This chart collection draws on primary and secondary data analyses by KFF and other sources to examine the characteristics, experiences, and outcomes of the Medicare population by race and ethnicity (see Methods for details on data and analysis). It includes data from a variety of sources to describe demographics, health status and disease prevalence, health coverage, access to care and service utilization, and health outcomes, including the most current data available pertaining to disparities related to COVID-19 within the Medicare population. It also documents disparities in income and wealth among people on Medicare.

Key Takeaways

• Life expectancy at age 65 has improved since the enactment of Medicare among all older adults but is lower for Black adults than White or Hispanic adults (18.0, 19.4, and 21.4 years, respectively) and higher for Hispanic adults than Black or White adults.
• Overall, Black and Hispanic Medicare beneficiaries have fewer years of formal education and lower median per capita income, savings, and home equity than White beneficiaries.
• Among Medicare beneficiaries, people of color are more likely to report being in relatively poor health, have higher prevalence rates of some chronic conditions, such as hypertension and diabetes than White beneficiaries; they are also less likely to have one or more doctor visit, but have higher rates of hospital admissions and emergency department visits than White beneficiaries.
• While the vast majority of Medicare beneficiaries across all racial and ethnic groups have some source of supplemental coverage to help fill in Medicare’s benefit gaps and cost-sharing requirements, the share of beneficiaries with different types of coverage varies by race and ethnicity. A smaller share of Black and Hispanic Medicare beneficiaries than White beneficiaries have private supplemental coverage through Medigap or retiree health plans, while a larger share have wrap-around coverage under Medicaid; a larger share of Black and Hispanic than White beneficiaries are enrolled in Medicare Advantage plans
• While relatively few Medicare beneficiaries overall report problems with access to care, a larger share of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries report trouble getting needed care than White beneficiaries.
• The COVID-19 pandemic has further highlighted stark racial/ethnic health inequities among Medicare beneficiaries, with Black, Hispanic, and American Indian/Alaska Natives accounting for disproportionate rates of COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations. Among adults ages 65 and older, people of color bear disproportionate rates of COVID-19 deaths relative to older White adults.

Medicare is a national health insurance program that provides coverage to more than 60 million people ages 65 years and older and younger adults with long-term disabilities, including 15 million beneficiaries who are people of color. Medicare covers a broad range of health services, including hospital and physician services, preventive services, skilled nursing facility and home health care, hospice, and prescription drugs. While Medicare has been instrumental in providing adults access to medical care, racial disparities in diagnoses, treatment, and outcomes among beneficiaries persist and have been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic.

Medicare has helped to mitigate racial and ethnic inequities in health care in its role as both a regulator and the largest single purchaser of personal health care in the U.S. Prior to the establishment of Medicare, half of older adults lacked health insurance. Soon after its enactment in 1965, Medicare facilitated the integration of hospitals by enforcing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits the distribution of federal funds to institutions that practice discrimination.¹  Before then, many hospitals were segregated, and in many parts of the country, Black physicians were unable to practice in hospitals in their community.²  As Dorothy Height, an American civil and women’s rights activist, observed, “the combination of Medicare, Medicaid and the civil rights legislation changed the health care landscape forever for Black Americans and minorities of all ages. Everyone benefited from these policies.”

However, as the coronavirus pandemic has laid bare, racial and ethnic inequities in health and health care persist, including among people with Medicare. Among adults ages 65 and over, COVID-19 related mortality rates for Black and Hispanic adults are nearly double the rate for White adults. In the Medicare population, which includes both older adults and younger adults with long-term disabilities, Black, Hispanic, and American Indian and Alaska Native beneficiaries have borne a disproportionate burden of COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations.

Long before the COVID-19 pandemic, numerous studies documented health inequities among Medicare beneficiaries by race and ethnicity, even after controlling for multiple factors, such as age, sex, and comorbidities. For example, Black Medicare beneficiaries have higher hospital readmission rates than White beneficiaries even after controlling for multiple patient-level factors,^{3 , 4 , 5}  and in some studies, these disparities persist even within the same hospital or skilled nursing facility,^6 ,7  suggesting that systemic-level factors are driving forces behind these disparities. Moreover, studies have documented racial/ethnic disparities in cancer survival rates and receipt of optimal treatments.^{8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ,12} 

Health inequities among Medicare beneficiaries are attributed to broader structural, socioeconomic, political, and environmental factors that are rooted in years of systemic racism. Socioeconomic disadvantages associated with structural racism shape health outcomes among people of color long before the age of Medicare eligibility is reached and have a cumulative effect over the course of a lifetime, contributing to ongoing or greater inequities in older ages.^13 ,14 

This chart collection draws on primary and secondary data analyses by KFF and other sources to examine the characteristics, experiences, and outcomes of the Medicare population by race and ethnicity (see Methods for details on data and analysis). It includes data from a variety of sources to describe demographics, health status and disease prevalence, health coverage, access to care and service utilization, and health outcomes, including the most current data available pertaining to disparities related to COVID-19 within the Medicare population. It also documents disparities in income and wealth among people on Medicare.

While the collection of race and ethnicity data in administrative and survey data has improved over time, sample size and data collection limitations, including limitations related to completion, accuracy, and classifications of race/ethnicity data, preclude analysis of certain racial and ethnic groups consistently across data sources. Further, gaps in data reporting and collection standards, such as the reporting of COVID-19 cases and deaths in nursing homes by race and ethnicity, impede the complete identification of racial and ethnic disparities. These data limitations affect our ability to display results for a consistent set of racial and ethnic groups in this chart collection, especially for Asian, American Indian and Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander beneficiaries, and beneficiaries who identify as two more races in some of our analyses. Moreover, due to these data limitations, we are unable to present more nuanced and disaggregated data that reflect the heterogeneity within different racial and ethnic groups. For example, researchers have documented differences in health outcomes within Hispanic subgroups, such as those identifying as Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, and Central/South American, that would otherwise be masked.^15 ,16  Throughout this brief, individuals of Hispanic origin may be of any race, but are classified as Hispanic for the analysis; all other groups are non-Hispanic.

By 2060, People of Color Will Comprise Close to Half of the U.S Population Ages 65 and Older

The population of the United States ages 65 and older is projected to grow from 56 million in 2020 to 95 million in 2060, accounting for nearly a quarter of the nation’s total population in 2060.

The U.S population ages 65 and over is also expected to become more diverse over time. Between 2020 and 2060, White adults are projected to account for a decreasing share of adults ages 65 and older, with their population declining from 76% to 55%, while the share of adults ages 65 and older who are people of color is projected to nearly double, from 25% to 47%. Much of this increase reflects growth in the older Hispanic adult population, with the share of adults ages 65 and older who are Hispanic projected to more than double over the next four decades, from 9% in 2020 to 21% in 2060 (Figure 1).

