Communities of Color at Higher Risk for Health and Economic Challenges due to COVID-19

Authors: Samantha Artiga, Rachel Garfield, and Kendal Orgera
Published: Apr 7, 2020

Issue Brief

Summary

The COVID-19 outbreak presents potential health and financial challenges for families, which may disproportionately affect communities of color and compound underlying health and economic disparities. This brief analyzes data on underlying health conditions, health coverage and health care access, and social and economic factors by race and ethnicity to provide insight into how the health and financial impacts of COVID-19 may vary across racial/ethnic groups. It finds:

  • Communities of color are at increased risk for experiencing serious illness if they become infected with coronavirus due to higher rates of certain underlying health conditions compared to Whites;
  • Communities of color will likely face increased challenges accessing COVID-19-related testing and treatment since they are more likely to be uninsured and to face barriers to accessing care than Whites; and
  • Communities of color face increased financial and health risks associated with COVID-19 due to economic and social circumstances.

Early data suggest COVID-19 is disproportionately affecting groups of color. For example, in the District of Columbia, Blacks make up 45% of the total population, but accounted for 29% of confirmed coronavirus cases and 59% of deaths as of April 6, 2020. In Louisiana, Blacks make up 32% of the total state population, but accounted for over 70% of COVID-19 deaths as of April 6, 2020. Data from Illinois show that groups of color accounted for 48% of confirmed cases and 56% of deaths as of April 6, 2020, while only making up 39% of the total state population. In North Carolina, Blacks make up 21% total state population, but accounted for 37% confirmed cases as of April 6, 2020. In Michigan, where Blacks make up 14% of the total state population, they accounted for 33% of confirmed cases and 41% of deaths as of April 6, 2020. Moreover, survey data find that Latinos are more likely than Americans overall to see COVID-19 as a major threat to health and finances.

Comprehensive data by race and ethnicity will be key for understanding the impacts of COVID-19 across communities and on health and economic disparities going forward. Data by race and ethnicity will also be important for understanding the extent to which there are disparities in access to and receipt of health and economic relief. Together these data can help shape and target response and relief efforts. Although some states and localities are reporting data by race and ethnicity, as of early April, CDC was not reporting data by race and ethnicity and these data were not available widely across states. CDC requests racial and ethnic data on its case reporting form for coronavirus, but had not indicated plans to expand reporting of these data as of early April.

Introduction

Communities of color face longstanding disparities in health and health care. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) helped narrow some disparities in health coverage, access, and utilization, but groups of color continue to fare worse compared to Whites across many of these measures as well as across measures of health status. The COVID-19 outbreak presents potential health and financial challenges for families that may disproportionately affect communities of color and compound their existing disparities in health and health care. This brief analyzes data on underlying health conditions, health coverage and health care access, and social and economic factors by race and ethnicity to provide insight into how the health and financial impacts of COVID-19 may vary across racial/ethnic groups.

Health Risks

Communities of color are at increased risk for experiencing serious illness if they become infected with coronavirus due to higher rates of certain underlying health conditions compared to Whites. Older individuals; individuals with underlying health conditions, such as diabetes, heart disease, and asthma and lung disease; and immunocompromised people (e.g., those with poorly controlled HIV/AIDS or undergoing cancer treatment) have a greater risk of becoming severely ill if infected with coronavirus.1  Though groups of color generally are younger relative to Whites, they are more likely to have certain underlying health conditions. Blacks and American Indians and Alaska Natives (AIANs) fare worse than Whites across many health status indicators; findings for Hispanics are mixed, but they face large disparities for certain measures. Overall, nonelderly Black, Hispanic, and AIAN adults are more likely than Whites are to report fair or poor health.2  Among nonelderly adults, Blacks and AIANs have higher rates of asthma and diabetes compared to Whites (Figure 1). Asthma rates also are higher for Black and Hispanic children compared to White children. Further, nonelderly adult AIANs are nearly twice as likely as Whites are to report having had a heart attack or heart disease. Black, Hispanic, AIAN, and NHOPI nonelderly adults and Black and Hispanic children also are more likely to be obese compared to Whites.3  Moreover, there are stark disparities in HIV/AIDS diagnosis and rates among teens and adults. Compared to Whites, Blacks have an over eight times higher HIV diagnosis rate and a nearly ten times higher AIDS diagnosis rate, and the HIV and AIDS diagnosis rates for Hispanics are more than three times the rates for Whites (Figure 2).

