for the 2026 midterms.

Republican rural voters overall are somewhat less likely than Democrats to say they are “absolutely certain” to vote in the upcoming election (74% vs. 81%). Further, Republicans who say they disapprove of Trump’s handling of the economy (27% of Republican rural voters overall) are 20 percentage points less likely than those who approve of his handling of the economy to say they are “absolutely certain” to vote (59% vs. 79%).

Bar chart showing the share of rural voters who say they are absolutely certain they will vote in the 2026 midterm elections. Results shown by party identification and republicans who approve and disapprove of Trump's handling of the economy.

Health Costs and Price of Gas Top Household Affordability Worries

While rural voters express concern about affording a wide range of household necessities, health care costs and the price of gasoline top the list. Two-thirds of rural voters say they are either “very” or “somewhat worried” about being able to afford gasoline or transportation costs (67%) or health care (66%) for themselves or their families. Somewhat smaller majorities express worry about affording food and groceries (60%) or monthly utilities (59%), while nearly half (46%) are worried about affording their rent or mortgage.

While health care costs and gas remain the top affordability concern across partisanship, as with other economic sentiments, Democratic voters in rural areas are more likely than their Republican counterparts to express affordability worries across the board. Likely reflecting their lower incomes, younger rural voters are also more worried than older voters about being able to afford a variety of expenses. But for the youngest cohort of rural voters under age 30, health care costs rise to the top of their economic concerns, with about three quarters (77%) saying they are worried about affording health care for themselves or their families.

Stacked bar chart showing how worried rural voters are about being able to afford household essentials.

Who Voters Trust to Handle Key Issues

The Republican Party has an advantage when it comes to which party rural voters trust more to address the cost of living – rural voters’ top election priority – but voters are more divided on which party they trust to address health care costs, a key factor in their affordability concerns. At the same time, at least a quarter of rural voters say they prefer neither party across these issues.

Overall, four in ten rural voters say they trust the Republican Party to do a better job handling the cost of living, compared to a quarter who trust the Democratic Party and another quarter (27%) who trust neither party.

The Republican Party has a much narrower advantage on health care costs.  One-third of rural voters say they trust the Republican Party more to handle health care costs compared to about three in ten (28%) who trust the Democratic Party more. And similar shares of rural voters say they prefer the Democrats and the Republicans on handling Medicaid, Medicare, and the Affordable Care Act, while at least a quarter say they trust neither party to handle each of these health care programs.

Stacked bar chart showing which party rural voters trust to do a better job handling the cost of living and health care issues.

Partisans largely pick their own party on handling cost of living and health issues. For health-related issues, the Democrats tend to have a stronger advantage with their own rural voters than Republicans do with theirs, and this drops to fewer than half among non-MAGA supporting Republicans. For example, three-quarters (76%) of Democratic rural voters say they trust the Democratic Party to do a better job handling health care costs, while a smaller share (60%) of Republican rural voters say the same about the Republican Party, dropping to a quarter (26%) among non-MAGA supporting Republicans. Republican rural voters who do not support the MAGA movement largely still do not prefer Democrats, but rather say they trust neither party to handle costs.

While small shares of independent rural voters prefer the Democratic Party over the Republican Party to address the cost of health care, majorities of these independents say they trust neither party to address cost of living or health care cost (67% and 59%, respectively).

Stacked bar chart showing which party rural voters trust to do a better job handling the cost of living and the cost of health care. Results shown by partisan identification and MAGA support.

Views of Trump Administration’s Recent Changes to Health Care Policies

With slightly more than half (54%) of rural voters saying they disapprove of Trump’s handling of health care, views on the impact of the administration’s specific health care policies also skew negative. Roughly twice as many rural voters say the Trump administration’s health care policies have had a negative impact rather than a positive impact when it comes to their own health care costs (41% v. 17%), Medicare (44% v. 21%), Medicaid (44% v. 24%), and the availability of health care in their area (37% vs. 15%). Between three in ten and half of rural voters say the administration’s health care policies have had “no impact” in each of these areas. Views are slightly more divided on the impact of the administration’s policies on prescription drug costs, with three in ten (30%) saying the impact has been positive and about one-third each saying it has been negative (35%) or had no impact (35%).

Stacked bar chart showing how much impact rural voters believe the Trump administration's health care policies have had.

Partisans’ views are unsurprisingly divided on the impact of Trump’s health care policies, with most Democratic voters and at least half of independent voters saying they’ve had a negative impact. While Republican rural voters are less negative in their views, they are not overwhelmingly positive, either: over half say the administration’s policies have had “no impact” on their own health care costs, or the availability of health care in their area. Republican rural voters are somewhat more positive when it comes to the impact of the administration’s policies on Medicaid, with four in ten saying the impact has been positive, 16% viewing it as negative, and another four in ten (43%) saying there has been no difference.

Most (57%) rural voters who purchase their own health coverage (10% of rural voters overall) say the administration’s health care policies have negatively impacted their health care costs, higher than the share of rural voters with employer sponsored insurance or Medicare. This likely reflects the impact of rising costs for those who purchased coverage through the ACA Marketplaces following the expiration of enhanced premium tax credits last year.

Stacked bar chart showing whether rural voters believe the Trump administration's health care polices have had an impact. Results shown by party identification.

Medicaid’s Role for Rural Voters

Roughly half (49%) of rural voters say they or a family member have gotten support from the Medicaid program at some point in their lives, including four in ten (38%) who say they or a family member currently receives some form of coverage through the program. More than half of rural voters who are Hispanic (72%), Black (67%), under age 30 (65%), or women (56%) say they or someone in their family has ever gotten coverage from Medicaid, with at least four in ten across partisanship saying the same.

Similar to sentiments held by the general population, nine in ten (92%) rural voters, including large majorities across partisanship and among Republican MAGA supporters say Medicaid is important for people in their local community.

Stacked bar chart showing how important rural voters believe Medicaid is for their local community. Results shown by party identification and MAGA support.

In late 2025, Congress passed and President Trump signed into law a legislative package known as the “One Big Beautiful Bill,” that included significant changes to the Medicaid program including reducing future federal spending on the program by more than $900 billion.

Awareness of reduced Medicaid funding among rural voters is low, with just one-third correctly saying the bill decreases future spending on Medicaid while six in ten (59%) say they don’t know enough to say, including more than seven in ten Republican voters.

Split bar chart showing the share of rural voters who believe the big beautiful bill decreased or increased federal spending on Medicaid.

During the drafting of the 2025 budget bill, lawmakers added $50 billion in funding for a Rural Health Transformation Program, or “Rural Health Fund,” in response to concerns over the impact that reductions in health spending could have in rural areas. Most rural voters, however, remain unaware of the fund, with more than eight in ten saying they have heard either “a little” (23%) or “nothing at all” (61%) about the program. More than half of voters across partisanship say they have heard “nothing at all” about this fund.

Stacked bar chart showing how much rural voters have heard about the Rural Health Transformation Program. Results shown by total rural voters and party identification.

A majority of rural voters say it’s more often that government assistance goes to undeserving people, though their views on this have softened somewhat over the years. Six in ten (59%) rural voters say it’s more common in America that “irresponsible people get government help they don’t deserve” compared to four in ten (41%) who say it’s more common that “needy people go without government help.” These views have shifted moderately among rural voters over the past nine years, with a 10-percentage point rise in the share who say it’s more common that needy people are going without help. These sentiments have shifted most dramatically among Democrats and independents, while Republicans’ views have largely remained unchanged.

For Republican rural voters, having a current connection to the Medicaid program appears to soften their views on government assistance more broadly: Republicans who say they or a family member are currently receiving some type of Medicaid coverage are three times as likely as those with no such current connection to say it’s more common in America that people are going without government assistance they need (33% v. 10%).

Stacked bar chart showing the share of rural voters in 2017 and 2026 who believe needy people going without government help or irresponsible people getting government help they don’t deserve, happens more often in America today.

A Growing Share of Rural Voters Say Their Communities Lack Key Health Care Services

Rural areas in the U.S. can face unique health care challenges, including provider shortages, lack of internet access, and hospital closures. The KFF/AP Rural Voters Survey shows that many rural voters rate health care in their communities poorly, a sentiment shared by Democrats, independents, and Republicans. As with other economic sentiments, views on the availability of some health care services have worsened over the years.

Many rural voters say their communities lack sufficient health care services and providers to serve local residents, including mental health care providers (62%) and doctors or other health care providers (46%). While most rural voters say their communities have enough pharmacies (81%) or hospitals (65%) to serve local residents, a notable share (35%) say their communities do not have enough hospitals, rising to half among Black (52%) and Hispanic (52%) rural voters.

Rural voters’ perceptions of the availability of doctors and hospitals have worsened since 2017 overall and across partisans, however the rise in the share saying their community lacks enough providers and hospitals has been steeper among Democrats than among Republicans. Between 2005 and 2026, nearly 200 rural hospitals have closed or converted, with closures recently outpacing openings in rural areas.

Range plot showing the share of rural voters in 2017 and 2026 who say their community does not have enough doctors or hospitals.