The Average Number of Years of Life Remaining at Age 65 Is Substantially Lower for Black Adults Than for White or Hispanic Adults

In 2018, adults in the U.S who reached age 65 were expected to live an additional 19.5 years on average –reflecting a 5-year gain in life expectancy since 1960, prior to the enactment of Medicare.¹⁷ 

However, life expectancy at age 65 is lower among Black adults (18 years) than among White adults (19.4 years) and Hispanic adults (21.4 years) (Figure 2). Among adults in all three groups, life expectancy at age 65 is higher for women than men.

Notably, Hispanic male and female adults have the highest life expectancy at age 65, despite being socioeconomically disadvantaged compared to White adults. Research has, in part, attributed this advantage (i.e., “Hispanic paradox”¹⁸ ) to lower smoking rates and other positive health behaviors among Hispanic adults relative to other groups, as well as immigration-related processes that indirectly select healthier immigrants.¹⁹   However, these findings are still not fully understood. Researchers have also projected that among Hispanic adults born in the United States, this life expectancy advantage is expected to diminish due to increasing prevalence of obesity.²⁰ 

The Majority of Medicare Beneficiaries Are White Adults, While 24% Are People of Color

In 2018, there were 60.9 million Medicare beneficiaries in total, including adults ages 65 and older and younger adults living with a long-term disability. A majority of Medicare beneficiaries are White, while 24% are people of color. This includes 10% (6 million) Black beneficiaries, 8% (5.1 million) Hispanic beneficiaries, and 6% (3.7 million) beneficiaries in other racial and ethnic groups, including Asian, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, and American Indian or Alaska Native people as well as people identifying two or more races (Figure 3).

Compared to the Racial/Ethnic Distribution of Medicare Beneficiaries at the National Level, Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries Account for a Disproportionate Share of the Medicare Population in Some States

While the Medicare population in all states is predominantly White, Black and Hispanic beneficiaries account for a disproportionate share of the Medicare population in some states, relative to the racial/ethnic distribution of Medicare beneficiaries at the national level (Table 1, Figure 4). Black adults account for 11% of the Medicare population nationally, but a larger share in 14 states and the District of Columbia, and less than 5% in 22 states. Notably, the share of Black adults in the Medicare population in the District of Columbia (63%) is nearly six times higher than the national average (Table 1). Hispanic adults account for 8% of the Medicare population nationally, but a larger share in nine states, and less than 5% in 35 states and the District of Columbia. In large part, these distributions of Medicare beneficiaries by race and ethnicity reflect the variation in the racial and ethnic composition of the U.S population across states.

Compared to White Medicare Beneficiaries, Black Beneficiaries Are Less Likely to Be Married and More Likely to Live Alone

Household living arrangements of Medicare beneficiaries differ by race and ethnicity. Researchers have considered living alone as a potential predisposing factor for social isolation, which is a risk factor for poor health outcomes.²¹ 

Compared to White beneficiaries, Black beneficiaries are more likely to live alone (54% versus 33%, respectively) (Figure 5). Conversely, smaller shares of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries are married than White beneficiaries (35%, 47%, and 54%, respectively), with Black and Hispanic beneficiaries being less likely to be living with just their spouse compared to White beneficiaries.

Larger Shares of Black and Hispanic Medicare Beneficiaries Are Under Age 65 and Living with a Long-Term Disability Compared to White Beneficiaries

The vast majority (86%) of Medicare beneficiaries are ages 65 and older, while 14% are under age 65 and qualify for Medicare due to a long-term disability.

Larger shares of Black (25%) and Hispanic (19%) beneficiaries are under age 65 compared to White beneficiaries (12%) (Figure 6). Beneficiaries under age 65 are more likely than older adults to have lower incomes, report fair or poor health status, and have a cognitive or mental impairment, regardless of race/ethnicity.

Black and Hispanic Medicare Beneficiaries Have Lower Educational Attainment Levels Compared to White Beneficiaries

Educational attainment, one of the key social determinants of health, varies by race and ethnicity, with Black and Hispanic beneficiaries having fewer years of education compared to White beneficiaries.

More than one quarter of Black (27%) Medicare beneficiaries and nearly one half (45%) of Hispanic beneficiaries have less than a high school education, compared to 10% of White beneficiaries (Figure 7). Conversely, a much smaller share of Black (12%) and Hispanic (13%) beneficiaries than White beneficiaries (32%) have a college degree or higher.

Nearly Half of Older Hispanic and Black Adults Have Family Incomes Below 200% of the Poverty Threshold—Nearly Double the Rate Among Older White Adults

Among people ages 65 and older, Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than older White adults to have family income below poverty, based on both the official poverty measure and the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM).

Based on the official poverty measure, nearly half of older Black and Hispanic adults (51% and 49%, respectively) have family incomes below 200% of poverty, compared to just over one quarter (29%) of older White adults (Figure 8).

The share of Black and Hispanic adults with family income below poverty is higher based on the SPM than under the official poverty measure. The SPM differs from the official poverty measure in that it takes into account several additional financial resources, including in-kind government benefits (e.g., food stamps, housing subsidies), tax credits, out-of-pocket medical expenses, work expenses, homeownership, and geographic variation in housing costs. The SPM also deducts medical out-of-pocket expenses from financial resources, which is an especially important factor in calculating income for older adults. Based on the SPM, 63% of older Black adults and 68% of older Hispanic adults have incomes below 200% of poverty, compared to 39% of older White adults.

Median Per Capita Income, Savings, and Home Equity are Higher for White Beneficiaries Than for Black or Hispanic Beneficiaries

In 2019, half of all Medicare beneficiaries had incomes below $29,655 per person, savings below $73,819 per person, and home equity below $75,346 per person (Figure 9).

Median per capita income among White beneficiaries ($33,718) was double that of Hispanic beneficiaries ($15,611) and 1.5 times higher than median per capita income among Black beneficiaries ($23,050).

The wealth gap, based on median per capita home equity and savings, was notably wider. Median per capita savings among White beneficiaries ($117,803) was more than eight times higher than savings among Black beneficiaries ($14,523) and about twelve times higher than savings among Hispanic beneficiaries ($9,634). Median per capita home equity was more than five times higher among White beneficiaries ($95,001) than among Black beneficiaries ($18,454) or Hispanic beneficiaries ($16,494). Lower savings and home equity among people of color on Medicare than among White Medicare beneficiaries, in part, reflects fewer opportunities among Black and Hispanic adults to accumulate wealth and transfer wealth from one generation to the next.^22 ,23 ,24 

A Wide Racial and Ethnic Disparity in Per Capita Savings Persists Even Among People on Medicare With a College Degree

While educational attainment has been considered by some as a pathway to improving wealth attainment, large racial and ethnic wealth gaps among Medicare beneficiaries persist even among beneficiaries who have attained the highest level of formal education.

Among beneficiaries with a college degree or higher, median per capita savings among White beneficiaries ($328,348) were four times higher than among Black beneficiaries ($82,050) and almost five times higher than among Hispanic beneficiaries ($67,777) (Figure 10). The persistence of the racial wealth gap even at the highest education level reinforces the role of other factors, including structural racism, in generating inequities in Medicare beneficiaries’ financial security.