Figure 1: Percent of Nonelderly Adults with Selected Health Conditions by Race/Ethnicity, 2018
Figure 2: HIV or AIDS Diagnosis and Death Rate per 100,000 Among Teens and Adults by Race/Ethnicity

Access to Care

Communities of color will likely face increased challenges accessing COVID-19-related testing and treatment services since they are more likely to be uninsured compared to Whites. Congress has passed legislation to provide free testing for uninsured individuals, and the President has proposed coverage for hospital treatment costs for uninsured individuals.4  However, uninsured people may lack a usual source of care and not know where to go to obtain testing. They also may still forego testing or treatment out of fear of costs if they are not aware of the resources provided to help cover costs for uninsured individuals. Additionally, some may still face large out of pocket costs for care that these provisions might not cover, such as care received outside the hospital inpatient setting. While all racial and ethnic groups had large gains in health coverage under the ACA, Blacks, Hispanics, AIANs, and Native Hawaiians Other Pacific Islanders (NHOPIs) remain more likely to be uninsured compared to Whites. AIANs and Hispanics are at the highest risk of being uninsured, with 22% of AIANs and nearly one in five (19%) Hispanics lacking coverage compared to 8% of Whites (Figure 3). Higher uninsured rates among groups of color, in part, reflect their more limited access to affordable coverage options. Uninsured Blacks are more likely than Whites to fall in a coverage gap (15% vs. 9%) because a greater share live in states that have not implemented the Medicaid expansion (Figure 4). Moreover, uninsured nonelderly Hispanics and Asians are less likely than Whites to be eligible for coverage, because they include larger shares of noncitizen immigrants who are subject to eligibility restrictions for Medicaid and Marketplace coverage.

Figure 3: Uninsured Rates Among Nonelderly Individuals by Race/Ethnicity, 2018
Figure 4: Share of Total Nonelderly Population that is Black by State and Medicaid Expansion Status as of April 2020

Groups of color also are more likely than Whites to report other health care access barriers. For example, among nonelderly adults, Blacks, Hispanics, AIANs, and NHOPIs are more likely than Whites to report going without needed care due to cost, and Blacks, Hispanics, and AIANs are more likely than Whites to report delaying care for reasons other than cost (Figure 5). Moreover, nonelderly Blacks and Hispanics are more likely than Whites to report no usual source of care when sick other than the emergency room (Figure 5). Although the Indian Health Services (IHS) is responsible for providing health services to AIANs and is conducting testing for coronavirus, it has historically been underfunded to meet their health care needs, leaving them facing disproportionate access barriers. Thus, Medicaid and other health coverage remains important to facilitating AIAN access to services as well as providing revenues to support IHS and Tribal facilities.

Figure 5: Share of Nonelderly Adults Reporting Selected Barriers to Accessing Health Care by Race/Ethnicity, 2018

Economic and Social Challenges

Communities of color face increased financial and health risks associated with COVID-19 due to economic and social circumstances. Social distancing policies required to address COVID-19 have led many businesses to cut hours, cease operations, or close altogether. People who work in certain industries, such as restaurant, hospitality, retail, and other service industries, are particularly at risk for loss of income. Those who maintain jobs amid the COVID-19 outbreak, such as grocery store workers and delivery drivers, are at increased risk of contracting coronavirus since they remain exposed to other individuals. Nearly a quarter of Blacks and Hispanics (24%) are employed in service industries compared to 16% of Whites, putting them at increased risk for job loss or loss of income or for exposure if they maintain their jobs.5  Groups of color also may have more limited ability to absorb income declines due to more limited incomes. Over a quarter of Blacks, Hispanics, and AIANs are low-wage workers, compared to less than 17% of Whites,6  and groups of color are more likely to have income below poverty compared to Whites (Figure 6). Reflecting their more limited incomes, prior to COVID-19, groups of color were more likely than Whites to report a range of financial concerns including being very or moderately worried about paying monthly bills; rent, mortgage, or other housing costs; and minimum payments on credit cards (Figure 7). They also are more likely to experience food insecurity.7 