In Their Own Words: Rural Voters Who Say Health Care-Related Issues Are the Biggest Problem Facing Their Community

“We need more help affording healthcare for our family.  Our health insurance tripled this past year and we can barely afford to pay for it plus afford food!   We were hoping Trump, with his business sense would figure out a way that every person in the country would have health insurance, the price of food would finally come down, and the price of gas would be at its lowest ever.  Instead, we are at war…” – 54-year-old rural voter from Wisconsin, Republican

“No decent permanent facilities for the elderly. There's one really nice place that only the rich can afford. The hospital emergency room is horrific, at times there are very sick individuals in the waiting room or on stretchers in the hallway.” – 67-year-old rural voter from Tennessee, Republican

“The lack of a living wage is a major issue, but our greatest crisis is the lack of quality healthcare. Those with the ability to travel, go to [nearby cities] for medical care. The local hospital is stocked with part-time traveling nurses, and doctors. There is no stability in healthcare, and I worry that the proposed Medicare, and Medicaid cuts will endanger the future of the hospital.” – 70-year-old rural voter from Texas, Democrat

“There's a somewhat vague sense of dreadful anticipation that our small rural community is going to lose its hospital due to Trump and his administration's cuts, which apparently kick in on January 1, 2027.  The hospital employs a great many people and it is the only reasonable option for emergency care and other kinds of medical services for about a 25 to 30 miles radius.” – 64-year-old rural voter from New York state, Democrat

Note: Responses are lightly edited for length and spelling, but reflect respondents' own language and do not represent the views of KFF.

  1. Throughout this report, Democratic and Republican rural voters include those who identify as independent but lean towards either party, respectively. Independents are independent rural voters who do not lean toward either party. ↩︎

The KFF/AP Rural Voters Survey examines the views and political priorities of voters living in rural areas across the United States. The urban-rural divide has been a major factor in U.S. elections for the past several decades and played an important role in President Trump’s reelection victory in 2024, when nearly seven in ten rural voters voted for him. As the 2026 midterm election approaches, the survey finds that while rural voters continue to lean Republican, concerns about the cost of living loom large, and disapproval of President Trump’s handling of the economy may be diminishing voter enthusiasm among some rural Republicans. At the same time, health care costs are also a top election issue for rural voters and an important component of their cost-of-living concerns. By more than a 2-1 margin, rural voters say the Trump administration’s health care policies have worsened their health care costs and access to care in their communities, while many express frustration with both political parties on health costs, saying they trust neither to deal with this issue. Rural voters’ economic sentiments have worsened in many respects since 2017, when KFF and the Washington Post explored similar subjects in a Survey of Rural America. These and other findings shed light on the mood and concerns of rural voters in the run-up to the 2026 midterms.

Explore KFF Health News and The Associated Press’ Reporting:

Economic frustration tests Trump’s standing with rural voters, new AP-KFF poll finds, Sept. 23, 2026

Rural MAHA Followers Say Trump Health Policies Haven’t Reached Their Communities, Sept. 30, 2026

NPR Morning Edition: Rural voters support MAHA movement, but feel little impact, poll finds, Sept. 30, 2026

Trump’s Immigration Crackdown Divides Rural Voters, KFF-AP Poll Finds, Oct. 5, 2026

News Release

KFF/AP Survey Probes Rural Voters’ Increasing Anxieties About the Rising Cost of Living, Including Health Costs, Heading into the Midterm Elections

Rural Voters are More Likely to Trust Republicans than Democrats to Tackle These Issues, But Economic Dissatisfaction May Dampen Turnout among Rural Republicans, and Trump’s Health Policies Are Viewed Negatively

Published: Sep 23, 2026

Rural voters’ frustrations about the cost of living in their community are growing and appear to be chipping away at Republicans’ enthusiasm to vote as the midterm elections near, a new KFF/Associated Press (AP) Survey of Rural Voters finds.

The survey of more than 2,000 rural voters probes the views and experiences of a group who have been strong supporters of President Trump and Republicans but are feeling economically stressed and facing higher health care costs. The project includes a polling analysis from KFF, which often partners with media organizations on surveys, and reporting from journalists at the AP and KFF Health News. Additional stories drawing on the poll findings and rural voters’ perspectives will come out in the coming weeks.

The survey’s key takeaways include:

  • Cost of living concerns are increasing, and Republicans maintain an edge with rural voters. Rural voters overwhelmingly name the cost of living as the top issue they want candidates to talk about, and three quarters now rate the cost of living in their area as either “fair” or “poor,” a 25-percentage point increase from 2017. When it comes to household expenses, rural voters worry most about health costs and gas prices. More rural voters prefer the Republican Party than the Democratic Party to best address the cost of living (40% v. 25%), though a quarter (27%), including most independents, trust neither party.
  • Economic frustration may hurt turnout among Republicans. Eight in ten rural Democrats say they’re “absolutely certain” to vote in the upcoming midterm, somewhat higher than the 74% of rural Republican voters who say so. This disparity appears to be at least partly a result of dissatisfaction with President Trump’s economic policies. Among the 27% of rural Republican voters who disapprove of President Trump’s handling of the economy, a smaller share (59%) say they are “absolutely certain” to vote.
  • Views of President Trump’s health care policies skew negative. Slightly more than half (54%) of rural voters disapprove of President Trump’s handling of health care and largely view his health care policies as having negatively rather than positively impacted their health care costs, Medicaid, and the availability of care where they live. Still, the Republican Party has a narrow advantage over the Democratic Party in rural voters’ trust to handle the cost of health care (33% vs. 28%), though three in ten (29%) trust neither party to deal with the issue.
  • Medicaid viewed as important, but messaging about fraud resonates with Republicans. The overwhelming majority (92%) of rural voters say Medicaid is important for people in their local community, and about half (49%) have had a personal or family connection to the program at some point in their lives. But messaging about fraud may appeal to rural Republican voters, as fraud in government programs is their top issue for candidates to talk about.

The survey also examines rural voters’ views about job opportunities and safety in their community, who they trust to handle key economic and health care issues, and health care access issues in their communities, including provider and hospital shortages.

METHODOLOGY

Designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF and the Associated Press, this survey was conducted August 12-24, 2026, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 2,241 U.S. adults registered to vote in rural areas of the country. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points for the full sample of rural voters. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. The survey was conducted in English and Spanish.

About KFF

KFF is the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. Its mission is to serve as a nonpartisan source of information for policymakers, the media, the health policy community, and the public. KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF.

About the Associated Press

The Associated Press is an independent global news organization dedicated to factual reporting. Founded in 1846, AP today remains the most trusted source of fast, accurate, unbiased news in all formats and the essential provider of the technology and services vital to the news business. More than half the world’s population sees AP journalism every day. Online: http://www.ap.org

The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI)

Published: Sep 22, 2026

Editorial Note: Originally published in May 2025, this resource has been updated as new information became available.

Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump issued several executive actions that have fundamentally changed foreign assistance. These included: an executive order which called for a 90-day review of foreign aid; a subsequent “stop-work order” that froze all payments and services for work already underway; the dissolution of USAID, including the reduction of most staff and contractors; and the cancellation of most foreign assistance awards. Although a waiver to allow life-saving humanitarian assistance was issued, it was limited to certain services only and difficult for program implementers to obtain. Since then, responsibility for remaining global health programs has been transferred to the State Department. While there have been several legal challenges to these actions, there has been limited legal remedy to date. As a result, U.S. global health programs were disrupted and, in some cases, ended. Changes to the Department of Health and Human Services, including proposed cuts and reorganization, are also likely to affect these programs. This fact sheet is part of a series on the status of U.S. global health programs.

Background on PMI

  • The U.S. government has been involved in global malaria activities since the 1950s and has been the largest donor to the sector. In 2005, the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI) was launched to scale up funding and activities to address malaria in the hardest hit African countries, helping to contribute to global success in driving down malaria cases and deaths.
  • Still, in 2024, there were 282 million cases of malaria, a life-threatening disease spread to humans by mosquitoes, and 610,000 malaria deaths (the majority of which were among children under age five), a slight increase over the prior year.
  • Recent decades have seen major gains in reducing the impact of malaria, and PMI is credited with having helped to save 11.7 million lives and prevent 2.1 billion malaria cases. Indeed, as of 2024, in countries where PMI worked, global efforts supported a 29% decrease in malaria case rates and 48% decline in deaths. In addition, U.S. malaria assistance has been found to bolster the national economies in countries and communities most heavily affected by the disease with an analysis finding that every dollar of U.S. malaria assistance increased GDP in recipient countries nearly six-fold. The introduction of two malaria vaccines in 2021 and 2023 has increased optimism in the potential to further strengthen global malaria control.
  • Prior to the dissolution of USAID in 2025, PMI had operated as an interagency initiative led by USAID and implemented in partnership with CDC, focused in 30 countries that account for most of the world’s malaria cases and deaths. It had been overseen by a U.S. Global Malaria Coordinator, a position created by Congress in 2008 to be appointed by the President and based at USAID.
  • While the Trump administration has requested significantly less funding for PMI in its budget requests, prior to the start of the Trump administration U.S. funding provided to malaria control efforts and research activities was approximately $1 billion in FY 2024, including about $805 million to PMI and other bilateral global malaria efforts at the State Department and CDC; funding for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (Global Fund) was $1.65 billion.