Larger Shares of Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries Than White Beneficiaries Report Relatively Poor Health Across Selected Health Measures

More than a third of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries (34% and 37%, respectively) report being in fair or poor health, compared to 21% of White beneficiaries (Figure 11). Black and Hispanic beneficiaries are more likely than White beneficiaries to have any limitation in activities of daily living (37%, 33%, and 27%, respectively), which is defined as difficulty performing any activities of daily living (e.g., bathing, eating). Limitations in activities of daily living are associated with increased risk of hospitalization, admission to a long-term care facility, and mortality among Medicare beneficiaries.^25 ,26  Additionally, a larger share of Black (26%) and Hispanic (28%) beneficiaries than White beneficiaries (19%) have a cognitive impairment.

Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries have Higher Prevalence Rates of Certain Chronic Conditions Than White Beneficiaries

The prevalence of certain diseases and chronic conditions varies by race and ethnicity among Medicare beneficiaries. Hypertension is highly prevalent among all Medicare beneficiaries (63%); however, Black and Hispanic beneficiaries have higher rates of hypertension than White beneficiaries (79%, 65%, and 60%, respectively) (Figure 12, Table 3). Additionally, close to half of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries have diabetes, compared to 30% of White beneficiaries. Research has shown that among Medicare beneficiaries with diabetes, Black and Hispanic beneficiaries have the highest amputation rates.²⁷  While the prevalence of stroke is low among all Medicare beneficiaries, the rate is higher among Black beneficiaries than White beneficiaries.

For other conditions, Black and/or Hispanic beneficiaries have lower prevalence rates than White beneficiaries, including cancer, where prevalence rates are 15% for both Black and Hispanic beneficiaries and 19% for White beneficiaries (Table 3). While a larger share of Hispanic beneficiaries (32%) than White (26%) beneficiaries report depression, a smaller share of Black beneficiaries (21%) report depression compared to White beneficiaries. Hispanic beneficiaries have lower prevalence rates of heart disease (25%) and pulmonary disease (16%) than White beneficiaries (33% and 20%, respectively) (Table 3).

Black and Hispanic Medicare Beneficiaries Are Less Likely Than White Beneficiaries to Have Private Supplemental Insurance, but More Likely to Have Wrap-Around Medicaid coverage or Be Enrolled in Medicare Advantage

The vast majority of Medicare beneficiaries across all racial and ethnic groups have some source of supplemental coverage. However, sources of supplemental coverage in Medicare vary by race and ethnicity. While a quarter of White beneficiaries have Medigap, also known as Medicare Supplement Insurance, only 5% of Black beneficiaries and 7% of Hispanic beneficiaries do so (Figure 13, Table 2). Medigap helps to fill in the gaps in traditional Medicare by fully or partially covering Part A and Part B cost-sharing requirements. Black and Hispanic beneficiaries are also less likely than White beneficiaries to have employer or union-sponsored retiree health benefits to supplement Medicare.

Medicaid provides supplemental coverage to nearly a quarter (23%) of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries, the federal-state program that provides coverage to low-income people, compared to just 9% of White beneficiaries.  Additionally, half of Black (50%) and Hispanic (54%) beneficiaries were enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan in 2018, as compared to just over one third of all White beneficiaries (36%).

Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries Account for a Disproportionate Share of Beneficiaries Dually Eligible for Both Medicare and Medicaid

Medicaid, the federal-state program that provides coverage to low-income people, is a source of supplemental coverage for Medicare beneficiaries with low incomes and modest assets. Most dually eligible beneficiaries receive both full Medicaid benefits, including long-term services and supports, and payment of their Medicare premiums and cost sharing. Others do not qualify for full Medicaid benefits, but Medicaid covers their Medicare premiums and/or cost sharing through the Medicare Savings Programs.

Together, Black and Hispanic beneficiaries account for 18% of the total Medicare population, but 40% of the Medicare-Medicaid dually eligible population (Figure 14). Compared to all traditional Medicare beneficiaries, dual-eligible beneficiaries are more likely to report poor/fair health status, have lower income, and qualify for Medicare due to a permanent disability.

Black and Hispanic Medicare Beneficiaries With Part D Prescription Drug Coverage Are More Likely Than Their White Counterparts to Receive Low-Income Subsidies

The Medicare Part D program provides outpatient prescription drug coverage to Medicare beneficiaries. The majority (70%) of Medicare beneficiaries were enrolled in a Part D drug plan in 2018, with rates of Part D enrollment higher among Black (72%) and Hispanic (75%) beneficiaries than White beneficiaries (70%) (Figure 15).

This may be partly a function of higher rates of enrollment in Medicaid among Black and Hispanic Medicare beneficiaries than among White beneficiaries, since dual-eligible beneficiaries are automatically enrolled in the Part D program and the Part D Low-Income Subsidy (LIS) program, which provides assistance with Part D premiums and cost sharing. Substantially larger shares (40% and 44%, respectively) of all Black and Hispanic beneficiaries were enrolled in Part D and received premium and cost-sharing assistance through the LIS program, compared to 15% of White beneficiaries.

While a Small Share of Medicare Beneficiaries Overall Report Access Problems, Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries are More Likely than White Beneficiaries to Report Trouble Getting Needed Care

Overall, relatively few Medicare beneficiaries report problems with access to care, with no significant differences across racial and ethnic groups in the share of beneficiaries without a usual source of care or in the share of beneficiaries delaying needed care. These findings illustrate the importance of health insurance coverage in ensuring access to care and mitigating racial and ethnic disparities in some measures of access.

However, a larger share of Black (10%) and Hispanic (11%) beneficiaries than White beneficiaries (6%) report trouble getting needed care (Figure 16). Recent analysis by the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) found that in 2019, among Medicare beneficiaries ages 65 and older, people of color were more likely than White beneficiaries to report unwanted delays in getting an appointment and problems finding a new specialist. This pattern was also observed among privately insured adults ages 50-64.

Black Medicare Beneficiaries Are More Likely to Report Cost-Related Barriers to Care Compared to White Beneficiaries

A larger share of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries than White beneficiaries report problems paying medical bills (21%, 13%, and 9%, respectively) and delaying care due to cost (14%, 12%, and 10% respectively).  Among those with problems paying medical bills, a larger share of Black beneficiaries report debt to collection agencies due to medical bills than White beneficiaries (13% versus 4%, respectively) (Figure 17).

Among Beneficiaries in Traditional Medicare, Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries Were Less Likely Than White Beneficiaries to Report a Physician or Dental Visit in the Last Year

The majority of all beneficiaries in traditional Medicare saw at least one physician in 2018. However, the rate was lower among Black and Hispanic beneficiaries than among White beneficiaries (70% and 67%, respectively, compared to 79%). (Figure 18).