Figure 6: Percent of Nonelderly Population with Income Below Poverty by Race/Ethnicity, 2018
Figure 7: Share of Nonelderly Adults Who Reported Financial Concerns by Race/Ethnicity, 2018

People of color are more likely to live in locations and housing situations that put them at increased risk of infection from coronavirus. The virus can spread quickly in densely populated urban areas, as evidenced by the rapid outbreak in New York City. Individuals in crowded living arrangements and/or multi-family dwellings also are likely at higher risk for exposure to the disease. Data also show that people of color make up over half (56%) of the population in urban counties, while Whites account for the majority in suburban (68%) and rural (79%) counties.8  Roughly four in ten Blacks (41%), Hispanics (38%), and Asians (38%) indicate that the area surrounding their residence includes multiunit residential buildings compared to 23% of Whites.9  Although much of the initial outbreak has been concentrated in more urban areas, it is anticipated that the disease will affect all areas of the country. Variation in timing of implementation of social distancing policies such as stay-at home-orders may also impact risk of infection across areas.

Looking Ahead

Early data suggest COVID-19 is disproportionately affecting groups of color. For example, in the District of Columbia, Blacks make up 45% of the total population, but accounted for 29% of confirmed cases and 59% of deaths as of April 6, 2020. In Louisiana, Blacks make up 32% of the total state population, but accounted for over 70% of COVID-19 deaths as of April 6, 2020. Data from Illinois show that groups of color accounted for 48% of confirmed cases and 56% of deaths as of April 6, 2020, while only making up 39% of the total state population. In North Carolina, Blacks make up 21% total state population, but accounted for 37% confirmed cases as of April 6, 2020. In Michigan, where Blacks make up 14% of the total state population, they accounted for 33% of confirmed cases and 41% of deaths as of April 6, 2020. Moreover, survey data find that Latinos are more likely than Americans overall to see COVID-19 as a major threat to health and finances.

The federal government and states have taken steps to mitigate the health and financial challenges stemming from the COVID-19 outbreak, but access to relief varies and some individuals will continue to face health and financial difficulties. Congress has passed a series of legislation to respond to COVID-19 that provides new resources to support access to health care and economic relief. States also are taking action to enhance access to health coverage and services through Medicaid and more broadly. However, individuals may not have equal access to relief and some individuals may continue to face health and economic challenges. For example, uninsured individuals may continue to face challenges accessing care or paying costs associated with treatment services. Moreover, some individuals, including some immigrant and mixed immigration status families and lower-income individuals who do not file tax returns, may not qualify for or may face challenges accessing economic relief. Further, recent experiences suggest that immigrants may be fearful of accessing health coverage and other assistance programs and/or health care due amid the current immigration policy environment and due to recent changes to public charge policy.

Comprehensive data by race and ethnicity will be key for understanding the impacts of COVID-19 across communities and on health and economic disparities going forward. Data by race and ethnicity will also be important for understanding the extent to which there are disparities in access to and receipt of health and economic relief. Together these data can help shape and target response and relief efforts. Although some states and localities are reporting data by race and ethnicity, as of early April, CDC was not reporting data by race and ethnicity and these data were not available widely across states. There are challenges to collecting and reporting these data, including determining standardized reporting categories and having to rely on self-reported and/or observational responses to collect these data. Self-reported data can provide for greater data accuracy, but may be subject to high non-response rates, while observational data may be prone to errors.10  CDC requests racial and ethnic data on its case reporting form for coronavirus, but had not indicated plans to expand reporting of these data as of early April.