Current Status of PMI/Malaria Activities

The following administration actions have had a significant impact on PMI operations:

  • Stop-work order: The stop-work order initially froze all PMI programming and services, halting existing PMI activities, including bed net provision, residual spraying and delivery of antimalarial medicines. Because the order halted payments, many implementers had to terminate staff and end some services.
  • Limited waiver: Malaria programs received a limited waiver on February 4, 2025, allowing “life-saving services” to continue, including those that “must resume within 30 days to ensure malaria diagnosis and treatment, as well as prevention through distribution of nets and indoor residual spraying targeting highest burden areas…and lifesaving malaria medicines for pregnant women and children”. Even with the waiver, services remained disrupted and implementers faced challenges in getting permission to resume programming and difficulties in getting paid.
  • Dissolution of USAID: USAID was the main government implementing agency for malaria efforts, obligating almost all bilateral malaria assistance in FY 2023 (96%). Without USAID and most of its staff, PMI’s implementation capacity and operations have been affected. In addition, announcements of reductions at CDC could further affect global malaria efforts.
  • Canceled awards: In early 2025, it was reported that the administration canceled 86% of all USAID awards. KFF analysis found that of the 770 global health awards identified, 157 included malaria activities, 80% of which were terminated.
  • Legal actions: In response to two lawsuits filed against the administration’s actions, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction ordering the government to pay for work completed by February 13, 2025, although not all payments have been made and the court did not stop the government from canceling awards. The government appealed the ruling and after several subsequent rulings in the case, the Supreme Court ultimately allowed the government to rescind (cancel) a portion of expiring global health funds before the end of the fiscal year. Further proceedings have been stayed, pending the outcome of a separate case.
  • Reorganization: The administration notified Congress on March 28, 2025, of its intent to permanently dissolve USAID and move any remaining USAID operations to the State Department, with global health activities, including for malaria, to be integrated into its Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD) which oversees PEPFAR. On May 29, 2025, the State Department further notified Congress of its proposed reorganization plan, and with the dissolution of USAID, programs moved in July 2025.
  • America First Global Health Strategy: In September 2025, the administration released the America First Global Health Strategy, its roadmap for future U.S. government global health engagement. Per the strategy, the U.S. is negotiating bilateral, multi-year agreements with countries receiving U.S. global health assistance with an aim to transition the majority of countries to full self-reliance by the end of the agreement period. Malaria has been included in most of the agreements signed to date, although there is little information available on activities and funding. A U.S. Malaria Coordinator has yet to be appointed.
  • Policy restrictions: In January 2025, the Trump administration reinstated the expanded Mexico City Policy from Trump’s first term and further expanded it in January 2026 to apply to almost all non-military foreign assistance, many more entities, and additional areas of restrictions including activities related to diversity, equity and inclusion and “gender ideology” under a broader umbrella known as the “Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance” (PHFFA) Policy.
  • Funding: The Trump administration has requested significantly less funding for PMI and other malaria efforts in its budget requests and canceled funding for numerous malaria-related projects and awards. Despite this, Congress has continued to appropriate level funding for malaria control efforts and research activities, reaching approximately $1 billion in FY 2026 (including about $805 million for PMI and other bilateral global malaria efforts at the State Department and CDC). It also appropriated $1.25 billion for the Global Fund in FY 2026.

Impact on PMI Services and Outcomes

  • An internal USAID memo from 2025 estimated that an additional 12.5-17.9 million malaria cases and an additional 71,000-166,000 deaths could occur annually if PMI was halted permanently.
  • A rapid assessment survey of 108 WHO country offices in 2025 found that of the 64 malaria-endemic countries surveyed, more than half reported moderate or severe disruptions to malaria services, including for medicines and health products, due to the U.S. foreign aid freeze and other shortages.
  • In early April 2025, almost 30% of planned insecticide treated net (ITN) distribution campaigns were off-track or at risk of being delayed due to funding shortages, and such risks continue today. Several countries also face stock-out risks for key commodities including for rapid diagnostic tests (RDTs) and artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT). Reductions in funding also threaten investments in new and improved malaria prevention, diagnostic, and treatment interventions. Such disruptions pose significant risks, particularly during peak malaria seasons across Africa where seasonal malaria campaigns are needed to protect millions of people. In a court filing challenging the funding freeze, for example, a major U.S. implementer reported that it had to delay the start of anti-malarial campaigns in Africa last year.
  • A modeling project estimated that a full year U.S. funding cuts could result in an additional 2.4 million malaria cases among adults and an additional 7.2 million malaria cases among children.

What to Watch

  • Implementation of the America First Global Health Strategy multi-year agreements with countries
  • Status of U.S. funding appropriated by Congress for bilateral malaria efforts and contributions to the Global Fund
  • Impact of the PHFFA Policy on U.S. funding and programs
  • Impact of U.S. changes to global health programs on health outcomes

The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of U.S. Global Maternal and Child Health Efforts

Published: Sep 22, 2026

Editorial Note: Originally published in May 2025, this resource has been updated as new information became available.

Starting on the first day of his second term, President Trump issued several executive actions that have fundamentally changed foreign assistance. These included: an executive order which called for a 90-day review of foreign aid; a subsequent “stop-work order” that froze all payments and services for work already underway; the dissolution of USAID, including the reduction of most staff and contractors; and the cancellation of most foreign assistance awards. Although a waiver to allow life-saving humanitarian assistance was issued, it was limited to certain services only and difficult for program implementers to obtain. Since then, responsibility for remaining global health programs has been transferred to the State Department. While there have been several legal challenges to these actions, there has been limited legal remedy to date. As a result, U.S. global health programs were disrupted and, in some cases, ended. Changes to the Department of Health and Human Services, including proposed cuts and reorganization, are also likely to affect these programs. This fact sheet is part of a series on the status of U.S. global health programs.

Background on U.S. Global Maternal and Child Health (MCH) Efforts

  • The U.S. government has been involved in supporting global maternal and child health (MCH) efforts for more than 50 years, as a top donor and provider of technical assistance and other support, helping to contribute to worldwide success in reducing maternal and child mortality.
  • Still, in 2024, 4.9 million children under the age of 5 (more than 13,000 every day) died, with the highest rates of under-5 mortality in sub-Saharan Africa. About 260,000 women (or nearly one every two minutes) died during and following pregnancy and childbirth in 2023 – 92% of them in low- and middle-income countries. The majority of these deaths are preventable with proper interventions and access to care.
  • Recent decades have seen major gains in preventing maternal and child mortality. Both the number and the rate of children dying before age 5 have fallen by more than 60% since 1990, and almost 100 countries have cut under-five mortality rates by at least two-thirds in that time. From 2000 to 2023, the annual number of maternal deaths worldwide fell by 40%. The U.S. government has contributed significantly to these gains, reporting that it helped to save the lives of more than 9.3 million children and 340,000 women over the past decade alone.
  • Prior to its dissolution in 2025, USAID had served as the lead U.S. implementing agency for MCH activities, reaching more than 40 countries, including 25 “high priority” countries, primarily in Africa and southern Asia. The CDC also supported global MCH activities, primarily through immunization and technical assistance to build in-country capacity.
  • Prior to the start of the Trump administration, U.S. funding provided to MCH activities was approximately $1.31 billion in FY 2024, including $865.7 million for bilateral MCH activities, $300 million for Gavi and $142 million for UNICEF.

Current Status of U.S. MCH Programs

The following administration actions have had a significant impact on MCH program operations:

  • Stop-work order: The stop-work order initially froze all MCH programming and services, halting USAID’s MCH programming, including pre- and post-natal health services and lifesaving maternal health care. Because the order halted payments, many implementers had to terminate staff and end some services.
  • Limited waiver: Maternal and child health activities were included in a limited waiver issued by the State Department on February 4, 2025, allowing “life-saving services” to continue, defined as essential services related to the prevention, diagnosis and treatment of severe illnesses and conditions which–if not addressed–lead to mortality in women, newborns, and children under five. Listed in the waiver were antenatal care and post-partum services, essential newborn care, essential immunizations and treatment of acute child illness. Even with the waiver, services remained disrupted and implementers faced challenges in getting permission to resume programming and difficulties in getting paid.
  • Dissolution of USAID: As the main government implementer of MCH efforts, the dissolution of USAID and loss of most staff significantly affected MCH implementation capacity and operations. In addition, announcements of reductions at CDC could further affect global MCH efforts.
  • Canceled awards: In early 2025, it was reported that the administration canceled 86% of all USAID awards. KFF analysis found that of the 770 global health awards identified, 266 included MCH activities, 86% of which were terminated.
  • Legal actions: In response to two lawsuits filed against the administration’s actions, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction ordering the government to pay for work completed by February 13, 2025, although not all payments have been made and the court did not stop the government from canceling awards. The government appealed the ruling and after several subsequent rulings in the case, the Supreme Court ultimately allowed the government to rescind (cancel) a portion of expiring global health funds before the end of the fiscal year. Further proceedings have been stayed, pending the outcome of a separate case.
  • Reorganization: The administration notified Congress on March 28, 2025, of its intent to permanently dissolve USAID and move any remaining USAID operations to the State Department, with global health activities, including for MCH, to be integrated into its Bureau of Global Health Security and Diplomacy (GHSD) which oversees PEPFAR. On May 29, 2025, the State Department further notified Congress of its proposed reorganization plan, and with the dissolution of USAID, programs moved in July 2025.
  • America First Global Health Strategy: In September 2025, the administration released the America First Global Health Strategy, its roadmap for future U.S. government global health engagement. Per the strategy, the U.S. is negotiating bilateral, multi-year agreements with countries receiving U.S. global health assistance with an aim to transition the majority of countries to full self-reliance by the end of the agreement period. MCH has been included in several of the agreements signed to date, although there is little information available on activities and funding.
  • Policy restrictions: In January 2025,the Trump administration reinstated the expanded Mexico City Policy from Trump’s first term and further expanded it in January 2026 to apply to almost all non-military foreign assistance, many more entities, and additional areas of restrictions including activities related to diversity, equity and inclusion and “gender ideology” under a broader umbrella known as the “Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance” (PHFFA) Policy.
  • Funding: The Trump administration has requested significantly less funding for MCH in its budget requests and canceled or suspended funding for numerous MCH-related projects and awards. This includes rescinding funding for UNICEF; the administration also suspended funding for Gavi unless it met certain conditions (in July 2026 it announced that the withheld funds would be released following discussions with Gavi, and funding has since been provided to the organization). Despite this, Congress has continued to appropriate level funding for these programs, totaling approximately $1.29 billion in FY 2026 (including $845 million for bilateral MCH activities at the State Department and CDC, $300 million for Gavi, and funding for UNICEF “consistent with prior year levels”).