While traditional Medicare provides coverage for an array of medical services, it does not cover routine dental care. Consequently, in 2018, just over half (54%) of the Medicare population saw a dentist in the past year, with lower rates among Black beneficiaries (34%) and Hispanic beneficiaries (40%) than among White beneficiaries (58%) (Table 5).

Among Beneficiaries in Traditional Medicare, a Larger Share of Black Beneficiaries Had One or More Inpatient Stays and Emergency Department Visits Than White Beneficiaries

Among beneficiaries in traditional Medicare, a larger share of Black beneficiaries had an inpatient hospital stay than White beneficiaries (22% versus 15%, respectively) (Figure 19). The share of beneficiaries reporting at least two inpatient stays was also higher among Black beneficiaries (7%) than among White beneficiaries (4%) (Table 5). Racial/ethnic differences in inpatient stays (1+ days and 2+ days) did not differ significantly by self-reported health status.

A larger share of Black beneficiaries had one or more emergency department (ED) visits compared to White beneficiaries (41% versus 27%, respectively). In contrast to inpatient hospital stays, racial differences in ED visit rates by self-reported health status were observed. Specifically, Black beneficiaries in fair/poor health status were more likely than White beneficiaries of similar health status to report any emergency department visit (59% versus 43%, respectively). But even among Medicare beneficiaries in relatively better health (defined as excellent, very good, or good self-reported health status), Black beneficiaries were more likely than White beneficiaries to have an emergency department visit (30% vs. 21%, respectively). Additionally, the share of Black beneficiaries with two or more ED visits (24%) was twice as large as the share among White beneficiaries (12%).

Emergency Department Visit Rates for Hypertension, Diabetes, Stroke, and Heart Failure were Higher among Black Medicare Beneficiaries than Beneficiaries in Other Racial and Ethnic Groups

Among Medicare beneficiaries diagnosed with hypertension, the rate of ED visits among Black beneficiaries (53 per 1,000 people) was at least double the rates among White and Asian beneficiaries (22 and 21 visits per 1,000 people, respectively) and nearly double the rates among Hispanic and American Indian and Alaska Native beneficiaries (Figure 20). Among beneficiaries diagnosed with diabetes, ED visit rates among Black, Hispanic, and American Indian and Alaska Native beneficiaries (22, 17, and 20 visits per 1,000 beneficiaries, respectively) were at least double the rates among White and Asian beneficiaries (8 visits per 1,000 beneficiaries). Asian and Pacific Islander beneficiaries had lower ED visit rates for hypertension, diabetes, stroke, and heart failure compared to beneficiaries in other racial and ethnic groups.

Hospital Readmission Rates are Higher among Black Medicare Beneficiaries than Beneficiaries in Other Racial and Ethnic Groups

The Hospital Readmissions Reduction Program (HRRP), which has been in place since 2012, aims to reduce avoidable hospital readmission rates and improve quality of care by imposing payment penalties on hospitals with excess readmission rates for certain health conditions. In 2018, 30-day readmission rates among Medicare beneficiaries in traditional Medicare were higher among Black beneficiaries (19%) than among White beneficiaries (14%), Hispanic beneficiaries (17%), Asian/Pacific Islander beneficiaries (14%), and American Indian/Alaska Native beneficiaries (16%) (Figure 21). Black beneficiaries had higher odds of being readmitted to a hospital than White beneficiaries, regardless of diagnosis during the first hospitalization or discharge setting.

Black and Hispanic Medicare Beneficiaries are More Likely to be Hospitalized at 1-Star Hospitals than 5-Star Hospitals

CMS’s overall hospital quality star rating summarizes hospital performance on various measures, such as rates of readmissions, healthcare-associated infections, and value of care for certain health conditions (e.g., pneumonia) into a single star rating for each hospital, which ranges from 1 star (lowest quality) to 5 stars (highest quality). In 2018, Black and Hispanic beneficiaries accounted for 28% and 11% of discharges from 1-star hospitals, respectively, but only 7% and 5% of discharges from 5-star hospitals, respectively (Figure 22).

Black and Hispanic Beneficiaries Report Lower Utilization Rates Than White Beneficiaries of Some Prevention Services

Medicare provides coverage for a wide range of preventive and screening services, including a “Welcome to Medicare” physical exam during the first year of Medicare enrollment, immunization for various conditions (including influenza), and screening exams for cancers.

Overall, less than a quarter (21%) of male beneficiaries ages 50 and older reported receiving a prostate cancer screening, with no statistically significant differences by race or ethnicity (Figure 23). Less than half (43%) of all female beneficiaries ages 40 and older reported receiving a mammogram in the past year, with Black and Hispanic beneficiaries being more likely than White beneficiaries to receive a mammogram in the past year (51%, 49%, 42%, respectively).

Notable racial and ethnic disparities in immunization rates were also observed among Medicare beneficiaries. Smaller shares of Black and Hispanic beneficiaries reported receiving a flu vaccination than White beneficiaries (64%, 68%, and 73%, respectively). Research has shown that the gap in flu vaccination is even greater when it comes to receipt of high-dose influenza vaccine,²⁸  which is specifically targeted to adults ages 65 and older. Additionally, compared to White beneficiaries, Black and Hispanic beneficiaries had lower rates of pneumococcal vaccination and shingles vaccination. Several potential factors may contribute to racial and ethnic disparities in vaccination uptake, including, but not limited to, differential access to and use of preventive health care services, concerns or misconceptions about vaccine safety, and persistent medical mistrust rooted in a history of racial discrimination and mistreatment in the health care sector.

COVID-19 Death Rates Among Hispanic, American Indian/Alaska Native, and Black Adults Ages 65 and Older are Nearly Double the Rate Among Older White Adults

People of color have experienced disproportionate rates of COVID-19 cases, hospitalizations, and deaths. Specifically, among adults ages 65 and older, the mortality rates per 100,000 people were higher for older Hispanic adults (1,050 deaths per 100,000), older American Indian/Alaska Native adults (966 deaths per 100,000), and older Black adults (900 deaths per 100,000) than for older White adults (561 deaths per 100,000) (Figure 24).

Among Adults Ages 65 and Older, COVID-19 Represents a Larger Share of Deaths Among People of Color than White People Since January 2020

Among older Hispanic adults, COVID-19 deaths account for 25% of all causes of death—2.3 times higher than the share among older White adults (11%) (Figure 25). For older American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian, Black, and Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander adults, COVID-19 deaths account for 23%, 17%, 16%, and 16% of deaths from all causes, respectively.

COVID-19 Cases Are Higher Among American Indian/Alaska, Hispanic, and Black Beneficiaries Than Among White Beneficiaries

From January 1 to November 21, 2020, COVID-19 cases among American Indian and Alaska Native, Black, and Hispanic Medicare beneficiaries (4,598, 4,343, and 4,243 cases per 100,000 respectively) were 1.7, 1.6, and 1.6 times higher, respectively, than among White beneficiaries (2, 655 cases per 100,000) (Figure 26).

