COVID-19 Long-Term Care Deaths and Cases Are at An All-Time Low, Though A Rise In LTC Cases In A Few States May Be Cause for Concern

Authors: Priya Chidambaram and Rachel Garfield
Published: Apr 22, 2021

Data Note

Since December 2020, the US has fully vaccinated over 1.4 million residents in long-term care facilities (LTCF) and over 1 million LTCF staff. Since then, weekly deaths in nursing homes have continued to fall, much of which has been attributed to the high rates of vaccination among nursing home residents. LTCFs include a range of facilities, including nursing homes, assisted living facilities, and other congregate care facilities for people with disabilities or older adults. This data note looks at state-reported LTCF data from 41 states plus Washington DC to assess what has happened to new deaths and cases in LTCFs in the four months since vaccinations began on December 21st, 2020. We also examine how recent changes in deaths and cases in LTCFs have shifted the nature of the pandemic outside of LTCFs. Data in this analysis is as of the week of April 11th, 2021. See methods for more details.

COVID-19 Deaths in Long-Term Care Facilities

Table 1: COVID-19 Deaths in Long-Term Care Facilities

Of the 39 states (38 states plus DC) for which we can trend COVID-19 deaths in LTCFs, 21 states reported an all-time low death rate in April 2021. Five states reported zero LTCF deaths per 100,000 state residents in April 2021, a rounded value that represents a very small number of LTCF deaths in those states (Table 1 and Appendix Table 1). Across all states analyzed, LTCF deaths per 100,000 state residents hit an all-time low of 0.2 deaths per 100,000 state residents in April 2021, a steep decrease from the peak of 2.8 deaths per 100,000 US residents in April 2020 and a rate of 1.9 per 100,000 as vaccinations were being rolled out in January 2021. California, Colorado, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Montana reported zero LTCF deaths per 100,000 state residents in April 2021. This is a rounded value that represents a small number of LTCF deaths in those states. Of the 17 states that did not report the lowest number of LTCFs deaths per 100,000 in April 2021 over the course of the pandemic, 13 reported the lowest rate in April since vaccinations began in December 2020. These 17 states reported an average rate of 2.1 deaths per 100,000 in January 2021, which declined to 0.3 deaths per 100,000 in April 2021. See Appendix Table 1 for detailed data.

Since vaccinations began in mid-December 2020, the number of COVID-19 deaths in LTCFs across all states in this analysis has declined by 89% as of April 2021, from 1.7 deaths per 100,000 state residents to 0.2 deaths per 100,000 state residents (Table 1 and Appendix Table 1). Percent decline is calculated by taking the difference between average weekly deaths in December 2020 and average weekly deaths in April 2021 and dividing that difference by the average weekly deaths in December 2020.  Among the 39 states for which we can trend COVID-19 deaths between December 2020 and April 2021, 38 states reported a decline in deaths per 100,000 state residents, ranging from a decline of 68% in Virginia to 100% in Kentucky, with an average drop of 84%. Iowa was the only state that reported higher average weekly LTCF deaths in April 2021 than December 2020 (24% increase). It is possible that this number reflects unknown reporting changes or data reconciliation, especially because the trend in Iowa has been unstable, with increases and decreases reported since October 2020. Notably, Iowa’s LTCF deaths per 100,000 was lower in April 2021 than January and February 2021.

Both nationally and in most states, the share of deaths attributed to LTCFs has dropped since the start of vaccinations in December 2020 (Table 1), indicating a faster decline in death rates in LTCFs than in the community. To a large extent, deaths due to COVID-19 have been concentrated in LTCFs throughout the pandemic.  Previous analysis indicates that the share of COVID-19 deaths attributed to LTCFs peaked in June 2020, when about 49% of all COVID-19 deaths in the US were in LTCFs. Since then, the share of deaths attributed to LTCFs dropped slowly to 42% for the week of December 20th, 2020, when LTCF residents began receiving vaccines. By mid-April, 2021, LTCFs accounted for 34% of total, cumulative COVID-19 deaths, an eight-percentage point drop since the start of vaccinations. This pattern held in most states. However, four states reported a higher share of deaths in LTCFs in April 2021 compared to December 2020 (CO, IN, OK, OR). Increases in these states were modest, ranging from one to four percentage points, reflecting a slightly faster decrease in community deaths than LTCF deaths.

COVID-19 Cases in Long-Term Care Facilities

Table 2: COVID-19 Cases in Long-Term Care Facilities

Similar to LTCF deaths, average new weekly cases in LTCFs hit an all-time low in April 2021, with two states (Kansas and Mississippi) reporting zero new LTCF cases per 100,000 state residents that month (Table 2 and Appendix Table 2). Across the 39 states (38 states plus DC) included in this analysis, average new weekly cases in LTCFs were just 1.6 per 100,000 in April 2021, compared to a peak of 20.3 in December 2020. Of the 39 states, 28 states reported the lowest average weekly new case rate in April 2021 since the start of the pandemic. Of the remaining 11 states, 3 reported the lowest average weekly rate in April 2021 since vaccinations began in December 2020. See Appendix Table 2 for detailed data.

New cases in LTCFs dropped by 92% between December 2020 and April 2021, a pattern that is reflected in state-level data as well (Table 2 and Appendix Table 2). Nearly all states (36 of 39 states) included in the analysis reported a greater than 80% drop in LTCF cases in this time period. The remaining three states reported a drop of greater than 50%.

Reflecting a potentially troubling trend of increasing community spread, eight states reported increases in LTCF cases from March to April 2021 (Table 2 and Appendix Table 2). These increases ranged from a 6% increase in New Hampshire to over 150% in Connecticut and Michigan. The other five states that saw increases from March to April 2021 were Idaho (9%), Louisiana (31%), New Jersey (36%), Ohio (78%), and Alabama (81%). These increases may be a result of increased cases in the state overall, which has been attributed to rising infections among younger people due to “pandemic fatigue” and the rise of the B.1.1.7 variant. Research suggests a strong connection between increased cases in the community and increased cases in LTCFs. None of the states reported both an increase in LTCF cases and deaths between March and April 2021, so it remains to be seen whether these increased LTCF cases will lead to increased LTCF deaths.

Methods 

This analysis is based on data as of the week of April 11th, 2021 from 41 states plus Washington DC, for a total of 42 states. The remaining nine states were excluded because they do not directly report data on cases and deaths in long-term care facilities, their data is sourced from sporadically released media reports, or there were data quality or availability issues in trending data over time.

For example, some states have periodically reconciled their data, leading to large jumps that reflect reporting and data quality rather than actual cases or deaths.

Within the 42 states included in this analysis, we were able to trend long-term care cases in 38 states plus DC and deaths in 38 states plus DC. We included states for which we could reliably trend at least six months of data, using the earliest reliable period reported in the state as the starting point for that state’s trend.

States vary in which facilities they include in LTCF reporting and whether they include residents and staff in case and death counts. For all states, we trended the subset of facilities and populations that provide the longest reliable trend line. For example, our data for Delaware excludes staff cases because that data was not reported consistently; in Michigan, this analysis excludes cases and deaths in Adult Foster Care facilities since these cases and deaths were only added for recent weeks. For this reason, this analysis should not be used to identify state-level or national data on total long-term care cases and deaths. The most recent data on total cases and deaths in long-term care facilities can be located here. See below for details on how each indicator in the Tables and Appendix were calculated.

Average Weekly Long-Term Care Deaths/Cases Per 100,000 State Residents:

These data represent trends in long-term care deaths and cases in states overtime in the context of total state population. Total state population data is from 2019 estimates from the US Census Bureau. The first week of available long-term care data for each state was not included in this analysis since the first week of data does not reflect a single week of deaths and cases, but rather all deaths and cases that have occurred up to that point. New deaths and cases were calculated for each week thereafter, and then averaged for all of the weeks within the month. Weeks where states reported large increases or any decreases due to reporting changes or data reconciliation were not included in the calculations of monthly averages. These average new deaths and cases were converted to represent deaths and cases per 100,000 state residents to allow for easier comparison across states. Totals for each table were calculated by dividing total new deaths and new cases per month by the total state populations for the states represented in each month of data and converting values to represent totals per 100,000 state residents.

Change in Average Weekly LTCF Deaths/Cases Per 100,000 State Residents Since December 2020:

The change in LTCF deaths and cases per 100,000 state residents since December 2020 was calculated by taking the difference between the new LTCF deaths/cases in April 2021 and December 2020.

Percent Change In LTCF Deaths/Cases Since December 2020:

Percent change is calculated by taking the difference between average weekly deaths in December 2020 and average weekly deaths in April 2021 and dividing that difference by the average weekly deaths in December 2020.

Percentage Point Change in Share of COVID-19 Deaths Attributed to LTCFs Since December 2020:

This value was calculated by calculating the share of deaths attributed to long-term care facilities the week of December 20th, 2020 and subtracting this from the share of deaths attributed to long-term care facilities the week of April 11th, 2021. Shares of deaths were calculated by dividing total long-term care COVID-19 deaths by total COVID-19 deaths in the state at that time. Total deaths for each time period was pulled from KFF COVID tracker. This indicator is not calculated for Iowa, New York, Ohio, or Wisconsin since those states had major increases or decreases in reported deaths after December 20th, 2020. Any changes in the share of deaths between December 2020 and April 2021 would have been impacted by these major reporting changes and would not have accurately reflected the pandemic’s evolving impact on long-term care facilities.

This analysis relies on state-reported data instead of federal data since federal data does not include non-nursing home settings. COVID-19 has disproportionately impacted all types of long-term care settings, such as assisted living facilities and group homes. Thus, the state-reported data is more likely to capture the full burden of deaths in long-term care facilities. Additionally, federal data cannot be trended from March-May 2020, and therefore misses early months of the pandemic when there were outbreaks in LTCFs.

Appendix

News Release

What Are Some Policy Options for Reaching the 2.2 Million Uninsured People in the ACA’s “Coverage Gap”?

Published: Apr 22, 2021

A new KFF issue brief explores several potential policy options that would help close the Affordable Care Act’s “coverage gap,” including providing further new incentives for states to expand Medicaid, creating a new “public option” or extending ACA Marketplace premium subsidies to low-income people who don’t currently qualify for federal help.

At stake is affordable health coverage for 2.2 million uninsured people with incomes below the federal poverty level ($12,880 annually for an individual in 2021), who currently do not qualify for either their state’s Medicaid program or federal premium subsidies in the ACA marketplace. As of April 2021, 12 states have not adopted the ACA’s Medicaid expansion to provide coverage to adults with incomes through 138% of poverty.

President Biden proposed the public option approach during the 2020 campaign and is expected to soon release his American Families Plan proposal that could include a provision to address the coverage gap.

The KFF brief also explores the challenges and budgetary cost considerations of the potential options to expand coverage, all of which are likely to increase federal spending and could require offsets through other proposals that produce savings.

A previously released analysis of the coverage gap is also available.

Filling the Coverage Gap: Policy Options and Considerations

Authors: Robin Rudowitz, Rachel Garfield, and Larry Levitt
Published: Apr 22, 2021

As of April 2021, 12 states have not adopted the Affordable Care Act (ACA) provision to expand Medicaid to adults with incomes through 138% of poverty. In these states, 2.2 million uninsured people with incomes under poverty fall in the “coverage gap” and do not qualify for either Medicaid or premium subsidies in the ACA marketplace (See Appendix Table).  An additional 1.8 million uninsured adults in these states are currently eligible for marketplace coverage (because their incomes are between 100% and 138% of poverty level) but would be eligible for Medicaid if their state expanded.

The federal government covers 90% of the cost of Medicaid coverage for adults covered through the ACA expansion, a higher share than it does for other Medicaid enrollees. The American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) enacted in March 2021 includes an additional temporary fiscal incentive for states to newly implement the ACA Medicaid expansion, and KFF analysis shows that all non-expansion states would actually save money for two years by newly expanding.  The incentive would be available for two years following expansion, but there is no time limit for states to take up the option.  It is unclear which states, if any, may take advantage of the new option, which has prompted discussion about whether further steps could be taken to guarantee coverage to people in the gap in President Biden’s forthcoming American Families Plan.

President Biden proposed during the campaign that a public option insurance plan would be broadly available and automatically enroll people in the coverage gap, but such a plan would be difficult to pass in a closely divided Congress. This issue brief examines some of the other options policymakers may consider to extend coverage to people in the gap, including  increased fiscal incentives for states, a narrower public option, and making people with incomes below the poverty level eligible for enhanced ACA premium subsidies.

What are leading options to provide coverage for people in the coverage gap?

Add More Financial Incentives for Medicaid Expansion

Additional incentives for non-expansion states generally include increases to the expansion match rate or other broader fiscal incentives for expansion states.  In addition to the APRA, which included a two-year, 5-percentage point increase in the federal matching rate for traditional (non-ACA) enrollees, policies could increase the expansion match rate.  For example, the policy could allow new expansion states to receive the three years of 100% federal matching dollars, as was available to states that had implemented in 2014, or could increase the current expansion match rate (e.g., to 95%) more broadly to all expansion states (new and current expansion states).  Alternatively, policies could provide additional financial incentives for all expansion states that increase the opportunity cost of not expanding (e.g., an increase in the traditional match rate) or could create financial disincentives to not expanding (e.g., a decrease in the traditional match rate or limits on disproportionate share hospital payments (DSH) or uncompensated pool funds).

Policies to encourage non-expansion states to cover people in the coverage gap build on the existing Medicaid infrastructure in those states.  As with other states that have adopted the expansion, expansion builds on existing Medicaid provider networks, health plans, and eligibility systems, as well as existing mechanisms to draw down federal funds for coverage. Coverage offered through Medicaid is designed to be affordable for people with low incomes. Medicaid generally prohibits premiums and deductibles and limits cost-sharing to nominal amounts, which differs from coverage provided in the Marketplace or other coverage.  In addition, there is no open enrollment period for Medicaid, so individuals can enroll at any time, and eligibility is based on monthly income (not projected annual income). Individuals are eligible for Medicaid even if they have an offer of employer coverage, and unlike marketplace coverage, there is no reconciliation at the end of the year to align benefits with actual income.