Impact on MCH Services and Outcomes

  • An internal USAID memo from 2025 reported that the cessation of USAID programming for MCH would affect services for 16.8 million pregnant women annually, eliminate postnatal care for 11.3 million newborns within the first two days of life, and prevent 14.8 million children under 5 from receiving treatment for pneumonia and diarrhea.
  • A rapid assessment survey of 108 WHO country offices in 2025 found that almost half reported moderate or severe disruptions to MCH services, including for medicines and health products, due to the U.S. foreign aid freeze and other shortages. WHO also said that funding cuts have “led to facility closures and loss of health workers, while also disrupting supply chains for lifesaving supplies and medicines such as treatments for haemorrhage, pre-eclampsia and malaria – all leading causes of maternal deaths.”
  • In addition, several modeling studies have found that cuts in or termination of U.S. MCH funding could result in significant increases in maternal and child deaths and, as a result, the maternal mortality ratio, under 5 mortality rate, and stillbirth rate in coming years.

What to Watch

  • Implementation of the America First Global Health Strategy multi-year agreements with countries
  • Status of U.S. funding appropriated by Congress for bilateral MCH efforts and contributions to Gavi and UNICEF
  • Impact of the PHFFA Policy on U.S. funding and programs
  • Impact of U.S. changes to global health programs on health outcomes

Implementation of Medicaid Immigrant Eligibility Restrictions Under the 2025 Reconciliation Law: Issues to Consider

Published: Sep 22, 2026

Introduction

The 2025 reconciliation law includes new eligibility restrictions for many lawfully present immigrants for federally-funded health programs, including Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), subsidized Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace, and Medicare coverage. The eligibility restrictions for Medicaid and CHIP become effective October 1, 2026. These restrictions will eliminate eligibility for many groups of lawfully present immigrants, including refugees and asylees without a green card, among others. Under longstanding federal policy, undocumented immigrants already are ineligible for federally funded health coverage. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates that eligibility restrictions in Medicaid or CHIP will reduce federal spending by $6.2 billion and lead to an additional 100,000 individuals becoming uninsured by 2034.

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) released guidance and an implementation toolkit for states to implement the eligibility changes. Beyond those losing coverage because they are no longer eligible, there may also be coverage losses among individuals who remain eligible due to administrative barriers, particularly if they have challenges understanding or responding to notices requesting information and documentation. States will also face increased administrative burdens to implement the changes. This brief provides an overview of implementation of the immigrant eligibility changes and issues to consider for affected individuals and states.

Medicaid Immigrant Eligibility Changes

Starting October 1, 2026, the 2025 reconciliation law will restrict Medicaid and CHIP eligibility to lawful permanent residents (LPRs or “green card” holders), Cuban and Haitian entrants, people residing in the U.S. under Compacts of Free Association (COFA), and lawfully residing children and pregnant immigrants in states that cover them under the Medicaid and/or CHIP option (Table 1). The law will eliminate eligibility for many other groups of lawfully present immigrants, including refugees and asylees without a green card, among others. Prior to the 2025 reconciliation law, undocumented immigrants were already ineligible for Medicaid and CHIP. Additionally, the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) limited Medicaid and CHIP eligibility to certain groups of lawfully present immigrants deemed to have a “qualified status” and required many of these groups to wait at least five years before they could enroll even if they met other eligibility criteria. The 2025 reconciliation law does not change the application of PRWORA. Under PRWORA, LPRs are generally subject to the five-year waiting period subject to some exceptions. Cuban and Haitian entrants and COFA migrants are exempt from the waiting period.

States will continue to have the option to provide coverage to lawfully residing children and pregnant people without a five-year wait under the Immigrant Children’s Health Improvement Act (ICHIA) option (also referred to as the CHIPRA 214 option). They will also continue to have the option to provide prenatal care and pregnancy related benefits to targeted low-income children beginning from conception to end of pregnancy (FCEP) regardless of their parent’s immigration status.

Emergency Medicaid and CHIP Health Services Initiative expenditures also are exempt from the new immigrant eligibility restrictions. Emergency Medicaid reimburses hospitals for emergency care they are obligated to provide to individuals who meet other Medicaid eligibility requirements (such as income), but who do not have an eligible immigration status, including undocumented immigrants and lawfully present immigrants who are not eligible for Medicaid or CHIP. CHIP Health Services Initiatives allow states to use a limited portion of CHIP funding to implement public health services aimed at improving the health of low-income children.

Eligible Immigration Statuses for Medicaid and CHIP (Table)

Implementation of Immigrant Eligibility Changes

States must redetermine eligibility for all “potentially affected” existing Medicaid enrollees under the new rules by October 1, 2026, and conduct new eligibility determinations consistent with the new rules beginning October 1, 2026. CMS describes potentially affected beneficiaries as those receiving full Medicaid or CHIP benefits who do not have an eligible immigration status under the new rules. CMS indicates that because states vary in the information they keep on file for enrollees, they may have differing ability to identify potentially affected enrollees. As such, some states may need to reverify eligibility for a broader group of noncitizen enrollees.

For potentially affected enrollees, states must first attempt to reverify satisfactory immigration status under the new rules through existing information and automated data matches before contacting the enrollee. States will seek to verify immigration status through the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE) program and using Social Security Administration (SSA) databases. If the state verifies satisfactory immigration status, including eligibility under the option for lawfully residing immigrant children or pregnant people, the enrollee will maintain full coverage and should be notified by the state. However, CMS notes that SAVE provides “point in time” verification and does not update past SAVE verification responses when there is a change in immigration status or category. As such, potentially affected beneficiaries may have applied for and been granted adjustment of status to that of an LPR or may have another qualifying immigration status or category that is not reflected in SAVE.

If the state is unable to verify satisfactory immigration status through existing information and data matches, it must request additional information from the enrollee and give the enrollee a reasonable period of time to respond. If the enrollee responds and declares citizenship or a satisfactory immigration status but the state is still unable to verify this information through the SAVE database, the state must provide the enrollee with a 90-day reasonable opportunity period to verify status, during which the state must continue to provide coverage, which may extend beyond October 1, 2026. If the enrollee provides documentation of satisfactory immigration status which is verified with SAVE, the enrollee will retain coverage and should be notified by the state. If the enrollee provides information or documentation that indicates they do not have a satisfactory immigration status or if they do not respond within the specified timeframe, the state must consider whether the enrollee is eligible under the option to cover lawfully residing immigrant children and/or pregnant people (if the state has elected the option), if the enrollee remains eligible for Emergency Medicaid, or if the enrollee is no longer eligible for any coverage. After this determination, the state must provide advance notice, including the right to a Medicaid fair hearing or CHIP review, before terminating coverage or reducing benefits for the enrollee. For Medicaid, states must provide at least ten days advance notice, and, for CHIP, states must provide timely and adequate written notice of the proposed termination and an opportunity for review.

States must update eligibility systems and financial claiming and enrollment data reporting to be consistent with the new eligibility rules. CMS indicates that states must ensure appropriate claiming for individuals eligible only for Emergency Medicaid. It also indicates that they must ensure systems can identify and isolate costs, including administrative costs, related to state-only funded health programs for immigrants so that they do not claim federal matching funds for that coverage. CMS notes that if states cannot make changes to comply with the law, they risk losing federal financial participation (FFP) for Medicaid claims. CMS notes that states may also need to make updates to other materials including Medicaid application and renewal forms; notices to applicants and enrollees; outreach communications to applicants, enrollees, and community-based organizations; and call center scripts, automated messages, and worker guidance. CMS also notes that states should update all presumptive eligibility applications and train providers and caseworkers to correctly assess presumptive eligibility under the new rules. States use presumptive eligibility to expedite Medicaid enrollment for children and pregnant people to access care while their regular application is being processed.