COVID-19 Hospitalization Rates Are Higher Among American Indian/Alaska Native, Black, and Hispanic Beneficiaries Than Among White Beneficiaries

From January 1, 2020 to November 21, 2020, hospitalization rates for American Indian/Alaska Native, Black, and Hispanic Medicare beneficiaries were 2.9 times, 2.7 times, and 2.1 times respectively, higher than White beneficiaries (592 hospitalizations per 100,000) (Figure 27).

Analysis of patient data from health records shows that in addition to having higher rates of infections, hospitalizations, and mortality, people of color have been more likely to require more intensive level of treatment at the time of COVID-19 diagnosis, such as inpatient hospitalization or the use of oxygen and ventilation. Further, the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated mental health outcomes among older Hispanic adults, with older Hispanic adults reporting higher rates of depression or anxiety (33%) than older White (23%), Black (26%), and Asian (17%) adults.

The CARES Act includes a provision requiring Medicare Part B to cover a vaccine for COVID-19 at no cost to Medicare beneficiaries. However, 35% of Black adults ages 18 and older say they would definitely or probably not get a vaccine even if it was deemed safe by scientists and offered at no cost, with about half (48%) saying they are not confident that the needs of Black people are being accounted for in the COVID-19 vaccine development process. This finding reflects well-founded medical mistrust among African Americans, based on a history of racial abuse and malpractice within the medical system, as exemplified by the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, involuntary medical experimentation of Henrietta Lacks,²⁹  and ongoing forms of medical racism, such as under prescribing of pain medications for Black people due to racial bias.

Nursing Homes with Relatively High Shares of Black or Hispanic Residents Were More Likely to Have At Least One COVID-19 Death

Older adults in long-term care facilities, such as nursing homes, have also been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, with long-term facilities accounting for 7% of total cases and 40% of total deaths in the U.S. More than half of nursing homes with a high share (defined as 20% or more of residents) of Black residents (63%) and Hispanic residents (55%) reported at least one COVID-19 death, compared to 37% of nursing homes with a high share of White residents (Figure 28).

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14. Arline T. Geronimus et al., “‘Weathering’ and Age Patterns of Allostatic Load Scores among Blacks and Whites in the United States,” American Journal of Public Health 96, no. 5 (2006): 826–33, https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2004.060749. ↩︎
15. Dinorah Martinez Tyson et al., “Unpacking Hispanic Ethnicity—Cancer Mortality Differentials Among Hispanic Subgroups in the United States, 2004–2014,” Frontiers in Public Health 6, no. August (2018): 1–11, https://doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2018.00219. ↩︎
16. Fatima Rodriguez et al., “Disaggregation of Cause-Specific Cardiovascular Disease Mortality Among Hispanic Subgroups,” JAMA Cardiology 2, no. 3 (2017): 240–47, https://doi.org/10.1001/jamacardio.2016.4653. ↩︎
17. Robert Grove and Alice Hetzel, Vital Statistics Rates in the United States: 1940-1960 (Washington, DC: U.S Government Printing Office, 1968); Elizabeth Arias, Brian L. Rostron, and Tejada-Vera Betzaida, “United States Life Tables, 2005,” National Vital Statistics Reports 58, no. 10 (2010); Jiaquan Xu et al., “Deaths: Final Data for 2007,” National Vital Statistics Reports 58, no. 19 (2010), available at https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/2010/022.pdf. ↩︎
18. Jennifer Van Hook, Michelle Frisco, and Carlyn Graham, “Signs of the End of the Paradox? Cohort Shifts in Smoking and Obesity and the Hispanic Life Expectancy Advantage,” Sociological Science 7 (2020): 391–414, https://doi.org/10.15195/v7.a16. ↩︎
19. Michelle L. Frisco, Jennifer Van Hook, and Robert A. Hummer, “Would the Elimination of Obesity and Smoking Reduce U.S. Racial/Ethnic/Nativity Disparities in Total and Healthy Life Expectancy?,” SSM – Population Health 7 (2019): 100374, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2019.100374. ↩︎
20. Van Hook, Frisco, and Graham, “Signs of the End of the Paradox? Cohort Shifts in Smoking and Obesity and the Hispanic Life Expectancy Advantage.” ↩︎
21. National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, Social Isolation and Loneliness in Older Adults: Opportunities for the Health Care System (Washington, DC: The National Academies Press, 2020). ↩︎
22. Alexandra Killewald and Brielle Bryan, “Falling Behind: The Role of Inter- and Intragenerational Processes in Widening Racial and Ethnic Wealth Gaps through Early and Middle Adulthood,” Social Forces 97, no. 2 (2018): 705–40. ↩︎
23. Tyson H. Brown, “Diverging Fortunes: Racial/Ethnic Inequality in Wealth Trajectories in Middle and Late Life,” Race and Social Problems 8, no. 1 (2016): 29–41, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12552-016-9160-2. ↩︎
24. Raj Chetty et al., “Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An Intergenerational Perspective” (Cambridge, MA, 2018), https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w24441/w24441.pdf. ↩︎
25. Ling Na et al., “Activity Limitation Stages Are Associated With Risk of Hospitalization Among Medicare Beneficiaries,” PM and R 9, no. 5 (2017): 433–43, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pmrj.2016.09.008. ↩︎
26. Jibby E. Kurichi et al., “Predicting 3-Year Mortality and Admission to Acute-Care Hospitals, Skilled Nursing Facilities, and Long-Term Care Facilities in Medicare Beneficiaries,” Archives of Gerontology and Geriatrics 73 (2017): 248–56, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.archger.2017.08.005. ↩︎
27. Bjoern Suckow et al., “Hemoglobin A1c Testing and Amputation Rates in Black, Hispanic, and White Medicare Patients,” Annals of Vascular Surgery 36 (2016): 208–17, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avsg.2016.03.035. ↩︎
28. Laura L. Hall et al., “A Map of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Influenza Vaccine Uptake in the Medicare Fee-for-Service Program,” Advances in Therapy 37, no. 5 (2020): 2224–35, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12325-020-01324-y. ↩︎
29. Rebecca Skloot, The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks (Crown Publishing Group, 2010). ↩︎

The KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor is an ongoing research project tracking the public’s attitudes and experiences with COVID-19 vaccinations. Using a combination of surveys and qualitative research, this project tracks the dynamic nature of public opinion as vaccine development and distribution unfold, including vaccine confidence and hesitancy, trusted messengers and messages, as well as the public’s experiences with vaccination.

Introduction

The latest KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor reports that 31% of the public say that when an FDA-approved vaccine for COVID-19 is available to them for free, they will “wait until it has been available for a while to see how it is working for other people” before getting vaccinated themselves. This “wait and see” group is an important target for outreach and messaging, since they express some hesitancy about getting vaccinated, but will likely be much easier to convert from vaccine-hesitant to vaccine-acceptant than those who say they will “definitely not” get the vaccine or will get it “only if required” to do so. As reported in January, those in the “wait and see” category express high levels of concern about the safety and long-term effects of COVID-19 vaccines as well as a desire for more information about vaccine side effects and effectiveness. Most adults in this group (60%) do not yet know someone who’s been vaccinated for COVID-19, presenting an opportunity for them to learn more as more of their friends and family members get vaccinated.