These options still rely on state action to adopt the expansion.  There are already substantial financial incentives for states to expand Medicaid under the ACA; some states have not acted on them largely due to politics or ideology, so it is unclear if additional incentives will impel them to act. Providing additional funding that would benefit only non-expansion states could also create equity issues in federal funds flowing to states that already expanded. For some policies, the legal limits of the federal government’s ability to leverage Medicaid funds to states as an incentive to adopt the ACA expansion is unclear.

Create a Broad or Narrow Public Option

Instead of relying on Medicaid, federal policy makers could create a new public option that would be available broadly or more narrowly targeted for the people in the coverage gap.  President Biden campaigned on a “public option,” a new federal public health insurance option, that would be available to all people eligible for marketplace coverage, people with employer coverage, and people who would otherwise be eligible for Medicaid in non-expansion states. For the last group (the coverage gap population), enrollment would be automatic, fully funded by the federal government, premium-free and provide the full scope of Medicaid benefits. Under the Biden campaign proposal, states that have expanded could move Medicaid expansion enrollees into the public option, with a maintenance-of-effort payment from the states.  Instead of a broad public option, a narrower option to provide coverage specifically for people in the coverage gap could be developed.

A public option would not depend on states to expand coverage and could be tailored to people with low incomes, but creating a new federal coverage option presents some political, administrative and implementation challenges.  Creating a broad or narrow public option would require an infrastructure to set up and administer a new federal health insurance program.  For example, it requires resources to set up the plan, set rates, administer or contract with plans to administer benefits, and establish and conduct eligibility and enrollment processes.  Even if the new public option plan were administered in conjunction with an existing federal health program (such as Medicare or the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program), there would be a number of design choices, such as whether and how the public option would conform with state insurance regulations; set payment rates for providers and prices for prescription drugs; and enroll providers or contract with health plans.  Different choices would have implications for costs, access, and affordability.  A broad public option has the potential to deliver coverage at a lower cost than in private insurance by restraining health care prices, but that would also be strongly opposed by the health care industry.

Setting up a narrow public option plan targeted to cover 2.2 million nationwide would still require many policy design choices and could be administratively complex, especially for a relatively small population nationwide. The guarantee of coverage for people with incomes below poverty at full federal cost would almost certainly mean that none of the current non-expansion states would choose to expand in the future. While a maintenance of effort requirement on current expansion states could theoretically prevent current expansion states from dropping the Medicaid expansion and shifting costs to the federal government, such a requirement could be difficult to sustain politically and could face legal challenges. This inequity across states could potentially be addressed through fiscal carrots provided to expansion states, but that would also increase federal costs. Given the limited scope of coverage, a narrow public option would likely be less disruptive to the health care industry than a broad public option.

Expand Eligibility for Marketplace Premium Subsidies

Policy makers could consider an option to extend financial assistance for coverage by extending Marketplace premium subsidies to people in the coverage gap.  Under current law, individuals below poverty are generally not eligible for premium subsidies to purchase coverage in the ACA marketplace, with the only exception being authorized immigrants who are ineligible for Medicaid because they have been in the U.S. fewer than five years.  One approach to covering people in the coverage gap would be to make them eligible for marketplace premium subsidies. Under the American Rescue Plan – which enhanced ACA premium subsidies for two years – people with incomes below 150% of the poverty level are eligible for a 100% premium subsidy for the second lowest cost silver plan. They are also eligible for cost-sharing reductions that provide them with coverage that has an actuarial value of 94%. This means that, on average, they are responsible for deductibles and copays equal to 6% of their health spending. The average deductible in these reduced cost-sharing plans in 2021 is $149, with an average out-of-pocket limit of $1,189. A policy to cover people in the coverage gap could reduce cost-sharing further for people with income below poverty, comparable to the nominal cost-sharing in Medicaid.  It also would be theoretically possible to provide wrap-around benefits for services like nonemergency medical transportation (NEMT) that are covered by Medicaid but not covered in the Marketplace, but there is currently no mechanism for doing so.

Similar to other options, expansion of marketplace subsidies does not depend on state action, but there a number of design challenges for policy makers to consider.  A policy to extend marketplace subsidies would expand coverage by building on the existing marketplace structure, which would reduce administrative complexity and could be accomplished relatively quickly and easily. However, there could be some challenges to this structure for people below poverty, depending on how the policy is designed, which would take time to implement.

Unless further cost-sharing reductions and benefit enhancements were included, marketplace plans would have significantly higher cost-sharing and less comprehensive benefits than Medicaid.  While provider networks in Medicaid may be more limited than typical employer insurance plans, in some parts of the country the networks in marketplace plans can be even more restrictive. As an entitlement program, Medicaid provides beneficiaries with broader legal protections for accessing care than enrollees in private insurance plans. Unlike Medicaid, eligibility for marketplace premium subsidies is reconciled for the year after the fact based on actual income. Such a reconciliation could be waived for people with incomes below poverty – including the need to file a tax return — but eligibility still requires estimating annual income rather than current income as in Medicaid.

There is some precedent for providing coverage to Medicaid enrollees through the marketplace.  For example, in Arkansas, the state buys marketplace coverage for Medicaid expansion enrollees; the state also pays the premium and other cost sharing amounts and provides wrap around coverage.  Extending marketplace subsidies to people in the coverage gap raises all of the same potential inequities across states as a public option.

What are the cost considerations for these options?

All options to expand coverage are likely to increase federal spending and could require offsets through other proposals that produce savings. In addition to the specific structure of the policy, cost considerations include:

Distribution of state and federal costs: Cost for Medicaid are shared by states and the federal government, while costs for marketplace subsidies and a public option would be borne entirely by the federal government (and the individual covered, for any premiums or out of pocket costs).  Thus, policies that rely on Medicaid may cost less to the federal government, depending on how much of a fiscal incentive might be provided to non-expansion states to encourage them to expand, as well as to current expansion states.

Relative costs of Medicaid versus private coverage: In addition, Medicaid costs per person may be lower than private insurance primarily due to provider payment rates.  Coverage costs (for both Medicaid and marketplace coverage) may also vary by state as health care costs and markets vary. For example, premiums in marketplace plans tend to be higher in rural areas with little competition among hospital and plans.  The federal government may also face costs if a new option creates an incentive for a current expansion state to drop coverage, leading the federal government to lose the state share of financing. For coverage options that use a new public option, the difference between Medicare rates and private coverage or Medicaid coverage is also a factor.

Enrollment: Lastly, government costs depend in large part on take-up and enrollment in the new option. If there are no adjustments for higher out of pocket costs, enrollment in coverage options through the marketplace could be relatively lower than other approaches.  Additionally, enrollment likely depends on outreach, if open enrollment periods apply to the group that could be eligible for Medicaid, and how incomes is counted (monthly or over the course of the year).

What to watch?

Existing and new research continue to show that expanding eligibility for health coverage to people with low incomes reduces the uninsured rate, improves access to and utilization of care, reduces uncompensated care costs, improves affordability of care, and reduces racial and ethnic disparities in coverage.  The pandemic has highlighted the importance of access to coverage and challenges with accessing care for uninsured people.  President Biden is expected to release the American Families Plan in the near future, which may include proposals to address coverage for people in the coverage gap.  Congress may also consider proposals as part of a budget reconciliation bill.  In the meantime, some states may move forward with expansion efforts and take advantage of existing incentives under the ARPA, and there are efforts to get expansion on the ballot in Mississippi and South Dakota and other states considering expansion in their legislative sessions. Understanding the tradeoffs that different approaches have for government cost, administrative feasibility, and affordability for low-income people will be helpful in assessing policies as details of specific proposals are released. While alternative approaches to Medicaid expansion could be more expensive for the federal government and offer fewer protections for beneficiaries, they could also guarantee coverage for low-income people now in states that may not choose to expand for many years or at all.

Appendix Table

Uninsured Adults in Non-Expansion States Who Would Be Eligible forMedicaid if Their States Expanded, by Current Eligibility for Coverage, 2019 
StateIn the Coverage Gap May Be Eligible for Marketplace Coverage 
(<100% FPL)(100%-138% FPL**)
All States Not Expanding Medicaid2,188,0001,800,000
Alabama127,00077,000
Florida415,000375,000
Georgia269,000184,000
Kansas45,00037,000
Mississippi102,00064,000
North Carolina212,000161,000
South Carolina105,00084,000
South Dakota16,00011,000
Tennessee118,000108,000
Texas771,000662,000
Wisconsin*030,000
Wyoming7,0008,000
NOTES: * Wisconsin provides Medicaid eligibility to adults up the poverty level under a Medicaid waiver. As a result, there is no one in the coverage gap in Wisconsin. ** The “100%-138% FPL” category presented here uses a Marketplace eligibility determination for the lower bound (100% FPL) and a Medicaid eligibility determination for the upper bound (138% FPL) in order to appropriately isolate individuals within the range of potential Medicaid expansions but also with sufficient resources to avoid the coverage gap.
SOURCE: KFF analysis based on 2020 Medicaid eligibility levels and 2019 American Community Survey.

Most Common Challenge for Community Health Centers Has Shifted from Vaccine Supply to Staffing Needed to Meet Demand

Authors: Bradley Corallo, Jennifer Tolbert, Chelsea Rice, and Hanna Dingel
Published: Apr 22, 2021

Community health centers are a national network of safety net primary care providers and are a major source of care for many low-income populations and people of color. They have partnered with state and local governments, and more recently, the federal government, to provide vaccines in their communities.

Recent data show that health centers are less likely than in the past to report vaccine supply as the most common challenge in deploying the COVID-19 vaccines, while they are more likely to report staffing challenges. In January 2021, as many as two-thirds of health centers (67%) reported that vaccine supply was a challenge in administering the vaccine, but that number began steadily declining in late February. By early April, it had dropped to 21% of health centers. Meanwhile, staffing is a growing challenge and has become the most commonly reported problem among health centers, with nearly half (49%) of those surveyed citing it as a challenge.

These trends likely indicate that many health centers are starting to operate at full capacity to meet the demand for vaccinations. Along with the increasing vaccine supply nationally, health centers’ vaccine supply has also been bolstered by the partnership with the Biden administration. As of early April, health centers had received more than 3.5 million doses through the federal vaccine program, in addition to allotments from state and local jurisdictions, which appear to make up the majority of doses administered by health centers so far. Now that all states have opened eligibility requirements to all adults over age 16 (as of April 19), demand for the vaccine is likely to increase as well.

The ability of health centers to address growing staffing challenges will be important to reaching more underserved and hard-to-reach populations. Health centers, particularly the early participants in the federal vaccine partnership, serve larger shares of agricultural workers, people experiencing homelessness, residents of public housing, and those with limited English proficiency. Reaching these populations may require strategies such as using mobile vans to bring vaccines into neighborhoods and work sites and conducting community-based outreach that will further stretch limited staff resources. Given health centers’ role in facilitating equitable access to the COVID-19 vaccine, increasing the number of health centers able to operate at full capacity will be important to reach underserved communities in greater numbers and advance equity on a larger scale.

Difficult Tradeoffs: Key Findings on Workplace Benefits and Family Health Care Responsibilities from the 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey

Published: Apr 21, 2021

Issue Brief

Key Takeaways

  • About two-thirds of women who work for pay say that their employer offers them paid sick leave (66%), paid vacation (68%) and a retirement plan (66%), and just over four in ten report that they are offered paid parental leave or paid family and medical leave.
  • Among women with school age children, more than six in ten report that they are the ones who usually take charge of health care responsibilities such as choosing their children’s provider (68%), taking them to appointments (70%), and following through with recommended care (67%). Fathers are more likely than mothers to say they share responsibility for these tasks equally with a partner.
  • Among employed parents, mothers are more likely than fathers to report they care for children when they are sick and cannot attend school. Nearly half (46%) of mothers say they are not paid when they take time off to care for children who cannot go to school.
  • Mothers who are low-income or in part-time jobs are more likely than those with higher incomes and full-time jobs to report missing work when their children are sick and less likely to have paid sick leave benefits.

Introduction

The persistent challenges that working mothers face in balancing family and work responsibilities came into clear focus during the COVID pandemic. These challenges were intensified by a huge increase in caregiving needs, a shift to homeschooling, a dearth of childcare options, and widespread social isolation.  Many women who were considered essential workers did not have the opportunity to work from home and many, particularly women of color, also bore the impact of a sharp rise in unemployment that was exacerbated by decades of structural racism. For many working women, economic security is intertwined with health issues, including workplace benefits such as insurance coverage, paid sick leave, and paid family leave. It is also related to women’s roles as mothers and primary managers of their children’s health care.

This brief provides new data from the KFF Women’s Health Survey, a nationally representative survey of 3,661 women and 1,144 men ages 18-64 (Methodology) conducted November 19, 2020 – December 17, 2020. Among several topics related to women’s health and well-being, we asked respondents about employment and family health care needs. In this brief, we highlight how workplace benefits and caring for children’s health care differ by gender and among different subpopulations of women.

Workplace Benefits

The majority of women who are employed for pay say their employer offers them health insurance, paid sick leave, paid vacation, and a retirement plan. Most, however, are not offered paid parental leave or family and medical leave. Three in four employed women (75%) say their employers offer health insurance (Table 1). About two-thirds report that their employer offers them paid sick leave (66%), paid vacation (68%) and a retirement plan (66%). However, most report that they are not offered paid parental leave or paid family and medical leave. Just over four in ten women workers say they are offered these benefits.

Table 1: Working women who are low-income or in part-time jobs are less likely to be offered employer benefits such as paid sick leave and parental leave

Men report receiving most of these same benefits in similar rates, except that a higher share of men report they are offered paid vacation (74%) and paid family and medical leave (46%). Across the board, low-income women and those with part-time employment are less likely to be offered any of these benefits compared to their higher income and full-time counterparts.