Issues to Consider

Individuals no longer eligible for Medicaid under the new rules will be disenrolled from coverage and left with limited comprehensive coverage options. Individuals in Medicaid may still qualify for Emergency Medicaid but will only be covered for emergency services. Lawfully residing immigrant children and pregnant people will be able to maintain coverage in states that have adopted this option, but coverage varies by state. Subsidized ACA Marketplace coverage will also be limited to lawfully present immigrants who are LPRs, Cuban and Haitian entrants, and people residing in the U.S. under COFA beginning January 1, 2027. Other lawfully present immigrants would be eligible to purchase Marketplace coverage at full cost, but it would likely be unaffordable. Individuals who lose coverage may utilize community health centers for free or sliding-fee scale health care services, but they may have access to a limited scope of services. Some states may provide fully state-funded coverage to those losing Medicaid coverage. However, several states have recently scaled back state-funded coverage programs for immigrants or have reached enrollment caps due to budget pressures and higher than expected demand.

Individuals who remain eligible for Medicaid may experience procedural disenrollments or coverage disruptions due to fear, confusion, or challenges completing verification requirements. Individuals may have difficulty understanding new eligibility rules and whether they remain eligible. Confusion and fears about enrolling in coverage may be amplified by other immigration policies like public charge, new agreements for CMS to share Medicaid data with DHS and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and other increased federal immigration enforcement actions. Eligible enrollees may also face challenges submitting required documentation to verify immigration status.

Adequate and accessible outreach, information, and assistance will be key for preventing potential administrative coverage losses. CMS encourages states to use robust, clear, and consistent outreach and communication strategies to help enrollees and applicants understand the upcoming Medicaid eligibility changes and prepare for redetermination and renewals. CMS also suggests that states emphasize notices are time-sensitive, such as by labeling envelopes as such. Outreach through trusted, community-based organizations can help boost awareness among those who will be affected, and community partners may be able to help individuals consider alternatives, including how to access free or low-cost care. Additionally, ensuring linguistic access to information and notices will be key for individuals with limited English proficiency.

Comprehensive information on notices provided to enrollees about Medicaid immigrant eligibility changes is not publicly available across states, but KFF analysis of notices collected from 16 states illustrates there is variation in the information they provide and their accessibility. Most of the examined notices list which groups of lawfully present immigrants remain eligible for coverage, but fewer identify the groups losing coverage. Some states, such as California and Oregon, are transitioning immigrants losing federally funded coverage to state-funded coverage so they include language about how coverage is changing versus potential disenrollment. The examined notices also vary in the information and options provided to enrollees to verify immigration status. Some provide specific lists of acceptable documentation while others request proof of status without identifying specific documentation or direct enrollees to a website or other contact to identify acceptable documentation. Most examined notices offer multiple pathways for enrollees to submit proof of immigration status, including through online accounts or websites, mail, fax, phone, or in-person, while some offer more limited options such as in-person or mail only. The examined notices also vary in the extent to which they advise enrollees about other potential coverage sources, including Emergency Medicaid, and the types of assistance they highlight for enrollees, with some highlighting assisters or legal service organizations as resources. Among the examined notices, only a few were available in another language and/or provided taglines in other languages. However, states may have additional in-language resources that they are providing directly to enrollees that were not publicly available. Reading literacy levels also varied substantially across the examined notices, from a fourth-grade level to a tenth-grade level, as assessed using the SMOG readability calculator, a formula commonly used to evaluate the readability of health-related materials.  

States will face increased administrative burden to conduct outreach, reverify enrollees, and update systems and other materials to reflect new immigrant eligibility rules amid implementation of other Medicaid changes included in the 2025 reconciliation law. States are implementing the immigrant eligibility changes at the same time they are implementing Medicaid work requirements and more frequent eligibility redeterminations for ACA expansion adults. Implementing these changes on a short timeline will increase administrative burdens for states and require state budget investments. States may also make additional investments to expand outreach and to hire and train workers. Enhanced funding is available to support technology systems costs, with a 90% federal match available for design, development, and installation activities and a 75% match available for ongoing operations of CMS approved systems. However, at the same time, states are facing reductions in federal Medicaid funds due to broader changes in the reconciliation law and tightening fiscal conditions due to slowing revenue growth. With regard specifically to immigrants, the law reduces the federal Medicaid matching rate provided to states for Emergency Medicaid services provided to expansion adults who would otherwise be eligible for Medicaid except for their immigration status to the regular matching rate starting October 1, 2026.

States have limited federal guidance to implement the new eligibility rules among certain groups of noncitizens. CMS indicated that it would provide additional guidance related to eligibility changes for individuals enrolled in both Medicare and Medicaid, referred to as dual-eligible individuals, as Medicare immigrant eligibility will be restricted on a different timeline than Medicaid. However, this guidance is not yet available, creating uncertainty for states regarding how Medicaid eligibility changes may interact with Medicare enrollment and cost-sharing assistance for affected individuals. Additionally, many states will need to verify eligibility among noncitizens who are automatically enrolled in Medicaid through Supplemental Security Income (SSI) approval. SSI is a means-tested federal program administered by the SSA that pays monthly cash assistance to people who are unable to work because of a disability and generally qualifies people to receive health coverage through Medicaid, which may be their only source of coverage for long-term services and supports and disability-related services. The 2025 reconciliation law does not change immigrant eligibility rules for SSI, but some immigrants will lose their Medicaid coverage. CMS notes that guidance on the changes the SSA is making to the State Data Exchange (SDX) file to identify eligible noncitizen SSI recipients is forthcoming, but it has not yet been made available.

States may face additional uncertainties due to a lack of CMS guidance. CMS is updating the Transformed-Medicaid Statistical Information System (T-MSIS) Data Guide and plans to provide additional information on T-MSIS data reporting in forthcoming guidance. However, states do not yet have final guidance on how T-MSIS enrollment data submissions will specify enrollee immigration status. CMS also requires all states to submit updated State Plan Amendments (SPAs) with new immigrant eligibility restrictions by December 31, 2026, but has only indicated revised Medicaid and CHIP SPA templates will be forthcoming. Likewise, CMS plans to provide additional technical assistance to states about the potential impact for currently approved Section 1115 waiver demonstrations. CMS also directs states with Medicaid Managed Care programs to evaluate whether the immigrant eligibility changes require capitation rate adjustments or amended rate certifications based on guidance released in September 2025, leaving some actuarial judgments to the states. States will also need to utilize a separate and distinct contract and payment system with any managed care plan they contract with to provide state-funded health coverage services, which may be subject to CMS scrutiny.

The Business of Health with Chip Kahn

AI: To Regulate, or Not to Regulate?

September 22, 2026

Video

Audio

About this Episode


Episode 16, AI Series: Across the tech industry, many of AI’s own leaders are calling for oversight — self-imposed or from government. That debate is on, but where it will land is anyone’s guess. Joe Grogan takes a different tack: the biggest threat in health care AI may not be too little regulation, but the wrong kind. And he has seen regulation from the seats where it gets made: the White House Domestic Policy Council, the federal health care budget at OMB, and before Washington, the industry side of bringing a cure for Hepatitis C to patients. Chip and Grogan discuss the federal government’s proper role in regulating generative AI, the growing patchwork of state AI laws, why CMS reimbursement structures need to change, and how Europe’s cautious approach is impeding the technology’s growth. Grogan closes with his two biggest worries: fear-driven policy that bans innovation outright, and the risk to patients’ most sensitive data as AI’s appetite for it grows.

The Host


Headshot photo of Chip Kahn wearing a navy blue suit with a red tie, red pendant on lapel, and glasses.

Sr. Visiting Fellow

Charles N. Kahn III is a senior visiting fellow at KFF. He is also a visiting senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and a nonresident senior scholar at the University of Southern California’s Schaeffer Center for Health Policy & Economics. He serves as co-chair of the international Future of Health collaborative.

Guest


Chairman of the Board, Paragon Health Institute; former Director, White House Domestic Policy Council

Joe Grogan is a health care expert with a unique blend of private sector and government experience spanning over two decades. In addition to serving as the Chairman of the Board and Public Advisor at the Paragon Health Institute, Grogan is serving currently as a Senior Fellow at the Leonard D. Schaeffer Center for Health Policy and Economics at the University of Southern California.

Prior to serving in the West Wing as Domestic Policy Advisor, he was Associate Director for Health Policy at the Office of Management and Budget. In government, he also served as Special Assistant to the FDA Commissioner and as Executive Director of the Presidential Advisory Council on HIV/AIDS (PACHA) during the George W. Bush administration.

He holds a bachelor’s degree from State University of New York at Albany and a law degree from the College of William and Mary.


SERIES

This weekly podcast features insightful conversations between host Chip Kahn and his guests, who discuss the business of health care, connecting the dots between the health care business, policy, and patients.

The podcast’s first series on AI in health care illuminates how AI is changing health care, and features guests who are deploying this technology, managing its consequences, and designing policy around it.

What We Know from the Latest PEPFAR Data: Analysis of FY 2025 Quarter 4 Results

Authors: Jennifer Kates, Anna Rouw, and Allyala Nandakumar
Published: Sep 21, 2026

Editorial Note: Originally published on April 23, 2026, this analysis has been updated to present data on the number of HIV-exposed infants tested for HIV within the first 12 months of life, rather than the number of HIV-positive infants with a diagnostic sample collected within the first 12 months of life.