This analysis examines the “wait and see” group in more detail, with a focus on their concerns about being vaccinated, the messages that resonate most, and the messengers they are likely to turn to for more information about COVID-19 vaccination. In particular, it looks at how attitudes within this group differ by partisanship and race/ethnicity, which should be helpful for those looking to target vaccine outreach and communication to groups like Republicans, Black adults, and Hispanic adults.

Key Takeaways: Overall

• Thirty-one percent of the public wants to “wait and see” how the COVID-19 vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves. While they share a similar level of vaccine hesitancy, this group is not monolithic in their attitudes and beliefs. Within the “wait and see” group, people with different partisan identities and those belonging to different racial and ethnic groups express different levels of concern about the vaccine and may respond differently to messages and information.

Key Takeaways: Republicans

• Republicans and Republican-leaning independents (who make up just over a third of the “wait and see” group) are more likely to believe the seriousness of COVID-19 is being exaggerated in the news, and more likely to view vaccination as a personal choice. They are less likely to say they would be swayed by various messages and information that might increase their likelihood of getting vaccinated, though messages that emphasize protection from illness, the efficacy of the vaccine, and a return to normal life are most effective for this group. Taken together, these findings suggest that messages that focus on helping people make the right choice to protect their own health are more likely to resonate with Republican audiences than those that emphasize the seriousness of the pandemic or the need to get vaccinated for the collective good.

In their own words¹ : From a Republican respondent asked “If there is one message or piece of information you could hear that would make you more likely to get vaccinated for COVID-19, what would it be?”

“Not sure there is anything that could be said. If it is proven effective and no side effects after a year or 2 of use I would no longer have concerns.”

• Republicans who want to “wait and see” are less likely than others to say they will turn to the CDC or state and local health departments for information when making decisions about whether to get vaccinated for COVID-19. Individual health care providers, pharmacists, and even family and friends are more likely to be effective messengers for this group rather than official public health agencies.

In their own words: From Republican respondents asked “If there is any person who would make you more likely to get vaccinated for COVID-19 if you found out that person got vaccinated, who is that person?”

“A best friend or very close family member.”

“No not any celebrity could change my mind.  The only person that might be able to is my doctor who I trust if I can be told what is in the vaccine and how it works.”

Key Takeaways: Black and Hispanic adults

• Concern about getting sick with COVID-19 is high among Black and Hispanic adults in the “wait and see” group, but concerns about vaccine safety, efficacy, and side effects are high as well. A majority of Black and Hispanic adults in this group are concerned they might get COVID-19 from the vaccine, suggesting an opening for information to correct misperceptions about how the vaccine works among this group.

In their own words: From Black and Hispanic respondents asked “What is the biggest concern you have, if any, about getting a COVID-19 vaccine?”

“That I have allergic reactions or severe secondary reactions that prevent me from continuing with my life.”

“Being infected after taking it.”

“Knowing COVID is so devastating to human organs, I am concerned not only about the effectiveness of the vaccine but not so the long-term effects over years in the body… especially if it is needed on an ongoing basis.”

• Black and Hispanic adults who want to “wait and see” are generally more receptive than their White counterparts to messages and information that might increase vaccine acceptance. While the top messages for these groups are the same as for the public overall (that the vaccine is highly effective, will protect you from illness, and offers an opportunity to return to normal life), a wider range of messages may be effective with Black and Hispanic adults who initially express skepticism about the vaccine. In particular, Hispanic adults who want to “wait and see” are more responsive than their White or Black counterpart to hearing that the vaccine is available at no cost, and that a friend or family member or a health care provider they trust got vaccinated.

In their own words: From Black and Hispanic respondents asked “If there is one message or piece of information you could hear that would make you more likely to get vaccinated for COVID-19, what would it be?”

“That it is destroying the virus and not negatively affecting over 1% of those who have taken the shot.”

“Have a website or doctors explaining how exactly the vaccine is made and how it works in our body.”

“I am going to get the vaccine, I just will not be anywhere near the front of the line!”

• While health care providers are the top source that individuals across the board say they will turn to for information about COVID-19 vaccination, large shares of Black and Hispanic adults in the “wait and see” group also say they will turn to the CDC, state and local health departments, family and friends, and pharmacists for information. And although lower on the list of overall information sources, one-third of Black adults and three in ten Hispanic adults in the “wait and see” group say they’ll turn to a religious leader for information, suggesting another possible avenue for communicating with these groups about COVID-19 vaccines.

In their own words: From Black and Hispanic respondents asked “If there is any person who would make you more likely to get vaccinated for COVID-19 if you found out that person got vaccinated, who is that person?”

“My wife. She took the vaccine yesterday and she seems fine. If she continues doing well, I would seriously considering getting the vaccine earlier.”

“It would have to be my closest family and friends. I would take it if they took the vaccine.”

Profile Of The “Wait And See” Group

Demographically, those who want to “wait and see” are younger than other groups (29% are under age 30 and just 15% are ages 65 and over). They are a racially diverse group, with half (51%) identifying as White, 16% Black, and 19% Hispanic. They are also a politically diverse group; 42% identify as Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents, 36% identify as Republicans or Republican-leaning independents, and 14% are independents who don’t lean either way.

This group also holds a range of attitudes and beliefs when it comes to COVID-19 and vaccinations. About two-thirds (64%) say they are very or somewhat worried that they or a family member will get sick from the coronavirus (about the same share as among the public overall, but lower than the 79% among those who want the vaccine “as soon as possible”). Over half (54%) of those who want to wait and see say that getting vaccinated against COVID-19 is a personal choice, higher than the 21% who say so among the most vaccine-eager group, and compared to 44% who say so among the public overall.

Partisan Differences Within The “Wait And See” Group

Previous Vaccine Monitor reports have shown that Republicans are more likely than Democrats and independents to say they will “definitely not” get vaccinated for COVID-19. This new analysis reveals that even among those who want to “wait and see,” there are differences between Republicans and Democrats in their attitudes and concerns related to the vaccines, as well as the messages they say are likely to motivate them and the messengers they’re likely to turn to. (For this analysis, those who identify as political independents but say the lean toward either the Democratic or Republican party are included with partisans.)

Republicans and Republican-leaning independents have vastly different attitudes toward the pandemic overall compared to Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents, even within the “wait and see” group. For example, about half (51%) of Republican leaners in this group say the seriousness of coronavirus is “generally exaggerated” in the news, compared to just 17% of Democratic leaners. Republicans are also significantly less likely than Democrats in this category to say they are worried that they or someone in their family might get sick from the coronavirus (51% vs. 76%). Further, about two-thirds (67%) of Republican leaners in the “wait and see” category believe that getting vaccinated for COVID-19 is a personal choice, while most Democratic leaners in this category (52%) say it’s part of everyone’s responsibility to protect the health of others.