There are also consistent gaps in workplace benefits by educational attainment and geography with lower rates among women in rural areas compared to urban and suburban areas. Among women of color, Asian women report the highest offer rates of several benefits, including health insurance, paid vacation, paid sick leave, and paid parental leave (Appendix Table 1).

Awareness of Paid Parental Leave

Unlike most high-income countries, there is no federal requirement for employers to offer paid leave to workers after the birth or adoption of a child in the US, although this benefit is required in a few states. The federal Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) requires some employers to provide unpaid leave as well as job protection to eligible employees who take time off for the arrival of a child or to care for ill family members, but does not require employers to pay for this time.  Despite the fact that few employers offer parental leave to their workers, only three in ten women (29%) are aware that the US does not have a national requirement to provide paid parental leave to workers. About a third of women think (erroneously) that there is a national paid parental leave policy and almost four in ten say that they do not know if there is one (Figure 1).  People may not know about the lack of a benefit unless they try to use it and realize they don’t have one.

Only three in ten women know that the United States does not have a national paid parental leave requirement

Parental Roles for Children’s Health

Mothers and fathers have very different perspectives about who takes the lead in managing family health. In most households, women say they are the managers of their families’ health care needs, with fathers playing a lesser role. Many fathers, however, say they share responsibility with a partner jointly. Among women with children under 18, more than six in ten report that they are the ones who usually take charge of health care responsibilities such as choosing their children’s provider (68%), taking them to appointments (70%), and following through with recommended care (67%), compared to less than a fifth of fathers who report they take care of these tasks (Figure 2). Mothers and fathers differ somewhat on their assessment of their involvement in children’s health care. While fathers are more likely to report that their partners take care of their children’s health needs than themselves, they are also more likely than mothers to report that it is a joint responsibility. About half of fathers say they share health care responsibilities equally with a partner or other parent, compared to about a quarter of mothers.

Most mothers say they take care of health care needs for children, but many fathers say they share responsibilities equally

There are some variations in children’s health care responsibilities between groups of women by race/ethnicity, income, marital status, and education level (Appendix Tables 2, 3, 4). Black women are more likely to say that they attend to children’s health care needs and are less likely to share the work with a partner compared to White women. Single mothers and low-income mothers are also more likely than partnered and higher income mothers to say that they are typically responsible for managing their children’s health care.

Impact of Children’s Health Needs on Working Parents

Among working parents, mothers report they are more likely than fathers to care for children when they are sick and cannot attend school. Six in ten working mothers (61%) say they are usually the one to take care of children who are sick and cannot got to school, more than six times the share of working fathers (9%) who say this is the case (Figure 3). However, this is another topic where men are more likely to say that they share in the work equally. A quarter of mothers and 45% fathers say they share responsibility for this jointly.

Among working parents, mothers more likely than fathers to care for children when they cannot go to school due to illness

Caring for children’s health can have tangible economic consequences for parents, but especially for women. When mothers care for children because they are sick and cannot go to school, 46% are not paid for time off, as is the case for 38% of men (Figure 4). Considering that nearly one-fifth of children miss at least three school days a year due to illness or injury, missing work to care for sick kids is a common occurrence with negative economic implications for many employed parents. Furthermore, as schools re-open, there could be a rise in parents missing work to stay home with children due to COVID concerns.

Many working parents lose pay when they take time off to care for children who are sick and cannot go to school

Mothers in part-time jobs, those who are low-income, and who are single parents are more likely to report they are the ones to care for children when they are sick compared to their full-time, higher income, and partnered counterparts. Low-income mothers who must miss work when their child is sick are also far more likely to lose pay (75%) compared to higher income mothers (33%) (Figure 5). Additionally, there is a large disparity in workplace benefits, with offer rates of paid sick leave and paid vacation significantly lower among mothers who are low-income or part-time employees (Table 2).

Mothers who are Hispanic, low-income, single, or work part-time more likely to care for children when they are sick AND more likely to lose pay as a result
Table 2: Mothers who are low-income or work part-time are less likely to be offered some workplace  benefit

Conclusion

Women now comprise at least half of the nation’s workforce, yet median earnings for women are 81% of men’s earnings, a gap that has persisted for years and is even larger for women of color. Roughly seven in ten women with children under age 18 are in the labor force, but can face challenges without access to paid parental leave. The United States remains one of the few industrialized nations that does not require paid leave for major health events, such as the birth or adoption of a child, to care for an aging relative, or for routine sick leave that most workers will need at some point. For many women, even a month of leave after childbirth is unaffordable and unattainable without paid time off. Additionally, missing work when their children are sick, including with COVID-19, has an economic cost, as nearly half are not paid when they take a sick day.

Women continue to be the primary health care managers for their families, although some share the work for children’s health care with partners, and perceptions of responsibility for caregiving differ substantially between mothers and fathers. Mothers will play a significant role in the nation’s pandemic recovery, as they are likely to take the lead on getting kids vaccinated once vaccines are available for children. This survey finds that many working women, particularly those with lower incomes or in part-time jobs, do not have workplace protections such as paid sick days or paid family leave. This past year, this gap has been amplified by the lack of in person education for school aged children and childcare closures, along with an unparalleled national health crisis that has disproportionately affected low-income communities of color across the nation. While federal policymakers have addressed some of these gaps through the various federal COVID relief laws passed by Congress, these measures are restricted to certain industries and employer sizes, and time-limited. For some women, the system is largely working. But, for many others, including those who are in low-wage jobs or work part-time hours, the financial consequences of taking time off to care for their children can force them to make difficult tradeoffs between their financial wellbeing or their families’ health.

Methodology

The 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey was designed and analyzed by researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) of a representative sample of 4,805 adults, ages 18-64 years old (3,661 women and 1,144 men). The survey was conducted online and telephone using AmeriSpeak®, the probability-based panel of NORC at the University of Chicago. U.S. households are recruited for participation using address-based sampling methodology and initial invitations for participation are sent by mail, telephone, and in-person interviews. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish online (4,636) and via the telephone (169). Our previous Women's Health Surveys were conducted exclusively by telephone, so trend data are not included in our 2020 survey. Interviews for this survey were conducted between November 19 and December 17, 2020, among adults living in the United States. KFF paid for all costs associated with the survey.

The sample for this study was stratified by age, race/ethnicity, education, and gender as well as disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching uninsured women, women who identify as LGBT, Asian women, and women 18-49 years old. The sampling also took into consideration differential survey completion rates by demographic groups so that the set of panel members with a completed interview for a study is a representative sample of the target population. This survey includes people who self-identified as 'female' or 'male’ regardless of their sex at birth. While our goal was to be as inclusive as possible, we were not able to obtain a large enough sample to support a separate questionnaire that addresses the unique health concerns and experiences of non-binary or gender-fluid people to include them in this survey. We recognize that additional study is needed to better understand the health and access issues faced by non-binary people.

A series of data quality checks were run and cases determined to be poor-quality, as defined by surveys with a length of interview of less than 33% of the mean length of interview and with high levels of question refusal (>50%) were removed from the final data (n=96). Weighting involved multiple stages. First, the sample was weighted to match estimates for the national population from the 2020 Current Population Survey on age, gender, census division, race/ethnicity, and education. The second round of weights adjusted for the study’s sampling design. All statistical tests of significance account for the effect of weighting.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample of women is plus or minus 2 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Note that sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error in this or any other public opinion poll.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E
Men Ages 18-641,144+/- 4 percentage points
Women Ages 18-643,661+/- 2 percentage points
Women Ages 18-492,695+/- 2 percentage points
White Women Ages 18-641,813+/- 3 percentage points
Black Women Ages 18-64603+/- 5 percentage points
Hispanic Women Ages 18-64801+/- 5 percentage points
Asian Women Ages 18-64246+/- 8 percentage points
LGB Women Ages 18-64392+/- 7 percentage points
Heterosexual Women Ages 18-643,239+/- 2 percentage points
Women < 200% FPL1,471+/- 3 percentage points
Women ≥200% FPL1,943+/- 3 percentage points

Appendix

Appendix Table 1: Share of women workers who report their employers offer them benefits
Appendix Table 2: Women's responses to: &quot;Who in  your family usually makes  decisions about selecting your child or children's doctor?&quot;
Appendix Table 3: Women's responses to: &quot;Who in  your family usually takes  your children for doctor's appointments?&quot;
Appendix Table 4: Women's responses to: &quot;Who in  your family makes sure your child or children get the care your doctor recommends for them?&quot;

Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health Services: Key Findings from the 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey

Published: Apr 21, 2021

Issue Brief

Key Takeaways

Use of Contraceptives

  • Six in ten (60%) women aged 18 to 49 years say it is very important to avoid becoming pregnant in the next month; one in four women (25%) say avoiding pregnancy is not a priority. One in seven (14%) sexually active women report they are not using any form of contraception and the leading reason is concern and dislike of side effects.
  • More than four in ten (44%) women have been worried they were pregnant when they did not want to be and the main reason was because they did not use birth control.
  • Oral contraceptives and condoms are the leading forms of reversible contraception women use, and almost a quarter say they use an intrauterine device (IUD).
  • Most women (72%) use more than one type of contraception in their lifetime and on average, women use 3.4 different contraceptive methods throughout their lifetime.
  • Nearly one in five women (18%) use contraception solely for a reason not related to preventing pregnancy such as managing a medical condition or preventing STIs.

Contraceptive Coverage

  • One in five women (18%) are not using their preferred method of contraception and a quarter (25%) say it is because they can’t afford it.
  • Almost two-thirds of privately insured women have full contraceptive coverage through their plans where all FDA-approved contraceptive methods and contraceptive counseling and education are covered without cost-sharing, but one in five women (21%) with private insurance are still paying some out-of-pocket costs for their contraceptive care.
  • Nearly one-third (31%) of oral contraceptive users say they have missed taking their birth control because they were not able to get their next supply in time.

Access to Quality Sexual and Reproductive Health Care

  • Publicly funded clinics provide contraceptive care for one in five low-income and uninsured women (21%). The majority of women rely on office-based providers for their birth control.
  • Four in ten women (44%) rate their provider’s contraceptive counseling as excellent, but the share rating counseling as excellent is lower among Black (36%) and Hispanic (38%) women, as well as low-income (35%) and uninsured (28%) women.
  • The majority of reproductive-aged women (65%) are comfortable with pharmacists prescribing birth control and support making birth control available over the counter without a prescription (70%).
  • Most reproductive-aged women have discussed contraception with their providers (68%), but a much smaller shared were asked about sexually transmitted infections (26%-28%) and domestic violence (38%). Only about 1 in 10 (11%) of women of reproductive age say they have discussed HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) with their provider.
  • Most reproductive-aged women (58%) know someone who has had an abortion with 68% of those women knowing more than one person and just over half of women have heard of a medication abortion (57%).

Introduction

Sexual and reproductive health is an integral part of women’s overall health. Access to these services is shaped by a broad range of factors including coverage and affordability, national and state policies, availability of care, health provider characteristics, as well as individual preferences and experiences. For many women, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) improved access to sexual and reproductive health care by expanding pathways to Medicaid eligibility and making private insurance more affordable. The ACA also required private health insurance plans to cover many recommended preventive services without any patient cost-sharing, such as sexually transmitted infection counseling and screening and all 18 FDA-approved contraceptive methods. While the ACA has expanded sexual and reproductive health care, state and federal policy actions in recent years have resulted in more limited access to comprehensive sexual and reproductive health care, including abortion referrals and services, particularly for women who depend on publicly supported health care providers and clinics.

Access in the past year has also been undoubtedly affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has forced providers to find ways to make contraceptive and STI services available via telehealth or through minimal contact, like no-test medication abortions. There is increasing interest in expanding efforts to allow pharmacists to prescribe birth control, gain FDA approval for over-the-counter oral contraception without a prescription, and expanding access to contraception through smartphone apps or online platforms that no longer require a visit to a brick-and-mortar clinic or doctor’s office.

While the system is undergoing constant change, the perspectives and experiences of women in obtaining sexual and reproductive health care can help to shape the next generation of policies and programs. This brief provides a window into some of those voices and perspectives by presenting selected findings from the 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey, a nationally representative survey of women conducted in November/December of 2020 (Methodology). The survey covered a wide range of topics related to women’s coverage, use, access, and experiences with the health care system. This brief presents survey findings on coverage and use of reproductive and sexual health services among different subgroups of 2,695 women ages 18 to 49.

Use of Contraceptives

WHILE MOST REPRODUCTIVE AGE WOMEN SAY IT IS IMPORTANT TO THEM TO PREVENT PREGNANCY, ONE IN FOUR WOMEN SAY AVOIDING PREGNANCY IS NOT A PRIORITY.

Among women ages 18-49 who are not currently trying to get pregnant, the majority say it is very important (60%) or somewhat important (10%) for them to avoid becoming pregnant in the next month, but a quarter of women (25%) say it is not very important or not important at all (Figure 1). More than half (57%) of women who are not using contraception say that it is very important or somewhat important for them to avoid pregnancy compared to 81% of women using contraception. These data speak to the fact that even though women are not necessarily trying to get pregnant, they may be open to having a pregnancy and may not want to use contraception.

One in four women who are not currently trying to get pregnant say avoiding pregnancy is not important to them

WOMEN ARE NEARLY TWICE AS LIKELY TO HAVE BEEN CONCERNED ABOUT AN UNWANTED PREGNANCY COMPARED TO MEN.

Over four in ten (44%) women have thought they were pregnant when they did not want to be, compared to one in four (27%) men who said this with regard to a partner (Figure 2). Nearly half (47%) of women and over half of men (57%) said it was because they did not use birth control. About a quarter of women (23%) and men (27%) said they or their partner had missed a pill or they had used their birth control incorrectly, 19% of women and 16% of men said their birth control failed like a condom breaking, and 18% of women and 22% of men weren’t sure the contraceptive method they were using worked.