Since the start of the second Trump administration, the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), the U.S. global HIV/AIDS program credited with saving 26 million lives, has undergone significant changes and disruptions as part of a broader foreign aid review. Recent changes include: a temporary stop work order and eventual limits to what services could be continued; the cancellation of numerous PEPFAR awards; and a reorganization of U.S. global health programs, including the launch of a new “America First Global Health Strategy” which is anchored to bilateral agreements with countries, a focus on frontline commodities and services, and a shift from disease-specific programming to a more integrated approach. While modeling estimates and field surveys have provided some information about the potential impact of these changes and disruptions, there has been limited data available for such assessments. PEPFAR’s flagship data platform has historically posted financial and program level results, including from PEPFAR’s Monitoring, Evaluation, and Reporting (MER) system (MER was launched more than a decade ago). However, the data platform was temporarily removed in early 2025 and, when restored, it did not include any program data from FY 2025.   

On April 17, 2026, the State Department released Fiscal Year (FY) 2025 fourth quarter (Q4) MER data (covering the July 1 to September 30, 2025 period), providing the first program-level data made available since the changes of last year. Data for quarters 1-3 were not released, which, per the State Department, is due to data reporting and implementation challenges due to the changes. To provide a snapshot of PEPFAR results after these changes, and given this limitation, this analysis compares PEPFAR’s FY 2025 Q4 results to Q4 results from the previous four fiscal years for a subset of MER indicators. By comparing the same time period for each fiscal year, this approach helps to capture seasonal or other reporting fluctuations that could occur. However, it does not allow for an assessment of disruptions or other changes that may have occurred for the full FY 2025 period.1

While these data are limited (see box on methodology and data limitations) and provide only a snapshot view, they nevertheless provide insights into understanding how PEPFAR is performing following changes by the Trump administration. Overall, the data show that for some indicators, progress  declined in FY 2025 Q4, including support for prevention services such as pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) and the DREAMS program for adolescent girls and young women, both of which were significantly scaled back by the administration. Reduced access to prevention could lead to increases in new HIV infections in the future. There was also a drop in the number of people with HIV newly enrolled on antiretroviral therapy (ART), an important measure of access. At the same time, without more complete data, there is ambiguity in some of the indicators. For example, both the number of HIV tests conducted and the number testing positive for HIV fell, which could represent an actual decline in new infections or simply a decline in access to testing. Finally, there are areas where progress has been maintained or potentially improved, including the total number of people with HIV on ART, which was stable, and an increase in the number of people living with both HIV and TB who are receiving ART. Going forward, the future of transparent PEPFAR data monitoring and reporting remains uncertain, as it’s unclear whether or not these data updates will continue to be provided given the shift in the U.S. global health strategy to country governments and from disease-specific programming to a more integrated approach.  Without such data, it will be difficult to understand the implications and outcomes of these significant changes. 

Findings

PEPFAR’s Q4 treatment results over the period were mixed. While there were some stable results, particularly for the number of people receiving ART, others dropped, such as those newly enrolled on ART.

  • The number of individuals with HIV on antiretroviral therapy (ART) remained relatively stable in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (20.3 million2 compared to 20.4 million) and was higher than the prior fiscal years.
  • At the same time, the number newly enrolled on ART in FY 2025 Q4 was the lowest over the period, including 16% lower than FY 2024 Q4 (389.1K compared to 463.5K). This is part of a broader decline over the past five years but one of the steepest year-to-year quarter declines.
  • Similarly, the number of pregnant women testing positive for HIV and receiving ART in FY 2025 Q4 was also the lowest over the period, including a 14% decline compared to FY 2024 Q4 (189.3K compared to 220.7K).   
  • Finally, individuals on ART with documented viral load suppression (VLS) declined in FY 2025 Q4 by 7% compared to FY 2024 Q4 (14.6 million compared to 15.8 million), but was higher than the prior fiscal years.
Treatment: Individuals on ART, FY 2021 - FY 2025 (Column Chart)

HIV testing and diagnostic results were mixed in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4, although there were fluctuations over the five-year period.

  • Both the number of individuals tested for HIV and the number testing positive fell. The number of individuals tested fell by 17% in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (19.6 million compared to 23.7 million), though was still higher than in prior years. The number testing positive similarly fell by 15% in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (380.2K compared to 449.8K), continuing a downward decline and reaching the lowest number over the period.
  • Despite these drops, the number of pregnant women attending antenatal care who know their HIV status in FY 2025 Q4 was highest over the period, including a 10% increase compared to FY 2024 Q4 (3.9 million compared to 3.6 million).
  • In addition, the number of HIV-exposed infants tested for HIV within the first year decreased in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (135,000 compared to 162,000) and was the lowest in recent years.
Testing: Individuals Tested for HIV, FY 2021 - FY 2025 (Column Chart)

Key PEPFAR prevention results saw large declines, including for PrEP.

  • The number of individuals who newly initiated PrEP declined by 41% in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (388K compared to 659.4K), falling to FY 2022 levels. Access to PrEP with PEPFAR support had increased steadily in recent years, before this drop.
  • Also declining significantly was the number of adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) who completed the DREAMS package of prevention services in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (a drop of 86%, from 1.9 million to 253.4k), its lowest level over the period and less than a quarter of those served in the prior years analyzed. DREAMS had been a major PEPFAR initiative to address the drivers of high HIV incidence rates among AGYW, including gender-based violence, gender inequality, poverty, and inadequate access to education. These broader services are no longer being prioritized by PEPFAR.
  • Similarly, the number of children and family members served by the Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVC) program declined significantly in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (1.7 million compared to 6.5 million), falling to its lowest level in the last five years, and less than a quarter of those served in Q4 of 2022.
  • PEPFAR eliminated reporting on key and priority populations (those who were marginalized or faced particular barriers to HIV services, including men who have sex with men, people in prison, displaced persons or mobile communities, and others) reached with prevention and other interventions. Reporting on voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) was also eliminated.
Prevention: Individuals Newly on PrEP, FY 2021 - FY 2025 (Column Chart)

PEPFAR has also provided significant support to address HIV and TB co-infection, and risk of TB among those with HIV. These results were varied.

  • The number of individuals living with HIV who know their TB status slightly declined in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (199k compared to 208.7k) but was higher than prior years.
  • The number of individuals living with HIV and TB who are receiving ART declined considerably in FY 2025 Q4, compared to previous fiscal years, including a 33% drop compared to FY 2024 (138.9k compared to 208.1k).
  • Similarly, the number of individuals receiving ART who initiated TB prevention therapy declined in FY 2025 Q4 (467.7k compared to 823k), reaching its lowest level over the period and continuing a declining trend. The number for FY 2025 Q4 was a third of the number in FY 2021.
  • At the same time, the number of individuals receiving ART who initiated TB treatment increased in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4, to its highest level over the period.  
TB: People Living with HIV Who Know Their TB Status, FY 2021 - FY 2025 (Column Chart)

PEPFAR has, for many years, also worked to address the elevated risk of cervical cancer among women living with HIV. While screening for cervical cancer declined, the share receiving treatment for cervical cancer held steady.

  • The number of women living with HIV and receiving ART who were screened for cervical cancer declined in FY 2025 Q4 compared to FY 2024 Q4 (806.4K compared to 1.4 million), its lowest level over the period.
  • Of the women living with HIV and receiving ART and screened positive for cervical cancer, the share receiving treatment was only slightly below the prior period (89% in FY 2025 Q4 compared to 92% in FY 2024 Q4).
Cervical Cancer: Women on ART Screened for Cervical Cancer, FY 2021 - FY 2025 (Column Chart)
Select PEPFAR Indicators, FY 2021 - FY 2025 (Table)

Methods and Data Limitations

Data represent KFF and Boston University analysis of PEPFAR monitoring, evaluation and reporting (MER) datasets from the PEPFAR Panorama Spotlight for quarter 4 of fiscal years 2021-2025, with a particular focus on changes between FY 2024 and FY 2025 (all countries that reported data in FY 2024 Q4 also reported data in FY 2025 Q4). Data were accessed on April 17, 2026.   

Reporting for several indicators included in this analysis was changed from “required” to “optional” at some point for FY 2025 (current and prior reference guides for MER reporting can be found here). These indicators include:

  • Adolescent girls and young women completing DREAMS (AGYW_PREV)
  • Children and family members served by the OVC program (OVC_SERV)
  • Individuals with TB and HIV receiving ART (TB_ART)
  • Individuals on ART who initiated TB preventive therapy (TB_PREV)
  • Women on ART screened for cervical cancer (CXCA_SCRN)
  • Percentage of women on ART who screened positive for cervical cancer receiving treatment (CXCA_TX)

Because of these reporting requirement changes, declines in the data may reflect actual declines in services, or reduced reporting since participants are no longer required to track these metrics.

Jen Kates and Anna Rouw are with KFF. Allyala Nandakumar is with Boston University.