Endnotes

  1. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “People Who Are at Higher Risk for Severe Illness,” April 2, 2020, https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/need-extra-precautions/people-at-higher-risk.html. ↩︎
  2. Samantha Artiga and Kendal Orgera, Key Facts on Health and Health Care by Race and Ethnicity, (Washington, DC, KFF, November 2019), https://modern.kff.org/report-section/key-facts-on-health-and-health-care-by-race-and-ethnicity-health-status/. ↩︎
  3. Ibid. ↩︎
  4. “Remarks by President Trump, Vice President Pence, and Members of the Coronavirus Task Force in Press Briefing,” The White House, April 3, 2020, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-vice-president-pence-members-coronavirus-task-force-press-briefing-18/. ↩︎
  5. US Bureau of Labor Statistics, Report 1082, Labor force characteristics by race and ethnicity, 2018, October 2019, https://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/race-and-ethnicity/2018/home.htm. ↩︎
  6. Pending KFF analysis. ↩︎
  7. US Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, Key Statistics & Graphic: Food Insecurity by Household Characteristics, https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/food-security-in-the-us/key-statistics-graphics.aspx. ↩︎
  8. Kim Parker, et al., “What Unites and Divides Urban, Suburban and Rural Communities: 1. Demographic and economic trends in urban, suburban and rural communities,” Pew Research Center, May 2018, https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2018/05/22/demographic-and-economic-trends-in-urban-suburban-and-rural-communities/. ↩︎
  9. KFF analysis of 2017 American Housing Survey data, https://www.census.gov/data/data-tools/ahs-table-creator.html. ↩︎
  10. Eliminating Health Disparities: Measurement and Data Needs: Chapter 4: DHHS Collection of Data on Race, Ethnicity, Socioeconomic Position, and Acculturation and Language Use, p.67, https://www.nap.edu/read/10979/chapter/6#67. ↩︎
News Release

Analysis Estimates Up To 2 Million Uninsured People Could Require COVID-19 Hospitalization

Cost of Their Care Could Use between 14% and 40% of the $100 Billion for Hospitals and Other Providers in CARES Act

Published: Apr 7, 2020

Patients Could Still Be on the Hook for Outpatient Costs, Costs If They Test Negative, and Cost Sharing

A new KFF analysis estimates that between 670,000 and 2 million uninsured people around the country eventually could be hospitalized with COVID-19, the respiratory disease caused by the novel coronavirus. Reimbursing hospitals for those treatments could cost between $13.9 billion and $41.8 billion.

Trump administration has indicated that it plans to reimburse hospitals for the care of uninsured COVID-19 patients through the $100 billion fund authorized by Congress for hospitals and other health care entities as part of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act.  Reimbursing hospitals for these costs would consume as little as 14% to more than 40% of the special fund, according to the KFF analysis. There is a wide range of uncertainty surrounding the estimates, driven by uncertainty around what share of the population will ultimately become infected.

“Covering COVID-19 hospital costs for patients who are uninsured would give them peace of mind that their inpatient costs will be covered,” KFF President and CEO Drew Altman said. “While the details are spotty, uninsured patients could still be on the hook if they test negative for coronavirus and if they receive care outside hospitals.”

The estimates are based on existing data and information about the coronavirus’s anticipated spread, how often it leads to hospitalization, the number of uninsured people, and Medicare payment rates for respiratory infections and inflammations and respiratory illnesses requiring ventilator support.

The analysis highlights outstanding questions about how the federal government will help offset the bills that uninsured patients could receive, including whether the federal government reimburses physicians who treat uninsured COVID-19 patients in hospitals and treatment for patients with conditions that resemble COVID-19 who ultimately test negative for coronavirus. The policy also would not protect privately insured patients from cost-sharing and balance billing from hospitals and providers.