Women are nearly twice as likely to have been concerned about an unwanted pregnancy compared to men and not using birth control was the main reason for the concern

A MINORITY OF WOMEN AND MEN USED CONDOMS THE LAST TIME THEY HAD SEX.

Six in ten sexually active women report using a method of contraception the last time they had sex compared to four in ten men, regardless of current partner status (Figure 3). Condom use at last sex was lower. Overall, 16% of women say their partner used a condom the last time they had sex, and 26% of men report using a condom. This differed significantly by whether someone was married or living with their partner compared to not. Condoms are not only used as contraceptives but are effective in reducing the risk of transmission of sexually transmitted infections. Men who are married or living with a partner are 2.5 times more likely to use a condom than men who are widowed, divorced, separated, or never married (40% vs. 16%). Thirteen percent of women who are married or living with a partner say their partner used a condom the last time they had sex compared to 23% of women who are widowed, divorced, separated, or never married. When asked if they had discussed birth control or condom use with their most recent sexual partner, the majority of men and women, regardless of partner status, said they had discussed with their partner.

A majority of people discussed birth control or condom use with their partners: many used birth control the last time they had sex, but fewer used condoms

ONE IN SEVEN SEXUALLY ACTIVE WOMEN DO NOT USE CONTRACEPTION. CONTRACEPTIVE NON-USE IS HIGHER AMONG ASIAN WOMEN AND WOMEN WHO ARE UNINSURED OR LOW-INCOME.

Over six in ten sexually active women of reproductive age report using at least one method of contraception in the past 12 months, while one in seven (14%) report that they did not use contraception and are not trying to conceive (Figure 4). One in four (25%) uninsured women report not using contraception compared to 13% of women with Medicaid and private insurance. Similarly, almost a quarter of sexually active Asian women report not using contraception compared to 13% of Black and White women and 15% of Hispanic women, while a lower share of Asian women report they or their partner are unable to conceive (3% vs. 11% of Hispanic women, 14% of Black women, and 19% of White women). Low-income women are also more likely to report not using contraception compared to higher-income women (18% vs. 13%) (Figure 5).

One in seven sexually active women report that they are not using contraception

.

Contraceptive non-use is higher among Asian women, uninsured, and low-income women

When asked about the reason for not using birth control, the number one reason was being worried about or disliking the side effects of birth control (29%), followed by not minding if they got pregnant (23%) and not wanting to use birth control (23%) (Figure 6). Over 1 in 5 women cited another reason that was not included in the survey.

Almost a third of sexually active women who did not use birth control in the past year are worried about or dislike the side effects

CONDOMS, ORAL CONTRACEPTION, AND IUDS ARE THE MOST COMMONLY USED FORMS OF CONTRACEPTION.

Reproductive-aged women were most likely to have used male condoms in the past 12 months (39%), followed by oral contraceptives (37%), and IUDs (23%) (Table 1). Compared to all women of reproductive age, younger women ages 18-35 were more likely to have used oral contraceptives (50% vs. 37%), the contraceptive patch (4% vs. 2%), a contraceptive implant (11% vs. 7%), male condoms (47% vs. 39%), and emergency contraception (15% vs. 9%). Women ages 26-35 were more likely to use fertility awareness-based methods (11%) compared to all women of reproductive age (8%). Women ages 36-49 were most likely to have used an IUD in the past 12 months (28%) compared to all women of reproductive age (23%).

Table 1. The types of contraception that women use change over the course of their reproductive year

MOST WOMEN USE MORE THAN ONE CONTRACEPTIVE METHOD IN THEIR LIFETIME.

Eighty-seven percent of women report using contraception at some point in their lifetime and on average, women report using 3.4 methods of contraception throughout their lifetime. Seven in ten women (70%) ages 18-64 say they have used oral contraceptives, including a larger share of women ages 36-64. Male condoms were the second most frequently used contraceptive among women ages 18-64 (66%). Younger women ages 18-35 have higher shares that have used implants and emergency contraception compared to women overall (Table 2). Nearly three-fourths of women (72%) have used more than one type of contraception in their lifetime, four in ten women have used more than two types of contraception in their lifetime (42%), and one in five women have used more than three types of contraception in their lifetime (22%). Contraceptive switching is common and it is important that women have access to the full range of contraceptive methods without cost-sharing, so they can find the contraceptive method that works best for them if they want to use contraception. Also, women’s contraceptive needs can change over their reproductive lifespan, what works when they are in their twenties may not be what is best for them in their thirties or forties. Shared-decision making with a provider can allow a patient to communicate their values and preferences for contraception and the provider can share their medical knowledge to help the patient find a contraceptive method that is most consistent with their preferences.

Table 2. The majority of women of all ages have used oral contraceptives and male condoms in their lifetime

NEARLY ONE IN FIVE WOMEN USE CONTRACEPTION FOR A REASON NOT RELATED TO PREVENTING PREGNANCY.

While many women have used more than one contraceptive in their lifetime, they also use contraception for more than just preventing pregnancy. Over six in 10 women (61%) say they use contraception only to prevent pregnancy (Figure 7). Over one in five (22%) women use contraception to prevent pregnancy and some other reason. Nearly one in five women (18%) use contraception solely for a reason not related to preventing pregnancy such as managing a medical condition or preventing STIs.

The majority of women use contraception to prevent pregnancy, but four in ten women use contraception for another reason

ONE IN FOUR UNINSURED AND LOW-INCOME WOMEN ARE NOT USING THEIR PREFERRED CONTRACEPTIVE METHOD.

While many women try and use multiple contraceptive methods throughout their lives for various reasons, nearly one in five women (18%) say they are not currently using their preferred method of birth control (Figure 8). This share is higher among uninsured and low-income women who may not have affordable access to the full range of contraceptive methods or be aware of public programs that provide those services. The primary reason women say they are not using their preferred method of contraception is because they cannot afford it (Figure 9). The goal of publicly supported programs like Title X and Medicaid is to provide access to family planning services to individuals who need family planning services but may not be able to afford services because of lack of insurance or low income. Most Title X clinics provide the full range of contraceptive methods to their uninsured and low-income clients. The fact that such a sizable share of women still report affordability barriers to care may speak to the role of public programs and the need for outreach to expand awareness of and access to sexual and reproductive health care services to low-income and uninsured women.

One in four uninsured women and low-income women are not using their preferred method of birth control

.

One in four women report not using their preferred contraceptive method because they cannot afford it

Among women who are not using their preferred method, one in five women (20%) say it is because their provider recommended a different method. There is increasing consensus about the importance of high-quality, client-centered contraceptive counseling to ensure that provider care is respectful of, and responsive to, individual patient preferences, needs, and values and importantly, that the patient guides all clinical decisions. Ensuring that patients have autonomy in their contraceptive decision-making is of high value and leads to greater satisfaction with their care and continued use of their method of choice.

Contraceptive Coverage

ONE IN FIVE WOMEN STILL REPORTS PAYING OUT-OF-POCKET FOR CONTRACEPTIVE CARE NEARLY 10 YEARS AFTER THE ACA WENT INTO EFFECT.

The ACA requires that most private plans cover contraceptive services which include patient education and counseling for contraceptive services and all of the 18 FDA- approved methods of contraception without cost-sharing. This provision has drastically reduced cost-sharing for contraception among women with employer or individual insurance plans. The majority of privately insured women report that their insurance covers the full cost of their contraceptive care (64%), but one in five (21%) women say their insurance only covered part of the cost and they paid the rest (Figure 10). There are a number of reasons that women could be responsible for some or all of those payments. For example, a woman could be using a brand-name contraceptive that is not in her plan’s formulary or she is unaware of or not offered a generic alternative. Some women paying out-of-pocket could also be receiving care out-of-network or still be enrolled in a grandfathered health insurance plan (which is exempt from the requirement). Some 13% of covered workers are enrolled in a grandfathered plan in 2019. An unknown number of women are also either employed by or dependents of a worker employed by an organization that has a religious objection to contraception. Those employers are not obligated to provide no-cost contraceptive coverage to their employees. Only 5% of women said they have had problems getting their insurance to pay for a prescribed birth control, such as an IUD, implant, injection, patch, pill, or ring.

Contraceptive care was fully covered for nearly two-thirds of women with individual/employer health plans, but one in five paid out-of-pocket for some of the cost

In recent years, there has been a move to expand the supply of contraceptives dispensed to women since some women miss their pill (and are at risk of an unplanned or unwanted pregnancy) because they have run out of their supply. The majority of women ages 18-49 (59%) who used oral contraceptives in the past 12 months, received 3-5 months’ supply (Figure 11). However, twice as many low-income women compared to women with incomes ≥ 200% FPL only received 1–2-month supply (43% vs. 20%). Women with Medicaid also received a 1–2 months' supply at twice the rate of women with private insurance (42% vs. 22%). A much larger share of uninsured women (15%) reported receiving 6-11 months of supply compared to women with Medicaid and private insurance (1%). Laws have been passed in at least 17 states and DC that require coverage for 12 months of oral contraceptives to allow women continuous contraceptive coverage for at least a year. However, these laws typically only apply to fully insured plans. Many Medicaid programs can and do limit supply of hormonal contraception to 1-3 month periods; self-funded employer plans are also permitted to do this. Shorter supplies can result in women missing their pills due to delays in receiving their next supply.

The largest share of women receive 3-5 months of oral contraceptives at a time, but this varies by income and insurance type

Nearly one-third (31%) of hormonal contraceptive users say they have missed taking their birth control because they were not able to get their next supply of pills. This share is higher among younger women ages 18-25 and 26-35 compared to women ages 36-49 (38% and 34% vs. 16%) and among low-income women <200% FPL compared to women with incomes ≥200% FPL (36% vs. 26%) (Figure 12).

Nearly one third of hormonal contraceptive users have missed taking their birth control because they weren't able to get their next supply

Access to Quality Sexual and Reproductive Health Care

THE MAJORITY OF WOMEN GET THEIR CONTRACEPTIVE CARE FROM OFFICE-BASED PHYSICIANS FOLLOWED BY CLINICS.

Three in four reproductive-age women who use contraception report receiving it from a doctor’s office (Figure 13). Many women, particularly about one-fifth of those who are Hispanic (20%), low-income (21%), covered by Medicaid (18%), or uninsured (21%), also use clinics such as federally qualified health centers (FQHC) or freestanding family planning clinics such as Planned Parenthood. Notably, about one in five women who are uninsured said they obtained their most recent contraception at another site, such as a pharmacy or drugstore. And, while there has been growing interest in telehealth, just 5% of women reported that they obtained contraception via a phone or video visit, website, or app.

Most women receive birth control at a doctor's office, but this varies by income and insurance

LESS THAN HALF OF WOMEN REPORT RECEIVING THE HIGHEST QUALITY PERSON-CENTERED COUNSELING.

Women’s interactions with providers play an important role in the quality of their contraceptive care. While there has been a lot of emphasis on access to the most effective methods, there is also growing interest in ensuring that patient-provider relationships are patient-centered and support patient decision making. Approximately four in ten women (44%) rate their most recent contraceptive care provider as “excellent” on all four items of person-centered contraceptive counseling (Figure 14): respecting them as a person, letting them say what mattered to them about their birth control method, taking their preferences about their birth control seriously, and giving them enough information to make the best decision about their birth control. It is particularly concerning that Black, Hispanic, low-income, and uninsured women are less likely to receive this level of high-quality client-centered care. There is a long history of poor reproductive health care for these same groups. It is important to note that there were no significant differences by the type of setting in which the counseling was received, signaling that these groups may be receiving less client-centered care because of their race/ethnicity, income, or insurance regardless of the setting.

Black and Hispanic women, low-income women, and uninsured women are less likely to say they received excellent care across a 4-item measure of person-centered contraceptive counseling

Currently, prescription contraceptives require a visit with a clinician in most states. In recent years though, there have been efforts to expand the availability of contraceptives through different avenues, including allowing pharmacists to prescribe and provide some hormonal methods and, applications to the FDA to make oral contraceptive pills (OCPs) available over-the-counter (OTC) without a prescription. Our survey finds that most women are in favor of these changes (Table 3). These approaches appear to be attractive to the majority of reproductive-age women: two-thirds (65%) say they are comfortable with pharmacists prescribing contraceptives and 70% support making pills available OTC if the FDA says it is safe and effective. There are differences in acceptability between different subgroups of women with higher levels of acceptability found among White women, women with a college degree, women living in urban/suburban areas, and Democratic women.

Table 3. The majority of women are comfortable with pharmacists prescribing birth control and support making birth control pills over the counter without a prescription

ONE-THIRD OF 18-25 YEAR OLD WOMEN HAVE NEVER SEEN A DOCTOR OR NURSE FOR A GYNECOLOGICAL EXAM.  PRIVATELY INSURED WOMEN WERE THE MOST LIKELY TO HAVE A HAD A GYN VISIT IN THE PAST 12 MONTHS AND UNINSURED THE LEAST LIKELY. 

Nearly three in four reproductive age women report that they have had a gynecological exam in the past three years (Figure 15).  However, that is the case for only half of uninsured women (49%). More than one in ten uninsured women (14%) say that they have never had a gynecological exam, higher than the share of privately insured women (8%). Receipt of gynecological exam increases with age. While 30% of women ages 18-25 say they have never had an exam, that share drops to 4% among women ages 26-35. A gynecological exam usually includes cervical and breast cancer screening, education, and counseling that can prevent future negative health outcomes.

Most reproductive age women say they have had a gynecological exam in the past three years

Screening Tests

ASIAN, UNINSURED AND RURAL WOMEN WERE THE LEAST LIKELY TO REPORT HAVING A PAP TEST WITHIN THE PAST TWO YEARS.