  1. One recent analysis, submitted for publication, attempts to address some of these issues by looking at reporting continuity across facilities over time. See, Honermann B, Grimsrud A, Lankiewicz E, Sherwood J, Millett G, The impact of the United States foreign aid freeze on HIV service delivery in PEPFAR-supported countries: a facility-level analysis of 2024–2025 programme data, https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.64898/2026.04.17.26351143v1. ↩︎
  2. The number of individuals on ART in FY 2025 Q4 in the publicly available dataset is 20.3 million. The State Department’s press release about the data cites 20.6 million people. ↩︎

Implementation of 2025 Reconciliation Law: Medicaid Managed Care Rate Setting Uncertainty & Potential Plan Exits

Published: Sep 21, 2026

Managed care is the dominant delivery system for Medicaid enrollees with over three-quarters of Medicaid beneficiaries nationally enrolled in comprehensive managed care organizations (MCOs), accounting for half of total Medicaid spending in FY 2024. The 2025 federal budget reconciliation law is expected to create managed care rate setting challenges for states as the Medicaid provisions impacting enrollment and spending, including program financing changes, work requirements, and more frequent eligibility redeterminations for expansion adults, are rolled out. These changes can create uncertainty about enrollment and acuity as states and their actuaries develop capitation rates. Amid this uncertainty, executives from Elevance Health said during a July earnings call that they were exiting DC’s Medicaid market and expect to exit additional markets. Since then, Louisiana announced an Elevance Health plan will exit at the end of 2026. While MCO entries and exits in specific states or markets are not uncommon, decisions by Elevance Health and the other large, multi-state parent firms about overall participation in Medicaid markets could have broad implications for states, enrollees, and providers, given their large share of national MCO enrollment. This policy watch examines recent and anticipated managed care rate setting challenges and the potential implications of MCO exits.

States and plans expect to face new rate setting challenges with implementation of the 2025 reconciliation law. MCOs are at financial risk for services covered under their contracts, receiving a per member per month “capitation” payment for these services. Capitation rates must be actuarially sound and are applied prospectively, typically for a 12-month rating period, regardless of changes in health care costs or utilization.  States may use a variety of risk mitigation tools to ensure payments are not too high or too low, including risk sharing arrangements, risk and acuity adjustments, medical loss ratios (MLR), or incentive and withhold arrangements. In KFF’s 2025 Medicaid budget survey, many states reported anticipating challenges with projecting the potential impacts of federal policy changes, including work requirements and more frequent eligibility redeterminations for expansion adults, which have implications for member enrollment and acuity (or health risk) on average. Provider tax and state directed payment caps and reductions are also expected to create managed care plan rate setting challenges.

These expected rate setting challenges follow a period of rate setting uncertainty that occurred as millions of people were disenrolled during the “unwinding” of the pandemic-era Medicaid continuous enrollment provision. Higher member risk and utilization patterns began to emerge by late 2023, and many states sought federal approval to adjust rates to address these shifts in FY 2024 and FY 2025. KFF analysis of National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC) data shows that the average medical loss ratio (percentage of premium revenue spent on medical care costs) for the Medicaid managed care market increased from 88% in 2023 to 91% in 2024, implying a potential decrease in profitability. This was the highest average MLR seen across health insurance markets (including group, individual, and Medicare Advantage) in 2024 and the highest average MLR observed for the Medicaid managed care market in the past decade.

Overall changes in acuity from work requirements are uncertain. During unwinding, plans experienced an increase in member acuity as enrollment declined and remaining enrollees had higher health care needs and costs. Some multi-state parent firms have indicated publicly on earnings calls that they do not expect acuity changes going forward to be as significant (as the shift that occurred during / post unwinding), in part, because work requirement and more frequent eligibility determination policies target expansion adults (and not all Medicaid populations).

Five for-profit, publicly traded companies – Centene, Elevance Health, UnitedHealth Group, Molina, and Aetna/CVS –account for nearly half of all Medicaid MCO enrollment (Figure 1). These firms have a wide geographic reach in Medicaid, each operating MCOs in 13 or more of the 42 MCO states.

Five For-Profit, Publicly Traded Companies Have Almost Half of the Medicaid MCO Market. (Donut Chart)

In July 2026, executives from Elevance Health said they expect to exit Medicaid markets over the next 12 to 18 months. During its second quarter 2026 earnings call, executives reported they are reviewing their overall Medicaid portfolio and will plan to exit markets “where the economics don't support sustainable performance.” Elevance executives did not identify the states/markets where the exits are expected to occur beyond DC, or how many enrollees could be affected. Elevance offers MCOs in 21 states (Figure 2). Its share of Medicaid MCO enrollment varies across states, ranging from 6% to 44% (as of July 2024). Medicaid members account for about 20% of the firm’s overall medical membership. Executives reported that while acuity shifts are moderating and rates are increasingly reflecting experience, utilization remains elevated compared to pre-pandemic levels. The firm expects its full-year 2026 Medicaid operating margin to be -1.75% (the percentage of revenue left over after paying operating costs) and to see incremental acuity pressure in 2027.

Elevance Health Has MCOs in 21 States. (Choropleth map)

Wellpoint DC (an Elevance subsidiary) exited DC’s Medicaid program effective August 1, 2026, following a “mutual agreement” with the DC Department of Health Care Finance.  (Wellpoint DC (formerly Amerigroup) was awarded its most recent DC Medicaid MCO contract in 2022 following a contested procurement process.) The contract, which began in April 2023, was scheduled to run through January 2028. In September 2026, the Louisiana Department of Health announced that Elevance’s Healthy Blue plan will exit the state’s Medicaid program after its contract expires at the end of 2026.

The other large for-profit parent firms (Centene, Molina, UnitedHealth, and CVS) did not discuss planning to exit Medicaid markets during their public Q2 2026 earnings calls. However, Centene reportedly plans to exit Arkansas’ Medicaid expansion program in 2027, which uses Medicaid funds to purchase Marketplace coverage, citing current funding challenges.

Managed care plan exits could lead to short-term administrative burden for providers and care disruptions for enrollees. For providers, plan transitions may create additional administrative burden at a time when many may also be helping enrollees navigate new eligibility requirements. Plan transitions may also cause disruptions in care for enrollees if their providers are now out-of-network or they need to obtain new prior authorizations. Disruptions may have more severe consequences for certain populations, such as enrollees who are pregnant or those in the middle of a course of treatment. Federal rules include requirements related to managed care enrollment processes and continuity of care. States can also set requirements for plan transitions through managed care contracts. For example, states can require exiting plans to provide notice of the exit within specified timeframes and to transfer data to the state and the plans receiving their enrollees. States can also set requirements for the receiving plans such as honoring prior authorizations granted by an enrollee’s previous plan and allowing enrollees to see out-of-network providers for a certain period after the transition.

Managed care plan exits could also have longer-term effects on the market.  For example, plan exits could result in higher quality of care in the market if lower performing plans exit. At the same time, fewer plans in an (already concentrated) market could reduce competition which could have negative effects on cost, quality, and/or access. State procurement policies and program design can be used to help promote competition and quality in the market by influencing the number and mix of plans in a state.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Overview of Health Coverage and Care for Individuals with Limited English Proficiency (LEP)

Published: Sep 21, 2026

Introduction

As of 2024, approximately 28.5 million people in the United States ages five and older have limited English proficiency (LEP). The federal government defines people with LEP as those who do not speak English as their primary language and who have a limited ability to read, write, speak, or understand English (also described as speaking English “less than very well”). Individuals with LEP disproportionately experience gaps in health insurance coverage and poor health outcomes, in part, due to language access barriers. Because people of color are more likely than White people to have LEP, these barriers can also exacerbate racial and ethnic disparities in health and health care.

This brief provides an overview of individuals ages five and older who have LEP and their health coverage based on KFF analysis of the 2024 American Community Survey (ACS) data. It also incorporates data on health and access to health care for adults with LEP from the 2023 KFF Survey on Racism, Discrimination, and Health. For this analysis, individuals with LEP are identified as those who are ages five or older who report speaking a language other than English at home and speaking English less than “very well.” Key takeaways include:

  • People with LEP are a large and growing population who are disproportionately likely to be Hispanic or Asian and largely concentrated in a handful of states. The number of people ages five and older with LEP in the U.S. has grown from 25.7 million or 8% of the population as of 2021 to 28.5 million or 9% of the population as of 2024. Most individuals with LEP are Hispanic or Asian, with Hispanic people accounting for nearly two thirds (62%) of the population with LEP and Asian people accounting for about one in five (21%) of people with LEP. More than half of people with LEP live in just four states: California (23%), Texas (13%), Florida (11%), and New York (9%).
  • Individuals with LEP are more than three times as likely to be uninsured as people who are English proficient (23% vs. 7%). This higher uninsured rate is driven by a lower rate of private coverage, likely reflecting that people with LEP are disproportionately employed in jobs and industries less likely to offer health coverage and may face challenges affording it when it is available. Medicaid coverage helps fill this gap in private coverage but does not fully offset the difference.
  • Adults with LEP report worse access to care and health outcomes than those who are English proficient. Adults with LEP are less likely than English proficient adults to say they had a health care visit in the past three years (86% vs. 95%) and are less likely to have a usual source of care other than the emergency room (74% vs. 88%). Additionally, about a third (34%) of adults with LEP describe their physical health as “fair” or “poor” compared to about one in five (19%) English proficient adults. Language barriers can make it difficult for people with LEP to access and navigate the health care system. For example, they may face difficulty understanding eligibility rules, completing applications, scheduling appointments, filling out provider forms, communicating with medical office staff, or understanding care or medication instructions.
  • Federal policy changes will likely make it harder for people with LEP to access health coverage and care. The Trump Administration designated English as the official language of the U.S., which may reduce availability of language access services. People with LEP may also face challenges navigating new Medicaid requirements  under the 2025 reconciliation law, including work requirements and more frequent redeterminations, particularly if outreach and communications are not available in their language. People with LEP who are lawfully present immigrants may face compounding challenges associated with reduced eligibility for coverage under the same law and increased immigration-related fears in the current environment.Amid these challenges, key protections remain in place for people with LEP. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act and Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act prohibit discrimination against people based on their national origin, including their ability to communicate in English, and require many health care entities, including Medicaid agencies, to provide meaningful access to people with LEP.