Table 1: Attitudes And Concerns About COVID-19 And COVID-19 Vaccinations By Party ID Among Those Who Want To “Wait And See”
	Total“Wait and See”	Party ID
		Democrats/ Democratic-leaning independents	Republicans/ Republican-leaning independents
Thinking about what is said in the news, in your view is the seriousness of coronavirus…?
Generally exaggerated	34%	17%	51%
Generally correct	44	50	36
Generally underestimated	18	30	9
How worried, if at all, are you that you or someone in your family will get sick from the coronavirus?
Worried (NET)	64%	76%	51%
Very worried	27	34	18
Somewhat worried	37	42	33
Not worried (NET)	30	19	44
Not too worried	22	15	32
Not at all worried	8	4	12
Which comes closer to your view: getting vaccinated against COVID-19 is…?
Is a personal choice	54%	43%	67%
Is part of everyone’s responsibility to protect the health of others	40	52	29
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

Within the “wait and see” group, levels of concern about the COVID-19 vaccines’ safety and effectiveness are similar across partisans. However, those who identify or lean Republican are much less likely than those who identify or lean Democrat to say that various messages and information would increase their likelihood of getting vaccinated for COVID-19. For example, among those who want to wait and see how the vaccine is working, half of Republicans say they would be more likely to get vaccinated if they heard that the vaccine will help protect them from getting sick from COVID-19, compared with three-quarters (76%) of Democrats. Similarly, Republicans in this category are half as likely as Democrats to say that hearing a health care provider they trust has gotten vaccinated would increase their likelihood of getting the vaccine (25% vs. 50%).

Table 2: Response To Pro-Vaccine Messages And Information By Party ID Among Those Who Want To “Wait And See”
Percent who say that hearing each of the following would make them more likely to get vaccinated:	Total“Wait and See”	Party ID
		Democrats/ Democratic-leaning independents	Republicans/ Republican-leaning independents
The vaccines have been shown to be highly effective in preventing illness from COVID-19	66%	74%	64%
The vaccine will help protect you from getting sick from COVID-19	62	76	50
The quickest way for life to return to normal is for most people to get vaccinated	61	75	48
Millions of people have already safely been vaccinated for COVID-19	51	66	38
We need people to get vaccinated to get the U.S. economy back on track	48	58	36
There is no cost to get the vaccine	38	49	26
A doctor or health care provider you trust has gotten the vaccine	38	50	25
A close friend or family member got vaccinated for COVID-19	37	46	24
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

Conversely, a smaller share of Republican leaners compared with Democratic leaners within the “wait and see” group say that hearing that some people experience short-term side effects like pain or fever from the COVID-19 vaccine would make them less likely to get vaccinated (38% vs. 56%).

Table 3: Response To Negative Vaccine Messages And Information By Party ID Among Those Who Want To “Wait And See”
Percent who say that hearing each of the following would make them less likely to get vaccinated:	Total“Wait and See”	Party ID
		Democrats/ Democratic-leaning independents	Republicans/ Republican-leaning independents
A small number of people have experienced a serious allergic reaction to the COVID-19 vaccine	60%	62%	58%
Some people were experiencing short-term side effects like pain or fever from the COVID-19 vaccine	50	56	38
You will need to continue to wear a mask and practice social distancing even after getting vaccinated	31	26	32
You had to receive two doses of the vaccine several weeks apart	26	28	24
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

Those who want to wait and see how the COVID-19 vaccine works for others also report a somewhat different set of trusted sources for vaccine information depending on their partisan leanings. While health care providers are the source that people across partisan affiliations say they are most likely to turn to when making decisions about whether to get vaccinated, significant differences exist when it comes to some other sources. Specifically, among the “wait and see” group, those who identify as Republicans or lean that way are much less likely than those who identify or lean Democrat to say they are likely to turn to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (52% vs. 79%) or their state or local health department (45% vs. 73%) when making vaccine-related decisions.

Differences By Race And Ethnicity Within The “Wait And See” Group

The KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor has previously reported that Black and Hispanic adults are among those most likely to say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for others before getting vaccinated themselves. This analysis further reveals that Black and Hispanic adults who feel this way express somewhat different attitudes and concerns about COVID-19 vaccinations compared to their White counterparts in the “wait and see” group.

Previous KFF research has found that Black and Hispanic adults overall are less likely to trust doctors, hospitals, and the health care system compared to White adults, and that for Black adults, lower levels of trust are associated with lower levels of COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. This new COVID-19 Monitor analysis finds that Black adults in the “wait and see” category are also less trusting of the health care system in general; a majority (57%) say they trust the health care system just “some of the time” or “almost none of the time” to do what is right for them and their community, compared to 43% of White adults in this category. Hispanic adults who want to “wait and see” are more divided, with about half saying they trust the health care system “almost all” or “most” of the time (51%) and the other half saying they trust it just “some” or “almost none” of the time (49%).

Table 4: Trust Of The Health Care System By Race/Ethnicity Among Those Who Want To “Wait And See”
Percent who say they trust the health care system to do what is right for them and their community…	Total“Wait and See”	Race/Ethnicity
		Black	Hispanic	White
Almost all/Most of the time (NET)	54%	43%	51%	55%
Almost all of the time	19	22	17	19
Most of the time	35	20	35	36
Some/Almost none of the time (NET)	45	57	49	43
Some of the time	37	40	40	38
Almost none of the time	8	17	9	5
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

Reflecting the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on people of color in the United States, concern about getting sick from the virus is high among Black and Hispanic adults in the “wait and see” group, with about three-quarters saying they are “very” or “somewhat” worried that they or someone in their family will get sick from coronavirus. In fact, Hispanic adults are more than twice as likely as White adults in this group to say they are “very worried” about this possibility (43% vs. 19%).

In addition to this heightened level of personal concern, more than four in ten Black adults (43%) and Hispanic adults (45%) in the “wait and see” group view getting vaccinated against COVID-19 as part of everyone’s responsibility to protect the health of others, compared to a clear majority (61%) of White adults in this group who say getting vaccinated is a “personal choice.”

While Black and Hispanic adults in the “wait and see” group express higher levels of concern about getting sick from the coronavirus, they also express higher levels of concerns related to the vaccine. For example, vaccine-hesitant Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than hesitant White adults to say they are “very concerned” that they might experience serious side effects from the vaccine (55%, 47%, and 34%, respectively). Black and Hispanic adults in this group are also significantly more likely than their White counterparts to say they’re “very concerned” that the vaccines are not as safe or not as effective as they are said to be. Notably, about six in ten Hispanic adults (61%) and Black adults (59%) in the “wait and see” group say they are at least somewhat concerned that they may get COVID-19 from the vaccine (including about three in ten in each group who say they are “very” concerned), much higher than among their White counterparts.

Among those in the “wait and see” category, Black adults are somewhat more responsive than White adults to certain pro-vaccine messages and information – including messages that vaccination is the best way for things to return to normal, to get the economy back open, and that millions have already safely been vaccinated. However, Black adults are also more likely than White adults to say that hearing about side effects would make them less likely to get vaccinated.