A number of federal bodies and professional organizations recommend that women receive sexual health screening tests. These tests are covered without any out-of-pocket charges for women with private insurance and under Medicaid expansion per the ACA’s preventive services requirement. The USPSTF recommends that women receive a Pap smear at least every three years beginning at age 21 depending on their personal risk factors for developing cervical cancer. More than two-thirds (68%) of women ages 21-49 say they have received one in the past two years. However, that is the case for only half of uninsured women (50%) (Figure 16). Pap testing rates are higher among Black women (79%) and lower among Asian women (58%), compared to women who are White (68%). Women who live in rural areas are also less likely than those living in urban areas to have had a Pap test in the prior two years. Many rural communities suffer from a dearth of reproductive health care providers, which may contribute to the lower rates of screening.

Less than half of uninsured women have had a recent Pap test

DESPITE RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ROUTINE STI AND HIV TESTING, FEW WOMEN HAD HAD A RECENT TEST.

One in four women (26%) report they had an HIV test in the past 2 years and one in three women (33%) who had a recent provider visit say they have had a test for an STI other than HIV in the past two years (Table 4). Knowing one’s status is important for receiving early treatment and preventing transmission to sexual partners. STI and HIV tests are covered without cost-sharing in private plans under the ACA’s preventive services coverage requirements and are typically covered by Medicaid programs. Screening rates are higher among women who are younger and low-income, as well as Black and Hispanic women compared to White women.

Table 4. Women's Receipt of HIV and STI Tests

However, the actual screening rate is likely lower than the share of women who report being tested, as some assume (erroneously) that STI and HIV tests are routine components of a clinical visit. About one-quarter of women who said they were tested for HIV (26%) recently were under the impression that it is routine, which is not the case (Figure 17). This is also true for about a quarter of women who said they had been tested for other STIs (23%). This may cause women to believe they do not have HIV or another STI when in fact they have not actually been tested.

Figure 17: A Quarter of Women Who Say They Were Tested for HIV Were Under the Impression it is A Routine Part of An Exam

Sexual and Reproductive Health Counseling and Education

An important part of the gynecological exam and well-woman visit is counseling and education around sexual and reproductive health care, including discussions around contraception, sexual history or relationships, and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). The ACA also covers contraceptive counseling, as well as HIV and STI counseling without cost-sharing.

WOMEN ARE MUCH MORE LIKELY TO HAVE DISCUSSIONS WITH PROVIDERS ABOUT CONTRACEPTION THAN ABOUT STIs, HIV OR PrEP.

Among these sexual and reproductive health topics, the largest share of women ages 18-49 say they have been asked about or discussed contraception with their provider in the past two years (68%) (Table 5). Black women were significantly less likely to have discussed contraception with their provider compared to White women (60% vs. 70%). The majority of women (63%) also say they have discussed their sexual history with a provider.

Table 5. Share of women who have seen a health care provider in the past two years who said their provider discussed these reproductive health issues with them, by selected characteristics

Less than one-third of women of reproductive age say they were asked by a provider about HIV or another STI (26% and 28%, respectively). Women with Medicaid were more likely to have a discussion with their provider about HIV (31%) compared to women with private insurance (26%). A larger share of Black (32%) and Hispanic (31%) women were also asked about HIV compared to White women (22%). STI rates continue to rise, with younger women and Black and Hispanic women being disproportionately affected. STI counseling for all people of reproductive age is recommended to help individuals reduce their risk for STI transmission.

Only about 1 in 10 (11%) women of reproductive age say they have discussed HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) with their provider and this was higher among Asian (18%) and Hispanic (15%) women compared to White women (8%). Women with Medicaid (14%) were more likely to discuss PrEP compared to women with private insurance (10%) and low-income women (15%) compared to women with incomes ≥ 200% FPL (10%).

Across all the sexual and reproductive health topics, younger women ages 18-35 compared to women ages 36-49 and women living in urban areas compared to rural areas were more likely to be asked about these topics or discuss them with their doctor or health care provider. Roughly one-third of women ages 40-64 (32%) say a provider has discussed menopause with them recently.

FEW WOMEN ARE SCREENED FOR INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE, DESPITE THE PRESENCE OF RECOMMENDATIONS FROM THE US PREVENTIVE SERVICES TASKFORCE AND THE WOMEN’S PREVENTIVE SERVICES INITIATIVE FOR SCREENING. 

Another important topic that the US Preventive Services Task Force recommends providers to screen women of reproductive age for is intimate partner violence (IPV). However, only 38% of women ages 18-49 say a provider has asked them about domestic violence or dating violence in the past two years (Figure 18). This is higher among women ages 26-35 (44%) compared to women ages 36-49 (36%) and women with Medicaid (46%) compared to women with private insurance (38%). However, only 1 in 4 (26%) uninsured women were asked about it. Smaller shares of Asian women (25%) and Black women (33%) report discussing IPV compared to 40% of White women. There were no statistical differences by income and location.

Nearly four in ten women have discussed domestic violence with their provider recently, but rates are lower among older women, Black and Asian women, and uninsured women

Abortion

A HIGHER SHARE OF WOMEN THAN MEN SAY THEY PERSONALLY KNOW SOMEONE WHO HAS HAD AN ABORTION.

Abortion services are a significant component of sexual and reproductive health care, given that one in four women have had an abortion, making it a relatively common health care service. Nearly six in ten women (58%) and four in ten men (39%) say that they know somebody who has had an abortion (Figure 19). Of that group, most (68%) know more than one woman who has had an abortion (Figure 20). Rates are higher among those who are older, higher income, higher educational attainment (Table 6). Most know one or two women who have had an abortion and on average, women know 2.8 women and men know 2.5 women who have had an abortion.

Nearly six in ten women and four in ten men personally know someone who has had an abortion
Figure 20: Most women know more than one woman who has had an abortion
Table 6: Share of women who said they know someone who has had an abortion and the number of women they know

KNOWLEDGE OF MEDICATION ABORTION IS STILL RELATIVELY LOW. ROUGHLY HALF OF WOMEN AND MEN HAVE HEARD OF MEDICATION ABORTION EVEN THOUGH IT WAS APPROVED BY THE FDA 20 YEARS AGO.

Medication abortion is a pregnancy termination protocol that can be used up to the first 10 weeks of pregnancy that involves taking two different drugs, Mifepristone and Misoprostol. It has been available in the United States for more than 20 years and now accounts for approximately half of all early abortions. However, there are many restrictions on its availability, including an FDA REMS requirement, bans on telemedicine, and requirements for in-person counseling visits and other tests that are not medically recommended for safety. The COVID-19 pandemic has brought many of these restrictions to the forefront as providers have tried to implement no-test and telehealth medication abortion protocols that allow women to pick up medication abortion pills or have them mailed directly to their home with phone or video follow-up without requiring any testing or pre-abortion ultrasounds.

Over half of reproductive-aged women (57%) and almost half of men (48%) say that they have heard of medication abortion (Figure 21). Rates are lower though among Hispanic women, those with lower incomes, and those living in rural areas.

Just over half of reproductive age women have heard of a medication abortion

Conclusion

Sexual and reproductive health is multi-faceted and an integral part of a person’s overall health. In recent years, state and federal policies have had a major impact on access to sexual and reproductive health care across the nation, in some cases limiting access and in other broadening availability of care. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) enabled more women to obtain sexual and reproductive health care by expanding access to Medicaid and private insurance coverage and strengthening the scope of that coverage. While it made several preventive sexual and reproductive health services and counseling available without cost-sharing, many women are still saying that affordability is a barrier to contraceptive care, are not using the contraceptive of their choice, and are not getting the recommended levels of preventive sexual and reproductive health care services to which they are entitled under federal law.

Federal support for the family planning safety-net, the types of clinics that may participate in federal programs like Medicaid and Title X as well as state choices regarding Medicaid expansion all have an effect on the ability of low-income and uninsured women to gain access to reproductive care. While the COVID-19 pandemic has challenged providers to find new ways to make contraceptives, STI services, and in some cases abortion care, available via telehealth, it has brought the long-standing structural inequities in the health system into stark focus. Understanding how women use reproductive and sexual health care and the challenges they face could help leaders at the federal, state, and community level make such care more accessible and equitable.

Methodology

The 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey was designed and analyzed by researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) of a representative sample of 4,805 adults, ages 18-64 years old (3,661 women and 1,144 men). The survey was conducted online and telephone using AmeriSpeak®, the probability-based panel of NORC at the University of Chicago. U.S. households are recruited for participation using address-based sampling methodology and initial invitations for participation are sent by mail, telephone, and in-person interviews. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish online (4,636) and via the telephone (169). Our previous Women's Health Surveys were conducted exclusively by telephone, so trend data are not included in our 2020 survey. Interviews for this survey were conducted between November 19 and December 17, 2020, among adults living in the United States. KFF paid for all costs associated with the survey.

The sample for this study was stratified by age, race/ethnicity, education, and gender as well as disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching uninsured women, women who identify as LGBT, Asian women, and women 18-49 years old. The sampling also took into consideration differential survey completion rates by demographic groups so that the set of panel members with a completed interview for a study is a representative sample of the target population. This survey includes people who self-identified as 'female' or 'male’ regardless of their sex at birth. While our goal was to be as inclusive as possible, we were not able to obtain a large enough sample to support a separate questionnaire that addresses the unique health concerns and experiences of non-binary or gender-fluid people to include them in this survey. We recognize that additional study is needed to better understand the health and access issues faced by non-binary people.

A series of data quality checks were run and cases determined to be poor-quality, as defined by surveys with a length of interview of less than 33% of the mean length of interview and with high levels of question refusal (>50%) were removed from the final data (n=96). Weighting involved multiple stages. First, the sample was weighted to match estimates for the national population from the 2020 Current Population Survey on age, gender, census division, race/ethnicity, and education. The second round of weights adjusted for the study’s sampling design. All statistical tests of significance account for the effect of weighting.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample of women is plus or minus 2 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Note that sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error in this or any other public opinion poll.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E
Men Ages 18-641,144+/- 4 percentage points
Women Ages 18-643,661+/- 2 percentage points
Women Ages 18-492,695+/- 2 percentage points
White Women Ages 18-641,813+/- 3 percentage points
Black Women Ages 18-64603+/- 5 percentage points
Hispanic Women Ages 18-64801+/- 5 percentage points
Asian Women Ages 18-64246+/- 8 percentage points
LGB Women Ages 18-64392+/- 7 percentage points
Heterosexual Women Ages 18-643,239+/- 2 percentage points
Women < 200% FPL1,471+/- 3 percentage points
Women ≥200% FPL1,943+/- 3 percentage points

Women’s Health Care Utilization and Costs: Findings from the 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey

Published: Apr 21, 2021

Issue Brief

Key Takeaways

Health Status

  • Large shares of lower-income women and women with Medicaid report being in fair or poor health. One in five Black (20%) and Hispanic (19%) women report being in fair or poor health compared to 12% of White women and 9% of Asian women.  
  • Six in ten (61%) women ages 50-64 and almost half of White women (48%) and women with Medicaid (47%) report having a chronic health condition that requires regular monitoring, medical care, or medication.

Health Care Utilization

  • More than nine in ten (93%) women have seen a doctor or health care provider in the past two years, but a smaller share has had a general check-up or well-woman visit (73%).
  • One in ten (10%) women with an ongoing health condition do not have a regular doctor or health care provider.
  • Most women obtain their care at doctors’ offices, but many uninsured women, those with Medicaid, and Black and Hispanic women visit health centers or clinics. 
  • Nearly half (46%) of women who usually visit a health center or clinic for their care go to a walk-in clinic such as an urgent care facility or clinic inside a store or pharmacy. One-third (34%) visit a community health center or health department.
  • Women with Medicaid coverage are more likely than women with employer-sponsored insurance to report experiencing health insurance coverage limitations. Nearly three in ten women with Medicaid (29%) and individual insurance (28%) say a doctor they wanted to see was not covered by their plan, compared to 15% of women with employer-sponsored insurance.

Health Care Experiences

  • Among women who have been to the doctor in the past two years (93%), uninsured women (55%) are significantly less likely to have discussed mental health issues with their health care provider than women with health insurance (70%). Black (61%) and Asian (60%) women are less likely to have had this discussion with their provider than White women (72%).
  • Among people who have visited a doctor in the past two years, women are more likely than men to say a health care provider has dismissed their concerns (21% vs. 12%) or didn’t believe they were telling the truth (10% vs. 7%). One in three (30%) women who had a negative provider experience say they were treated this way because of their age and one in five (20%) say it was because of their gender. Nearly four in ten (38%) Black women say they were treated this way because of their race/ethnicity.

Health Care Costs

  • One in four (24%) women report having had problems paying medical bills in the past 12 months, over half (57%) of whom say this was due, at least in part, to the COVID-19 pandemic.
  • Among women experiencing problems with medical bills in the past year, nearly half (48%) have had difficulty paying for basic necessities like food, heat, or housing because of the bills, as have six in ten (61%) low-income women.

Introduction

Women’s access to health care depends greatly on the availability of high-quality providers in their communities as well as their own knowledge about maintaining their health through routine checkups, screenings, and provider counseling. Social determinants of health, structural racism, and experiences with health care providers shape health outcomes and health equity.

While the Affordable Care Act (ACA) expanded pathways to affordable coverage to millions of women, coverage and affordability barriers persist for many. Women with health insurance may experience difficulty affording health care. Many insured women face health care costs in the form of cost sharing or balance billing resulting from receiving care from an out-of-network provider or hospital, which can also impact their financial well-being. The ACA contains provisions aimed at alleviating some of the financial barriers to health care access; however, many women still face challenges with health care costs and medical bills, particularly those who are uninsured or low-income.

This brief presents findings from the 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey on women’s use of health care services, costs, and experiences accessing health care. The 2020 survey is a nationally representative survey of 3,661 women ages 18 to 64, conducted between November 19 and December 17, 2020. See the Methodology section for more details.