Overview of People With LEP

As of 2024, 28.5 million, or nearly one in ten (9%) people ages five or older living in the United States had LEP, up from 25.7 million, or 8%, in 2021. Most people with LEP are Hispanic and Spanish speaking. Hispanic people account for over six in ten (62%) people with LEP, and Asian people account for about one in five (21%), with other racial and ethnic groups accounting for smaller shares (Figure 1). Reflecting the racial and ethnic distribution of this population, Spanish is the primary language spoken among people with LEP (63%), followed by Chinese (7%), Vietnamese (3%), Tagalog (2%), and Arabic (2%).

Hispanic People Account for Over Six in Ten People with Limited English Proficiency (Pie Chart)

While people with LEP live across the country, more than half (56%) live in four states: California (23%), Texas (13%), Florida (11%), and New York (9%) (Figure 2). The remaining 44% of the population is spread across the rest of the country.

More Than Half of People with Limited English Proficiency Live in Just Four States (Pie Chart)

Asian and Hispanic adults have the highest rates of LEP across racial and ethnic groups. About three in ten Asian (30%) and Hispanic (29%) people have LEP, while rates are lower for Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (NHPI) (11%), Black (3%), American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) (3%), and White people (2%).

Three in Ten Asian and Hispanic People Have Limited English Proficiency (Stacked Bars)

Noncitizen immigrants are more likely than citizens to report having LEP. Nearly six in ten (59%) noncitizen immigrants have LEP compared to over a third (37%) of naturalized citizens and just 2% of U.S.- born citizens (Figure 4).

Noncitizens Are More Likely Than Citizens to Have Limited English Proficiency (Stacked Bars)

LEP is also more common among people with lower household incomes. Over one in ten (13%) of individuals in households with an annual income below $40,000 have LEP compared to 7% in households with an annual income of $90,000 or more (Figure 5).

People in Lower Income Households are More Likely to Have Limited English Proficiency than Those in Higher Income Households (Stacked Bars)

The share of people with LEP varies widely across states, from less than 1% in West Virginia to 18% in California. Other states with relatively high rates of people with LEP include New York (15%), New Jersey (14%), Florida (14%), Texas (13%), Nevada (12%), Hawaii (11%), and Massachusetts (10%) (Figure 6). This pattern likely reflects the high shares of Hispanic and Asian people and immigrants residing in those states.

The Share of People with Limited English Proficiency Varies Widely by State (Choropleth map)

Health Coverage Among People with LEP

Individuals with LEP are more than three times as likely to be uninsured as English proficient individuals (23% vs. 7%). This higher uninsured rate is driven by a lower rate of private coverage. Just over a third (37%) of people with LEP have private coverage, compared to nearly six in ten (57%) English proficient individuals, a gap that likely reflects a disproportionate share of people with LEP working in lower income jobs and industries that are less likely to offer employer-sponsored coverage. While Medicaid coverage helps offset some of this gap, it does not fully close it, leaving people with LEP more likely to be uninsured than those who are English proficient (Figure 7).

People with Limited English Proficiency Are More Than Three Times as Likely to Be Uninsured as English Proficient Individuals (Stacked Bars)

Among people with LEP, Hispanic (31%) and Black people (19%) have higher uninsured rates than their White counterparts (12%) (Figure 8). In contrast, Asian people with LEP have the highest rate of private coverage (50%) and the lowest uninsured rate (7%) across racial and ethnic groups. These racial and ethnic patterns are consistent with patterns among the broader population and likely reflect a variety of factors, including differences in access to private coverage, income, and citizenship status.

Among People with Limited English Proficiency, Hispanic And Black People Have the Highest Uninsured Rates (Stacked Bars)

Challenges and Barriers to Care for People with LEP

Adults with LEP report more limited access to and use of care and worse health outcomes than their English proficient counterparts. KFF survey data from 2023 show that adults with LEP are less likely than those who are English proficient to have had a health care visit in the past three years (86% vs. 95%) and less likely to have a usual source of care other than the emergency room (74% vs. 88%). Additionally, over one in three (34%) of adults with LEP report their physical health as fair or poor compared to 19% of their English proficient counterparts (Figure 9).Other research also shows that people with LEP experience worse access to care and health outcomes than those who are English proficient. A 2024 review found that people with LEP are less likely to access ambulatory care, hospitalization, cancer screening, chronic care management, and general health care. Having LEP is associated with lower use of preventative health care and with health behaviors linked to chronic disease. Beyond utilization, a 2025 review of cardiovascular disease found that patients with LEP and heart failure were more likely to have higher rates of hospital readmission and emergency care than English proficient patients with heart failure. Having LEP is also associated with lower rates of cancer screening.

People with Limited English Proficiency Report Worse Health and Less Access to Care (Split Bars)

Language barriers can make it difficult for people with LEP to enroll in health coverage even if they are eligible. Enrolling in health coverage requires understanding plan options, eligibility rules, and application processes, which can be challenging without translation options. A 2022 KFF analysis of state Medicaid websites found that 39 of 50 states offered a translated Medicaid PDF application online, but only 13 of those states offered a translation in a language other than Spanish, leaving most people with LEP who speak other languages with no in-language option. Call centers, often a primary resource for enrollees, showed similar gaps. While 40 states offered assistance in another language, 31 only offered it in Spanish. Gaps in language access can also make it more difficult for people to stay enrolled in coverage even if they are eligible. For example, among Medicaid enrollees in Illinois, individuals with LEP were over five times more likely than English proficient enrollees to be disenrolled, with 85% reporting they needed help reading their renewal notice, and 94% saying they needed help completing the enrollment form.

Beyond enrollment in health coverage, language barriers can create challenges to accessing care. KFF 2023 survey data show that about half (50%) of adults with LEP said they encountered at least one language barrier in a health care setting in the past three years, including difficulty filling out forms for a provider (34%), communicating with medical office staff (33%), understanding a provider’s instructions (30%), filling a prescription or understanding how to use it (27%), or scheduling a medical appointment (25%) (Figure 10). Language barriers also shape the quality of care people receive. For example, adults with LEP are less likely than English proficient adults to report that their provider explained things in a way they could understand (81% vs. 89%), spent enough time with them during visits (68% vs. 76%), and involved them in decision making about their care (63% vs. 82%).

About Half of Adults with Limited English Proficiency Report Encountering at Least One Language Barrier in a Health Care Setting (Bar Chart)

Having access to providers who speak a preferred language helps reduce barriers and improve health care experiences for people with LEP. KFF 2023 survey data show that adults with LEP who reported having at least half of their visits with a language concordant provider were less likely to experience a language barrier (40% vs. 60%).  They were also more likely to report their provider understood and respected their cultural values (87% vs. 76%) and more likely to report their provider asked about their social needs, like housing, food, or transportation, than their counterparts who had fewer than half of their visits with a language concordant provider (29% vs. 15%) (Figure 11).

Patients with Limited English Proficiency Who Have More Visits with Language Concordant Providers Report Better Health Care Experiences (Grouped Bars)

Federal policy changes will likely make it harder for people with LEP to access health coverage and care. The Trump Administration designated English as the official language of the U.S., which may lead to a reduction in availability in language access services. Additionally, people with LEP may face challenges navigating new Medicaid requirements that will be implemented under the 2025 reconciliation law, including work requirements and more frequent eligibility redeterminations, particularly if outreach and communications are not available in their language. People with LEP who are lawfully present immigrants may also face compounding challenges associated with reduced eligibility for coverage under the 2025 reconciliation law and increased immigration-related fears in the current environment. Amid these challenges, key protections remain in place for people with LEP. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act and Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act prohibit discrimination against people based on their national origin, including their ability to communicate in English. Under these laws, certain entities, including Medicaid agencies and health care providers, must take reasonable steps to provide meaningful access to applicants and enrollees with LEP. However, the Trump Administration issued new regulations eliminating disparate impact, a discriminatory effect without intentional discrimination, as a basis for claims under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which may limit enforcement under this avenue, though Section 1557 requirements remain in place.

State Profiles for Women’s Health

  • Abortion Policies: State gestational limits, waiting periods & ultrasound requirements, insurance coverage and medication abortion restrictions
  • Abortion Data: Share of abortions by age, gestational age and method type
  • Maternal and Infant Health: Data on births by race/ethnicity, teen birth rates, preterm and low weight births, and maternal and infant mortality
  • Demographics: Age distribution, race/ethnicity, poverty level
  • Coverage: Health insurance coverage, ACA Medicaid expansion, Medicaid eligibility levels, Medicaid family planning programs, coverage policies on contraception and fertility care
  • Access and Utilization: Rates of cancer screenings, HPV vaccination, provider visits
  • Health Status: Rates of breast and cervical cancer by race/ethnicity, physical and mental health status, chronic conditions, pre-existing conditions
  • Sexual Health: Data on rates of STIs, HIV infections, cervical cancer screening and incidence