Similarly, Hispanic adults are more responsive than White adults in the “wait and see” category towards messaging that encourage vaccinations. However, they are also more likely than their White counterparts to say that hearing about side effects and needing to get two doses of the vaccine would make them less likely to get vaccinated.

Despite these differences, it’s worth noting that the messages that resonate most with Black and Hispanic adults who are hesitant to get a COVID-19 vaccine are the same ones that appear to be most effective with the public overall – messages that emphasize that the vaccine is highly effective, offers protection from illness, and provides the quickest way for life to return to normal.

Table 5: Responses To Pro-Vaccine Messaging And Information By Race/Ethnicity Among Those Who Want To “Wait And See”
Percent who say that hearing each of the following would make them more likely to get vaccinated:	Total“Wait and See”	Race/Ethnicity
		Black	Hispanic	White
The vaccines have been shown to be highly effective in preventing illness from COVID-19	66%	66%	74%	62%
The vaccine will help protect you from getting sick from COVID-19	62	64	80	54
The quickest way for life to return to normal is for most people to get vaccinated	61	68	79	53
Millions of people have already safely been vaccinated for COVID-19	51	58	68	42
We need people to get vaccinated to get the U.S. economy back on track	48	58	60	43
There is no cost to get the vaccine	38	36	53	33
A doctor or health care provider you trust has gotten the vaccine	38	47	54	30
A close friend or family member got vaccinated for COVID-19	37	42	56	29
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

Table 6: Response To Negative Vaccine Messages And Information By Race/Ethnicity Among Those Who  Want To “Wait And See”
Percent who say that hearing each of the following would make them less likely to get vaccinated:	Total“Wait and See”	Race/Ethnicity
		Black	Hispanic	White
A small number of people have experienced a serious allergic reaction to the COVID-19 vaccine	60%	66%	61%	55%
Some people were experiencing short-term side effects like pain or fever from the COVID-19 vaccine	50	58	58	39
You will need to continue to wear a mask and practice social distancing even after getting vaccinated	31	29	36	27
You had to receive two doses of the vaccine several weeks apart	26	30	35	20
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

Across racial and ethnic groups, those in the “wait and see” category are most likely to say they will turn to a doctor, nurse or other health care provider for information when deciding whether to get vaccinated for COVID-19. In fact, one-third of Black adults in this group say they have already asked a doctor or other health care professional for information about the vaccine, somewhat higher than among vaccine-hesitant White adults (18%). Hispanic adults in this group (13%) are significantly less likely than their Black counterparts to say they’ve reached out to a health care provider for more information about the vaccine. This may reflect the fact that Hispanics in the U.S. overall have lower rates of health insurance coverage and face greater barriers to accessing health care compared to other groups.

Looking at potential sources of information beyond health care providers, both Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than White adults in the “wait and see” group to say they are at least somewhat likely to turn to the CDC, their state or local public health department, or a religious leader for vaccine information. While health care workers will undoubtedly be a key source of information for those who express some hesitancy towards the COVID-19 vaccine, the CDC, public health departments, and religious leaders are also positioned to be effective messengers in promoting vaccination among Black and Hispanic communities.

Table 7: Likely Sources Of COVID-19 Vaccine Information by Race/Ethnicity Among Those Who Want To “Wait And See”
Percent who say, when deciding whether to get a COVID-19 vaccine, they are very or somewhat likely to turn to each of the following for information:	Total“Wait and See”	Race/Ethnicity
		Black	Hispanic	White
A doctor, nurse, or other health care provider	86%	90%	90%	82%
Family or friends	66	61	73	65
The CDC	66	78	76	56
Your state or local public health department	60	73	77	47
A pharmacist	56	64	59	54
A religious leader such as minister, pastor, priest, or rabbi	20	35	28	14
Have you asked a doctor or other health care professional for information about the COVID-19 vaccine, or not?
Yes	18%	33%	13%	18%
No	81	67	87	82
NOTE: Among those who say they want to “wait and see” how the vaccine is working for other people before getting vaccinated themselves

This KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF). The survey was conducted January 11- 18, 2021, among a nationally representative random digit dial telephone sample of 1,563 adults ages 18 and older (including interviews from 306 Hispanic adults and 310 non-Hispanic Black adults), living in the United States, including Alaska and Hawaii (note: persons without a telephone could not be included in the random selection process). Phone numbers used for this study were randomly generated from cell phone and landline sampling frames, with an overlapping frame design, and disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity subgroups within each frame. Specifically, the cell phone frame was stratified as: (1) High Hispanic: Cell phone numbers associated with rate centers from counties where at least 35% of the population is Hispanic; (2) High Black: Cell phone numbers associated with remaining rate centers from counties where at least 35% of the population is non-Hispanic Black; (3) Else: numbers from all remaining rate centers. The landline frame was stratified as: (1) High Black: landline exchanges associated with Census block groups where at least 35% of the population is Black; (2) Else: all remaining landline exchanges. The sample also included 246 respondents reached by calling back respondents that had previously completed an interview on the KFF Health Tracking Poll at least nine months ago. Another 197 interviews were completed with respondents who had previously completed an interview on the SSRS Omnibus poll (and other RDD polls) and identified as Hispanic (n = 75; including 24 in Spanish) or non-Hispanic Black (n=122). Computer-assisted telephone interviews conducted by landline (287) and cell phone (1,276, including 931 who had no landline telephone) were carried out in English and Spanish by SSRS of Glen Mills, PA. To efficiently obtain a sample of lower-income and non-White respondents, the sample also included an oversample of prepaid (pay-as-you-go) telephone numbers (25% of the cell phone sample consisted of prepaid numbers) Both the random digit dial landline and cell phone samples were provided by Marketing Systems Group (MSG). For the landline sample, respondents were selected by asking for the youngest adult male or female currently at home based on a random rotation. If no one of that gender was available, interviewers asked to speak with the youngest adult of the opposite gender. For the cell phone sample, interviews were conducted with the adult who answered the phone. KFF paid for all costs associated with the survey.

The combined landline and cell phone sample was weighted to balance the sample demographics to match estimates for the national population using data from the Census Bureau’s  2019 U.S. American Community Survey (ACS), on sex, age, education, race, Hispanic origin, and region, within race-groups, along with data from the 2010 Census on population density. The sample was also weighted to match current patterns of telephone use using data from the January- June 2019 National Health Interview Survey. The weight takes into account the fact that respondents with both a landline and cell phone have a higher probability of selection in the combined sample and also adjusts for the household size for the landline sample, and design modifications, namely, the oversampling of prepaid cell phones and likelihood of non-response for the re-contacted sample. All statistical tests of significance account for the effect of weighting.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Note that sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error in this or any other public opinion poll. Kaiser Family Foundation public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

1. Open-ended quotes from KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor: In Their Own Words, responses collected Jan 14-18, 2021. See Methodology for full information. ↩︎