Health Status and Use of Prescription Medications

The majority of women ages 18-64 report being in good or excellent health, but higher shares of older and lower-income women, as well as Black and Hispanic women and those with Medicaid, report being in poorer health.

Most women (85%) rate their health as excellent, very good, or good; however, 15% of women describe their health as fair or poor, similar to other national estimates.1  As women age, they are more likely to rate their health as fair or poor (Figure 1). Nearly one in four (24%) low-income women, women with Medicaid (24%), and uninsured women (21%) rate their health as fair or poor.2  Black (20%) and Hispanic (19%) women are more likely than White (12%) and Asian (9%) women to report being in fair or poor health.3 

One in five Black women and one in four low-income women describe their health as fair or poor

Many women are managing chronic conditions or living with disabilities that impact daily life.

Just under half of women (44%) report that they have a chronic health condition that requires regular monitoring, medical care, or medication (Figure 2). This rate increases steadily with age, from about one in four (24%) women ages 18-25 to six in ten (61%) women ages 55-64. Almost half of White (48%) and Black (45%) women report having a chronic health condition compared to just over one-third of Hispanic (35%) and Asian (34%) women. Insured women with Medicaid coverage (47%) and private coverage (45%) report higher rates of chronic health conditions requiring regular maintenance than do uninsured women (31%).

Six in ten women ages 50-64 have a chronic health condition that needs to be monitored regularly

Fifteen percent of women report having a disability or chronic disease that keeps them from participating fully in work, school, housework, or other activities (Figure 3). Women with Medicaid (29%), low-income women (24%), and older women (21%) are more likely than their counterparts to report having a disability or chronic disease.

Three in ten women with Medicaid have a disability or chronic disease

More than half of women are taking at least one prescription medication on a regular basis.

Women may take prescription medications to treat or manage chronic conditions and acute illnesses or to prevent pregnancy. More than half (57%) of women report taking at least one prescription medicine on a regular basis, including oral contraceptives (Figure 4). Prescription medication use increases with age, with about four in ten (42%) women ages 18-49 taking at least one on a regular basis compared to about seven in ten (72%) women ages 50-64. Women in poorer health (71%) are more likely than women in better health (55%) to report taking a prescription medication regularly.4  Low-income women (52%) are less likely than women with higher incomes (61%) to take a prescription medication regularly and uninsured women (36%) are less likely than insured women (60%). White women (63%) are more likely than Asian (47%), Hispanic (48%), and Black (51%) women to take a prescription medication.

Over half of women take a prescription medication, increasing with age

Health Care Utilization

Sites of Care

Most women obtain their care at doctors’ offices, but clinics are common sites of care for underserved communities, particularly for uninsured women and those with Medicaid.

Eighty-four percent of women report that they have a place they usually go when they are sick or need advice about their health. Eight in ten (81%) women with a usual place of care report that they obtain their care at a doctor’s office (Figure 5). Seventeen percent obtain care at a clinic, such as a health center, urgent care clinic, or clinic inside a store or pharmacy. A very small share (2%) cites the emergency room as their usual site of care and 1% go to some other place.

Eight in ten women usually go to a doctor's office for their health care

The share of women with private health insurance (85%), higher-income women (85%), and White (84%) and Asian (85%) women who visit a doctor’s office is higher than those of their counterparts (Figure 6). Approximately one-quarter of women with Medicaid (23%) and one in three (30%) uninsured women usually visit a health center, urgent care clinic, or clinic inside a store or pharmacy. Hispanic (21%) and Black (22%) women are more likely to visit one of these clinics than White (14%) women or Asian (11) women.

Most women visit a doctor's office when they need health care, but a large share of uninsured women go to health centers or clinics

Among women who obtain care at a health center or clinic, more than half of women with private insurance visit a walk-in clinic while uninsured women and women with Medicaid are more likely to visit a community or public health center for care.

Among women who usually visit a clinic, almost half (46%) use a walk-in clinic such as an urgent care center clinic inside a store or pharmacy (Figure 7). These clinics are often staffed by advanced practice clinicians and treat minor illnesses and injuries and provide some preventive care. Women with employer-sponsored insurance (59%) are far likelier to use one of these clinics than are women with individual insurance (30%) or Medicaid coverage (37%) and uninsured women (35%) (Table 1). About one-third (34%) of women who usually visit a health clinic go to a community health center or health department. Community health centers and health departments are common among women with Medicaid (46%) and uninsured women (41%), Hispanic (47%) and Black women (41%), and low-income women (47%).

Walk-in clinics are the most common place of care for women who typically visit a health center or clinic
Table 1: Community and public health centers are common sites of care for low-income women and women of color

Sources of Care

While the vast majority of women have a regular provider they turn to for routine care, only half of uninsured women have a usual source of care.

Having a usual source of health care is associated with increased use of preventive care and better health outcomes. Seventy-nine percent of women have a regular doctor or health care provider they see when they are sick or need routine care. The likelihood of having a regular provider increases with age (Figure 8). Women who live in a state that expanded Medicaid are more likely to have a usual source of care than women in states that have not expanded Medicaid (82% vs. 74%). Fewer uninsured (51%) and low-income (74%) women report having a usual source of care than their counterparts. Hispanic women (76%) are less likely than White women (81%) to have a usual source of care. Ten percent of women with an ongoing health condition do not have a regular doctor or health care provider (data not shown in figure).

While most women have a usual source of care, there is substantial variation by sociodemographic factors

Nearly three-quarters (73%) of women with a regular doctor or health care provider describe their primary provider as a family medicine or internal medicine doctor (Figure 9). Fourteen percent of women with a regular provider go to an advanced practice clinician such as a nurse practitioner or physician assistant, and 7% see an OBGYN.

Most women with a usual source of care describe their primary provider as a family medicine or internal medicine doctor

About three-quarters (77%) of women with private insurance and low-income women report having a family or internal medicine doctor as their primary provider (Table 2). Women who live in rural areas are more likely than women in urban/suburban areas to say their primary provider is an advanced practice clinician (21% vs. 12%). OBGYNs are the primary type of provider for more uninsured (12%) than insured (7%) women and Black women (12%) than White women (6%) (data not shown in table).

Table 2. The type of provider women visit for health care varies by sociodemographic characteristics

Health Insurance

Many insured women report that their plan didn’t always cover all their needed medical care, or that it paid less than they expected.

One in five women (20%) with health insurance report that a doctor they wanted to see was not covered by their plan (out-of-network) and 14% said their plan would not cover a test or scan their doctor recommended (Table 3). More than one in five insured women (23%) said their plan would not cover a prescription medication, or charged high cost sharing for it, and one in ten (10%) said their plan stopped covering a medication they were taking. Nearly one-quarter (24%) of women with health insurance (through either individual or employer plans or Medicaid) reported that their plan did not cover a medical bill for services they thought were covered, or that it paid less for that service than they expected. About one-quarter (23%) of these women said this was due to the provider being out-of-network, 43% believed it was for some other reason, and one-third (33%) said they did not know why this happened.

Some of these problems vary by type of insurance coverage. For example, one in four (25%) women with employer-sponsored insurance say their plan didn’t cover medical care they thought was covered, or paid less than expected, compared to 15% of women with Medicaid. Women with Medicaid (29%) or individual market coverage (28%) are nearly twice as likely as women with employer-sponsored insurance (15%) to report that a particular doctor they wanted to see not covered by their plan. Nearly twice as many women with Medicaid (14%) as with private insurance (8%) reported their plan stopped covering a prescription medication they were taking.

Table 3. More women with individual health insurance or Medicaid say their preferred doctor was not covered by their plan than women with employer-sponsored insurance

General Check-ups and Provider-Patient Counseling

While most women have visited a doctor in the past two years and had a check-up, rates are lower among younger women and uninsured women.

Regular provider visits give women an opportunity to talk with clinicians about a broad range of issues, including preventing illness, the role of lifestyle factors on health, and management of chronic illnesses. Under the ACA, most health plans must cover at least one annual check-up or well-woman visit, which can include assessments of diet and physical activity, preconception care, and cancer screenings. The majority of women have seen a medical provider in the past two years, but fewer have had a well-woman visit or general check-up.

More than nine in ten (93%) women have seen a doctor or health care provider in the past two years (Table 4). However, fewer young women ages 18-25 (88%), uninsured women (75%), and low-income women (89%) have visited a doctor than the average.

About three-quarters of women (73%) have had a general check-up or “well-woman visit” in the past two years. However, uninsured women (41%), low-income women (64%), and women in poorer health (66%) are less likely to have had a recent checkup. Hispanic women (67%) are less likely than White women (76%) to have had a check-up in the past two years.

Table 4. A quarter of uninsured women have not seen a doctor or health care provider in the past 2 years and less than half have had a check-up

More than half (51%) of women who have had a check-up or well-woman in the past two years report that they went to a general practice or internal medicine doctor for their visit (Table 5). About two-thirds (35%) went to an OBGYN. Older women ages 50-64 (62%) are more likely to visit a general practice doctor than younger women ages 18-25 (44%), while younger women (42%) are more likely to visit an OBGYN than older women (22%). About one in ten (11%) women who have had a check-up in the past two years report that they saw a nurse practitioner or physician assistant for their visit; this share is higher among women ages 50-64 (13%) than women ages 18-35 (7%).

Table 5. More women see a family or internal medicine doctor for check-ups or well-woman visits, but a large share of younger women see an OBGYN

Overall, women have more connections to the health care system than men. Higher shares of women than men report having a usual source of care and a visit to a health provider in the past two years.

Women are slightly more likely than men to report having a regular place of care (84% vs. 80%) and a regular doctor or provider (79% vs. 75%) (Table 6). Ninety-three percent of women have visited a health care provider in the past two years and 73% have had a check-up, compared to 88% and 69% of men, respectively. Even within genders, there are differences by age, with older people more likely than younger people to report having each of these regular connections. For example, nine in ten (90%) women ages 50-64 have a regular doctor or health care provider compared to three-quarters (74%) of women ages 18-49. For men, nine in ten (90%) men ages 50-64 have a regular doctor or provider compared to seven in ten (69%) men ages 50-64.

Table 6. Women have more connections to the health care system than men, with variation by age

Most women report that they have spoken with a health care provider about health behaviors such as diet, exercise, and nutrition as well as smoking and alcohol or drug use.

Counseling on health-related behaviors such as diet, smoking, and alcohol use is an important component of women’s primary care. More than three in four (77%) women who have seen a provider in the past two years report their provider asking about or discussing diet, exercise, and nutrition with them.

Slightly fewer (72%) have discussed smoking and approximately two-thirds (67%) have discussed alcohol or drug use with a provider in the past two years. Older women ages 50-64 (81%), higher-income women (81%), and those with private insurance (80%) are more likely than their counterparts to have discussed diet, exercise, and nutrition with their provider. Younger women ages 18-49 are more likely than older women ages 50-64 to have discussed smoking (75% vs. 68%) or alcohol or drug use (71% vs. 60%). Across the board, insured women have higher rates of counseling on these issues than uninsured women (Table 7).5 

Table 7. The majority of women have recently discussed diet, exercise, nutrition, smoking, and alcohol or drug use with their health care provider, but fewer uninsured women have been asked about these topics

Smaller shares of Asian and Black women than White women report that a provider has asked about or discussed mental health issues such as anxiety and depression with them.

Most plans must cover treatment for mental health care and other medical conditions equally. Depression and anxiety affect a higher share of women than men over their lifetimes. The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) recommends women receive depression screenings, though it does not have a recommendation for frequency. The Women’s Preventive Services Initiative (WPSI) now recommends that women and teens also receive anxiety screenings. The ACA requires health plans to cover both of these screenings without cost sharing.

Among women who have seen a health care provider in the past two years, nearly seven in ten (69%) report that their provider asked about or discussed mental health issues, such as anxiety or depression (Figure 10). More White women (72%) than Black (61%) and Asian (60%) women are asked about mental health issues. Younger women and women covered by Medicaid (76%) are more likely than their counterparts to have discussed mental health issues with their provider. Women with health insurance (70%) and those in poorer health (76%) are more likely than uninsured women (55%) and women in better health (67%) to have had this discussion with their health care provider.

Older women, Asian and Black women, and uninsured women are less likely to be asked about mental health issues  by their health care provider

Social Determinants of Health

Few women report that their health care providers have asked them about issues such as their ability to afford food, their housing situation, and access to reliable transportation.

In recent years, the social determinants of health have been recognized as critical factors that shape health outcomes. These factors include housing, transportation, nutrition, and financial well-being. Although there are no formal recommendations for routine screening for social determinants of health, there is increasing awareness among the medical community that better tools are needed to help target assistance to patients to improve health. Health care providers who ask their patients about these factors may be able to help connect patients who are experiencing challenges to local assistance and resources.

More than half of women who have visited a doctor in the past two years were asked about the kind of work they do while only 13% were asked about their access to reliable transportation or ability to afford food. Three in ten women with Medicaid were asked about their housing situation.

Over half (56%) of women who have seen their health care provider in the past two years report that their provider asked about what kind of work they do, with higher shares among women ages 26-35 (65%) and women with a college degree (67%) (Table 8). Two in ten (19%) women who have seen a health care provider in the past two years report having been asked about their housing situation, with higher shares among women with Medicaid coverage (30%) and low-income women (27%). Fewer women (13%) report that their provider asked them about their access to reliable transportation or their ability to afford food. Women with Medicaid or who are lower-income are more likely than their counterparts to have been asked about these two topics with their health care provider in the past two years.

Table 8. Few women say they have discussed their housing situation, transportation access, and ability to afford food with their health care provider

Screening Tests

Use of preventive services can lead to early identification of conditions when they are more responsive to medical interventions. This is especially true for certain types of cancers and cardiovascular conditions. For example, the USPSTF recommends routine mammograms every two years for women ages 50-74 to identify breast cancer as well as colorectal cancer screenings for women ages 50-75, though the recommended frequency varies by type of screening test. These services are covered in full by most private plans under the ACA’s preventive services coverage requirements and by most state Medicaid programs.6 

Most women ages 50-64 say they have had a mammogram in the past two years; fewer have had a recent colon cancer screening.

Most (78%) women ages 50-64 have had a mammogram in the past two years (Figure 11). Insured women ages 50-64 (78%) are more likely than uninsured women (49%) to have had a mammogram in the past two years. Low-income women (66%) are less likely than higher-income women (79%) to have received a mammogram in the past two years. The survey found no statistically significant differences in mammogram screening rates by race/ethnicity.

Less than half (45%) of women ages 50-64 report having had a colon cancer screening in the past two years (Figure 12). Women with insurance (47%) are more likely than uninsured women (33%) to have had a colon cancer screening in the past two years. The survey did not find any statistically significant differences in recent colon cancer screening rates by race/ethnicity, insurance type, or income.

Uninsured and low-income women are less likely to have received a mammogram in the past 2 years
Less than half of women ages 50-64 have had a colon cancer screening in the past two years

Health Care Experiences

Negative experiences with the health care system can contribute to poorer health outcomes, distrust of the health care system, and health disparities. Two in ten women who have seen a health care provider in the past two years say that their provider dismissed their concerns and 13% report that their provider assumed something about them without asking. These shares are higher among younger women, women with Medicaid, and women in poorer health.

The impact of bias in health care, including implicit bias, has garnered increased attention in recent years and is recognized as having detrimental effects on women’s health. To gain greater insight into women's experiences with health care providers, our survey asked whether they had encountered any of four negative experiences when visiting their provider in the past two years.

Among women and men who have visited a health care provider in the past two years, 21% of women report that their doctor had dismissed their concerns, compared to 13% of men (Figure 13). Thirteen percent of women and 11% of men who have been to a doctor in the past two years say their doctor assumed something about them without asking. Ten percent of women who have visited a provider in the past two years have had a provider who didn’t believe they were telling the truth, compared to 7% of men. Nine percent of women and 7% of men report that a provider suggested they were personally to blame for a health problem. Women are more likely than men to have had at least one of these negative experiences with their provider in the past two years  (27% vs. 20%).

Women are more likely than men to say a health care provider dismissed their concerns or didn't believe they were telling the truth

Women who are younger, covered by Medicaid, or in poorer health are more likely than their counterparts to have had each of these four experiences with their provider in the past two years (Table 9). Hispanic (14%) and Black (13%) women are more likely than White women (9%) to say their doctor did not believe they were telling the truth. Thirteen percent of unemployed women who have visited a health care provider in the past two years report that their doctor did not believe they were telling the truth, compared to 8% of employed women. Nearly four in ten (38%) women ages 18-25 and women in poorer health have had at least one of these four experiences.

Table 9. One in three women in poorer health say their health care provider had dismissed their concerns and two in ten young women say their provider didn't believe they were telling the truth

Among women who have been treated in at least one of these ways, many say it was because of their age and/or gender. Black and Hispanic women are more likely than White women to say they were treated this way because of their race/ethnicity.

Among women who had at least one of these four types of experiences with their provider, 30% believe they were treated this way because of their age; 20% say it was because of their gender; 13% think it was because of their insurance type; 11% believe it was due to their race or ethnicity; 8% think it was because of their ability to pay, and 22% do not know (Figure 14). Notably, 32% of women who had one these negative experiences with their provider said that it happened for 'none of these reasons.'

Among women who have had one of these experiences with their provider in the past two years, younger women ages 18-25 (47%) and 26-35 (35%) are more likely than women ages 36-49 (17%) and 50-64 (24%) to say they experienced this because of their age. Women are almost twice as likely as men to say they were treated this way because of their gender (20% vs. 12%). Women with Medicaid are nearly four times more likely than women with private insurance to say they were treated this way because of the type of insurance they had (30% vs. 8%). Black women (38%) and Hispanic women (16%) are more likely than White women (2%) to say they were treated this way by their provider because of their race/ethnicity.7  Low-income women are almost three times more likely than higher-income women to say they experienced this treatment because of their ability to pay (14% vs. 5%).

Among women who have seen a provider in the past two years and experienced health care provider bias, three in ten say it was because of their age

Health Care Costs

Out-of-Pocket Costs for Preventive Care

When it comes to annual check-ups or well-woman visits, more than four in ten women report having at least some out-of-pocket costs associated with these preventive visits 

The ACA and most state Medicaid programs require plans to cover preventive health care without cost sharing (deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments). This includes an annual check-up or well-woman visit. Despite this requirement, many women still have at least some out-of-pocket expenses for their check-up or well-woman visit. Among women who have had a check-up or well-woman visit in the past two years, more than four in ten (43%) women report having to pay at least some out-of-pocket costs for their annual check-up or well-woman visit.

Nearly half (47%) of women with private insurance and one in five (20%) women with Medicaid had out-of-pocket spending for their check-ups or well-woman visits.

Among women with private insurance plans, most of which are prohibited from charging cost sharing for check-ups/well-woman visits and many preventive services, almost half (47%) report that they had out-of-pocket expenses for their check-up or well-woman visit (Figure 15). It is possible that some respondents may have mistaken another type of visit as a check-up or well-woman visit. There are several reasons why some women are still being exposed to cost sharing for these visits. While many preventive services are provided in the context of a check-up/well-woman visit, additional health services received during that visit, such as diagnostic tests or labs, may be subject to cost sharing. In addition, some women may be enrolled in a grandfathered health plan, which is not subject to the requirement to cover an annual check-up without cost sharing, though there are relatively few people still enrolled in one of these plans. Finally, the requirement to cover preventive care without cost sharing applies to care received in-network, so if a woman goes to an out-of-network provider for their check-up, they will likely be exposed to out-of-pocket costs.

While cost sharing is routine in the private insurance market, it is less common, though not prohibited, in the traditional Medicaid program. Women who are enrolled through the ACA’s Medicaid expansion option are entitled to no-cost preventive care. One in five women with Medicaid (20%), whether traditional or expansion, paid at least some out-of-pocket costs for their check-up. The requirement to cover an annual check-up is not applicable to those without health insurance. About two-thirds (64%) of uninsured women have incurred out-of-pocket costs for their visit. It should be noted that while this question asked about cost sharing for a check-up in the past two years, data on insurance coverage reflects coverage at the time the respondent completed the survey and may have changed during the prior two years.

Four in ten women report paying out-of-pocket for their annual check-up or well-woman visit

Medical Bills

While the ACA has helped alleviate some of the financial barriers to accessing health care, many women, including those with insurance, still report problems paying medical bills. Some women incur significant medical expenses because of an unexpected diagnosis such as cancer, or an illness or injury that limits their ability to work and earn income to pay off bills. Costly medical bills can also arise after receiving care from an out-of-network provider, commonly referred to as surprise medical bills.

One in four women report having had problems paying medical bills in the past year, with higher rates among uninsured women and women in poorer health.

Twenty-four percent of women report that they or a household family member has had problems paying medical bills in the past year. Problems paying medical bills are more common among women than men (17%). While more women with children (27%) report problems paying medical bills than do women without children (22%), the share of men with children (19%) and men without children (16%) that have problems paying medical bills is statistically similar.

Outstanding medical bills are more common among uninsured and lower-income women and those in poorer health (Figure 16). This includes nearly four in ten uninsured women (39%) and women in poorer health (38%), and one-third of low-income women (33%). About three in ten Black women (29%), women who live in states that did not expand Medicaid (29%), and those without a college degree (28%) also report having trouble paying medical bills in the past year.

One in four women have had problems paying their medical bills in the past 12 months

The financial turmoil many people have experienced because of the COVID-19 pandemic has compounded the challenges some women face in their ability to pay medical bills.

Among women who report having had problems paying medical bills in the past year, one-quarter (26%) say it was because of the coronavirus and its impact on their financial situation. This could be due to financial impacts from job loss or furlough, health-related consequences, or other reasons related to coronavirus. About four in ten (42%) women who have had problems paying medical bills in the past year say they were having problems paying medical bills before the pandemic and three in ten (31%) say it was a combination of both (Figure 17).

Over half of women who have had problems paying their medical bills in the past 12 months say it was at least in part because of the COVID-19 pandemic

Medical bills can have serious consequences for women’s financial well-being and ability to afford basic necessities.

Among women who report trouble paying medical bills in the past year, two-thirds (66%) had to set up a payment plan with a doctor or hospital and/or used up all or most of their savings (Figure 18). About six in ten (59%) have been contacted by a collection agency, nearly half (48%) have had difficulty paying for basic necessities like food, heat, or housing, and four in ten (40%) borrowed money from family or friends. These shares are similar between women and men.

Low-income women who have had problems paying medical bills in the past year are more likely than higher-income women to report having had difficulty paying for basic necessities such as food, heat, or housing (61% vs. 37%), having been contacted by a collection agency (64% vs. 58%), or borrowing money from family or friends (49% vs. 33%). Higher-income women with problems paying medical bills in the past year are more likely than low-income women to have set up a payment plan with a doctor or hospital (73% vs. 60%).

Six in ten low-income women have had difficulty paying for basic necessities like food, heat or housing because of medical bills

Conclusion

Women’s access to and use of health care services has an impact on their health outcomes. Most women report having a regular source of care and having had a recent doctor’s visit. However, connections to the delivery system are more tenuous for low-income and uninsured women, who are less likely to report a recent visit or regular place of care. The ACA prioritized prevention by requiring insurance plans to cover routine check-ups and several screening tests without any out-of-pocket costs. Most women report they have had a general check-up or well-woman visit in the past two years, but similar to other measures, rates are lower among low-income and uninsured women. While a large share of women receive provider counseling on health issues like nutrition, exercise, and alcohol or drug use, a small share report that a provider has asked them about or discussed their mental health in the past two years.

Health insurance coverage helps link women to care and reduces patients’ financial risks when they need routine care, get sick, or need to be hospitalized. However, even women with insurance report having problems using their insurance, such as receiving health care they thought was covered but wasn’t and not being able to see the doctor of their choice because the doctor was out-of-network.

Health care costs continue to be a challenge for a significant share of the population, with many women reporting they have had to pay cost sharing for a preventive care visit or that they have had trouble paying medical bills. This is particularly true for low-income and uninsured women. For many women, the COVID-19 pandemic has added to their health-related financial burdens.

Finally, the importance of the social determinants on health outcomes has gained recognition in recent years but it seems few providers are discussing important factors such as food insecurity and transportation challenges with their patients. Gender bias and racial discrimination in the health care system can contribute to health disparities and poorer health outcomes. Women are more likely than men to report having experienced some type of health care bias, particularly those who are in poorer health, younger, or low-income.

The COVID-19 pandemic has further exposed many of the long-standing weaknesses in the health care system that have disproportionately impacted women, especially those who are low-income, women of color, or who are uninsured. For many women, the ACA helped strengthen access to coverage and protected them from many out-of-pocket costs. However, there is still much that can be done to make health care and coverage more affordable, expand equitable access to care, improve the quality and content of that care, and address the bias and discrimination that many women still experience when they seek care.

Methodology

The 2020 KFF Women’s Health Survey was designed and analyzed by researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) of a representative sample of 4,805 adults, ages 18-64 years old (3,661 women and 1,144 men). The survey was conducted online and telephone using AmeriSpeak®, the probability-based panel of NORC at the University of Chicago. U.S. households are recruited for participation using address-based sampling methodology and initial invitations for participation are sent by mail, telephone, and in-person interviews. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish online (4,636) and via the telephone (169). Our previous Women's Health Surveys were conducted exclusively by telephone, so trend data are not included in our 2020 survey. Interviews for this survey were conducted between November 19 and December 17, 2020, among adults living in the United States. KFF paid for all costs associated with the survey.

The sample for this study was stratified by age, race/ethnicity, education, and gender as well as disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching uninsured women, women who identify as LGBT, Asian women, and women 18-49 years old. The sampling also took into consideration differential survey completion rates by demographic groups so that the set of panel members with a completed interview for a study is a representative sample of the target population. This survey includes people who self-identified as 'female' or 'male’ regardless of their sex at birth. While our goal was to be as inclusive as possible, we were not able to obtain a large enough sample to support a separate questionnaire that addresses the unique health concerns and experiences of non-binary or gender-fluid people to include them in this survey. We recognize that additional study is needed to better understand the health and access issues faced by non-binary people.

A series of data quality checks were run and cases determined to be poor-quality, as defined by surveys with a length of interview of less than 33% of the mean length of interview and with high levels of question refusal (>50%) were removed from the final data (n=96). Weighting involved multiple stages. First, the sample was weighted to match estimates for the national population from the 2020 Current Population Survey on age, gender, census division, race/ethnicity, and education. The second round of weights adjusted for the study’s sampling design. All statistical tests of significance account for the effect of weighting.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample of women is plus or minus 2 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Note that sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error in this or any other public opinion poll.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E
Men Ages 18-641,144+/- 4 percentage points
Women Ages 18-643,661+/- 2 percentage points
Women Ages 18-492,695+/- 2 percentage points
White Women Ages 18-641,813+/- 3 percentage points
Black Women Ages 18-64603+/- 5 percentage points
Hispanic Women Ages 18-64801+/- 5 percentage points
Asian Women Ages 18-64246+/- 8 percentage points
LGB Women Ages 18-64392+/- 7 percentage points
Heterosexual Women Ages 18-643,239+/- 2 percentage points
Women < 200% FPL1,471+/- 3 percentage points
Women ≥200% FPL1,943+/- 3 percentage points

Endnotes

  1. This survey includes women ages 18-64. Hereafter, we use the word u2018womenu2019 to refer to women ages 18-64 unless otherwise indicated. ↩︎
  2. This survey defines low-income as household income under 200% of the federal poverty level (FPL); higher-income is 200% or more of the FPL. The FPL for a family of four in 2020 was $26,200. ↩︎
  3. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race; other groups are non-Hispanic. ↩︎
  4. Those in poorer health describe their health as fair or poor and those in better health describe their health as good, very good, or excellent health. ↩︎
  5. For survey data on sexual and reproductive health-related counseling, including contraception and sexual history, see the Sexual and Reproductive Health Services section. ↩︎
  6. For survey data on preventive sexual and reproductive health-related screenings such as pap smears and STI and HIV testing, see the Sexual and Reproductive Health Services section. ↩︎
  7. Not sufficient data to report on Asian women. Caution should be used when comparing race/ethnicity data here as there are few observations for White women. ↩︎

Supply vs Demand: When Will the Scales Tip on COVID-19 Vaccination in the U.S?

Published: Apr 20, 2021

For months, the main challenge with COVID-19 vaccine roll-out in the U.S. was that demand greatly outstripped supply. Indeed, limited supply, coupled with restricted eligibility in many parts of the country, meant that most people couldn’t get vaccinated if they wanted to. Now, with supply having increased significantly and eligibility fully open to adults in all states as of April 19, the main question has become, when will supply outstrip demand? While timing may differ by state, we estimate that across the U.S. as a whole we will likely reach a tipping point on vaccine enthusiasm in the next 2 to 4 weeks. Once this happens, efforts to encourage vaccination will become much harder, presenting a challenge to reaching the levels of herd immunity that are expected to be needed.

Our polls, and others, have shown that the share of adults who have either received one vaccine dose or want to get vaccinated as soon as they can has continually increased. As of March 21, it was 61% (up from 55% the month before). This increase reflects a shift from those saying they want to “wait and see” into the vaccine enthusiasm group. In fact, the share saying they want to “wait and see” has consistently fallen, as more people become enthusiastic about getting vaccinated.

If we use 61% as a current “outer edge” of vaccine enthusiasm, it translates into about 157 million adults. The latest data from the CDC indicate that almost 131 million adults (or 50.7% of all adults), had received at least one vaccine dose as of April 19. That leaves an additional 27 million adults to go before we hit up against the “enthusiasm limit”. At the current rate of first doses administered per day (using a 7-day rolling average, as of April 13) – or approximately, 1.7 million per day – we would reach the tipping point in about 15 days.  Of course if the pace of vaccination picks up, it could be sooner.  However, if those who say they want to get vaccinated right away face challenges in accessing vaccination, it could take longer.

Estimated Number of Days It Will Take to Reach All Adults in the U.S. Who Want a Vaccine With at Least One Dose (as of April 19, 2021)​

We also know that, over time, people have moved from the “wait and see” group to the vaccine enthusiasm group, suggesting that the 61% may be a floor, not a ceiling.  If about a third of the “wait and see” group moves into the enthusiasm group (comparable to what happened last month), the “outer edge” of vaccine enthusiasm would increase to 170 million people (or 66% of all adults); at the current rate of vaccine doses administered per day, it would take 22 days to reach the point at which supply outstrips demand.  If half of the “wait and see” group move, it would take about 28 days to reach the tipping point.

Thus, on average across the country, it appears we are quite close to the tipping point where demand for rather than supply of vaccines is our primary challenge. Federal, state, and local officials, and the private sector, will face the challenge of having to figure out how to increase willingness to get vaccinated among those still on the fence, and ideally among the one-fifth of adults who have consistently said they would not get vaccinated or would do so only if required. Now that supply has increased and eligibility has expanded, it will take a concerted effort to reach a sufficient level of vaccination for herd immunity, and to do so in a way that achieves equity goals as well.

News Release

Analysis Finds That a Relatively Small Number of Drugs Account for the Majority of Medicare Prescription Drug Spending

Published: Apr 19, 2021

A new KFF analysis finds that a relatively small share of drugs, mainly those without generic or biosimilar competitors, accounted for a disproportionate share of prescription drug spending in Medicare in 2019. This finding suggests that recent proposals that focus on prices for a limited number of high-cost drugs could achieve significant savings.

The 250 top-selling drugs in Medicare Part D with one manufacturer and no generic or biosimilar competition – or roughly 7 percent of the more than 3,500 Part D covered drugs — accounted for 60 percent of the net total Part D spending of $145 billion in 2019, the analysis finds. Part D is Medicare’s voluntary benefit that covers retail prescription drugs for 46 million enrollees in 2020.

Similarly in Medicare Part B, the top 50 covered drugs – or 8.5 percent of all Part B covered drugs — accounted for 80 percent of total Part B drug spending of $37 billion in 2019. Medicare Part B pays for prescription drugs administered by physicians and other providers in outpatient settings for conditions such as cancer and rheumatoid arthritis.

The findings inform ongoing policy debates about policies to rein in prescription drug prices, such as proposals to allow the government to negotiate drug prices (Part D) or peg payments to international prices (Part B), if such changes were applied to a limited number of drugs. Focusing drug price negotiation or reference pricing on a subset of high-priced drugs could leave some savings on the table, but might also be a more efficient use of administrative resources.

For more data and analyses related to Medicare and prescription drugs, visit kff.org.

Relatively Few Drugs Account for a Large Share of Medicare Prescription Drug Spending

Published: Apr 19, 2021

Note: An updated analysis with more recent data is available here

Policymakers are once again focusing attention on proposals to lower prescription drug costs. During the previous session of Congress, the House passed legislation (H.R. 3) to allow the federal government to negotiate drug prices for Medicare Part D, Medicare’s outpatient prescription drug benefit, and private insurers. Under H.R. 3, the HHS Secretary would negotiate prices for up to 250 brand-name drugs lacking generic or biosimilar competition with the highest net spending. In contrast, other drug price negotiation proposals placed no limit on the number of covered drugs subject to negotiation. In a similar vein, the Trump administration issued a final rule to establish a model through the CMS Innovation Center  that would base Medicare’s payment for the 50 highest-spending Part B drugs (i.e., drugs administered by physicians in outpatient settings) on the lowest price paid by certain other similar countries. (In light of pending litigation, the Biden Administration has stated that it will not implement this model without further rulemaking.)

These drug pricing proposals raise the question of whether limiting the number of drugs subject to government price negotiation or international reference pricing might leave substantial savings on the table, even if this approach is more administratively feasible than subjecting all drugs to negotiation or reference pricing. This analysis provides context for this question by measuring the share of total Medicare Part D and Part B drug spending accounted for by top-selling drugs covered under each part. For this analyses, we ranked drugs by total spending in 2019, based on data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services’ Medicare Part D and Part B drug spending dashboards. For Part D, we calculated estimates of net total spending, taking into account average rebates reported by the Congressional Budget Office. (See Data and Methods for details.)

Takeaways

Our analysis finds that a relatively small number and share of drugs accounted for a disproportionate share of Medicare Part B and Part D prescription drug spending in 2019 (Figure 1).

  • The 250 top-selling drugs in Medicare Part D with one manufacturer and no generic or biosimilar competition (7% of all Part D covered drugs) accounted for 60% of net total Part D spending.
  • The top 50 drugs covered under Medicare Part B (8.5% of all Part B covered drugs) accounted for 80% of total Part B drug spending.
Figure 1: A Relatively Small Number of Prescription Drugs Accounts for a Large Share of Medicare Part D and Part B Drug Spending

Medicare Part D

In 2019, Medicare Part D covered more than 3,500 prescription drug products, with total spending of $183 billion, not accounting for rebates. Because drug-specific rebate data are not publicly available, we applied average rebates from a CBO analysis of prices for top-selling brand-name drugs to derive an estimate of net Medicare Part D spending of $145 billion in 2019. For specialty drugs (which we identified as drugs with prices at or above $670 per claim, based on the amount of the Part D specialty tier threshold ]in 2019), we applied a rebate of 12%, and for non-specialty brand-name drugs, we applied a rebate of 47%. We assumed no rebate for lower-cost generic drugs.

Our analysis shows that Part D drug spending is concentrated among a relatively small number of drugs with only one manufacturer and no generic or biosimilar competition.

  • The top-selling 250 drugs with one manufacturer and no generic or biosimilar competitors accounted for 60% of net total Part D spending in 2019 (Figure 1). In contrast, the remaining 2,208 drugs with one manufacturer accounted for 13% of net total Part D spending in 2019, and all other covered Part D drugs (1,078) accounted for 27% of net total spending.
  • The average net cost per claim across the top 250 drugs with one manufacturer and no generic or biosimilar competitors was substantially higher than the average net cost per claim of other covered Part D drugs. For the top 250 drugs, the average net cost per claim was $5,750, more than twice as much as the average net cost per claim for the remaining 2,208 drugs with one manufacturer ($2,555), and more than 13 times greater than the average net cost per claim for all other covered Part D drugs ($422) (primarily generic drugs).
  • The 10 top-selling Part D covered drugs with no generic or biosimilar competition in 2019 accounted for 0.3% of all covered products but 16% of net total Part D spending that year (Figure 2). These 10 top-selling drugs include three cancer medications, four diabetes medications, two anticoagulants, and one rheumatoid arthritis treatment (Table 1). Our estimate of net total spending on each of these drugs ranged from around $1 billion to $4 billion in 2019, based on average rebates for specialty and non-specialty brand drugs derived from CBO’s analysis.

Medicare Part B

Medicare Part B covers prescription drugs administered by physicians and other providers in outpatient settings. Part B covers a substantially smaller number of drugs than Part D – fewer than 600 drug products in 2019, with total spending of $37 billion – but many Part B covered drugs are relatively costly medications. As is the case under Part D, drug spending under Part B is highly concentrated among a handful of medications:

  • The top 50 drugs ranked by total spending accounted for 80% of total Medicare Part B drug spending in 2019, while the top 100 drugs accounted for 93% of the total (Figure 3). In contrast, the remaining 485 covered Part B drugs accounted for only 7% of total Part B drug spending in 2019.
  • The top 10 Part B covered drugs in 2019 accounted for 2% of all covered products but 43% of total Part B drug spending that year. The top 10 drugs include four cancer medications, two medications for macular degeneration, two rheumatoid arthritis treatments, one osteoporosis drug, and one bone marrow stimulant. Total spending on these drugs ranged from $2.9 billion for Eylea, a treatment for macular degeneration, to $0.9 billion for Remicade, a treatment for rheumatoid arthritis (Table 2)

Conclusion

Some recent proposals to lower prescription drug prices have limited the number of drugs subject to price negotiation and international reference pricing. This analysis shows that Medicare Part D and Part B spending is highly concentrated among a relatively small share of covered drugs, mainly those without generic or biosimilar competitors. Focusing drug price negotiation or reference pricing on a subset of drugs that account for a disproportionate share of spending would be an efficient use of administrative resources, though it would also leave some potential savings on the table. In considering whether to broaden these proposals to focus on all prescription drugs, policymakers may want to consider whether doing so would achieve sufficient savings to justify the added administrative burden and associated costs.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures.We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Methods

This analysis is based on 2019 data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) Medicare Part B and Part D Drug Spending Dashboards. For Part B, the data includes spending for beneficiaries in traditional Medicare but not Medicare Advantage, because claims data are not available for beneficiaries in Medicare Advantage plans. For Part D, the data includes spending for beneficiaries in both traditional Medicare and Medicare Advantage who are enrolled in Medicare Part D plans.

Drug spending metrics for Part B drugs presented in the dashboard represent the full value of the product, including the Medicare payment and beneficiary liability. Medicare reimbursement for most Part B drugs is 106% of the Average Sales Price (ASP) which is the average price to all non-federal purchasers in the United States and includes volume discounts, prompt pay discounts, cash discounts, free goods that are contingent on any purchase requirement, chargebacks (other than chargebacks for 340B discounts), and rebates (other than rebates under the Medicaid drug rebate program). For Part B covered drugs, beneficiaries are liable for 20% coinsurance.

For this analysis, we sorted the list of drugs in the Part B dashboard in 2019 (n=585) by total spending, calculated the percent of total spending accounted for by each drug, and summed across the top 10, 25, 50, and 100 drugs ranked by total spending. Because Part B spending reported in the dashboard reflects the actual Medicare payment, no adjustment for rebates was necessary.

Drug spending metrics for Part D drugs presented in the CMS dashboard are based on the gross drug cost, which represents total spending for the prescription claim, including Medicare, plan, and beneficiary payments. The Part D spending metrics do not reflect manufacturer rebates or other price concessions, because CMS is prohibited from publicly disclosing such information. In order to base our analysis on net drug spending, we incorporated average rebate estimates from an analysis of brand-name drug prices conducted by the Congressional Budget Office of Part D spending data. Based on CBO’s analysis of the difference between average retail and net prices for top-selling drugs, specialty drug rebates average 12% and non-specialty brand drug rebates average 47%. We applied the 12% rebate to gross drug spending amounts for drugs with average cost per claim above $670 (the threshold for inclusion of a drug on a Part D plan specialty tier in 2019), and the 47% rebate to gross drug spending amounts for all other drugs with one or two manufacturers where the brand name and generic name in the drug spending dashboard were not the same (which we interpreted as indicating a generic drug, along with multiple manufacturers). For drugs with three or more manufacturers, which generally corresponds to generic medications, we applied no rebate. Lack of publicly-available drug-specific rebate data limits our ability to further refine these estimates of net spending. While our estimates of net spending and the specific shares accounted for by different subsets of drugs would vary somewhat if we assumed different rebate amounts, the top-line finding – that a small number and share of drugs accounts for a large share of total spending – would not change.

We then sorted the list of drugs in the Part D dashboard in 2019 (n=3,536) by net total spending (after adjusting for estimated rebates as described above) and number of manufacturers, sorting out drugs with one manufacturer that had no generic or biosimilar competitors, and calculated the percent of net total spending accounted for by each drug, summing across the top 10, 50, 100, and 250 drugs with one manufacturer and no generic or biosimilar competition ranked by net total spending. For the subsets of the top 250 drugs, all other drugs with one manufacturer, and all other covered Part D drugs, we also calculated the average net spending per claim based on the average spending per claim metric presented in the dashboard.