Estimated Cost of Treating the Uninsured Hospitalized with COVID-19

Authors: Larry Levitt, Karyn Schwartz, and Eric Lopez
Published: Apr 7, 2020

Issue Brief

The three COVID-19 stimulus bills that Congress has passed provide additional funding for hospitals and for free coronavirus testing for the uninsured through Medicaid. While Congress did not allocate any money specifically for COVID-19 treatment or coverage for the uninsured, President Trump has stated his intention to reimburse hospitals for treating the uninsured by tapping a new $100 billion in funding for hospitals and other health care entities included in the third stimulus, the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act. The legislation provided little detail about how funding would be distributed, giving significant discretion to the Secretary of Health and Human Services.

To date, few specifics on the new policy for covering COVID-19 treatment costs of uninsured patients have been released, but administration officials have said that hospitals would get reimbursed at Medicare rates, which are substantially lower than prices paid by private insurers. The administration has not provided any cost estimates for this new policy, other than to say that the funding will come from the $100 billion in the CARES Act. How much of that funding will be used to pay for care for the uninsured is an important part of thinking through the implications of this policy. In this brief, we estimate a range of costs for reimbursing hospitals for treatment of COVID-19 for the uninsured and discuss some outstanding questions about the Trump administration’s new policy.

Estimating the Cost of Hospital Care for COVID-19 for People Who are Uninsured

There is still a great deal of uncertainty surrounding how the COVID-19 epidemic will evolve, including how many people will become infected and how many will become severely ill and require hospitalization. Therefore, we present a range of cost estimates for the Trump administration’s proposal to reimburse hospitals for COVID-19 treatments for uninsured patients, based on results from recent studies and models.

Our key assumptions include:

  • 20% to 60% of people will ultimately become infected with the coronavirus, based on estimates from epidemiologist Marc Lipsitch at the Center for Communicable Disease Dynamics at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.
  • 15% of people who are infected will require hospitalization, similar to the assumption in a model of hospital use for COVID-19 developed by the Harvard Global Health Institute.
  • We reduce the hospitalization rate by 20% to 12% to reflect the fact that the uninsured are almost entirely under age 65 and, therefore, in many cases are at lower risk for severe illness from COVID-19, based on a model recently published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS).
  • 15% of all hospitalizations will require the most intensive care, including admission into an intensive care unit and use of a ventilator. This is consistent with estimates from the Centers for Disease Control and model results from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation.
  • We estimate that 2% to 7% of uninsured people will require hospitalization for COVID-19, ranging from about 670,000 to slightly more than 2 million hospital admissions. This range is very similar to the results (weighted by the age distribution of the population) in the model published in the PNAS, which presents a range of hospitalization rates based on alternative assumptions about transmission of the virus and how many people isolate themselves after the onset of symptoms.

To project how much hospitals would get paid by the federal government for treating uninsured patients, we look at payments for admissions for similar conditions. For less severe hospitalizations, we use the average Medicare payment for respiratory infections and inflammations with major comorbidities or complications in 2017, which was $13,297. For more severe hospitalizations, we use the average Medicare payment for a respiratory system diagnosis with ventilator support for greater than 96 hours, which was $40,218. Each of these average payments was then increased by 20% to account for the add-on to Medicare inpatient reimbursement for patients with COVID-19 that was included in the CARES Act.1 

Before accounting for the 20% add on, Medicare payments are about half of what private insurers pay on average for the same diagnoses. In the absence of this new proposed policy, many of the uninsured would typically be billed based on hospital charges, which are the undiscounted “list prices” for care and are typically much higher than even private insurance reimbursement.

Based on the above, we estimate total payments to hospitals for treating uninsured patients under the Trump administration policy would range from $13.9 billion to $41.8 billion. At the top end of the range, payments on behalf of the uninsured would consume more than 40% of the $100 billion fund Congress created to help hospitals and others respond to the COVID-19 epidemic. Given the uncertainty of our estimates of the total funding that will be needed to reimburse hospitals, and the fact that infections may come in several waves over the next year,2  it is unclear whether the new fund will be able to cover the costs of the uninsured in addition to other needs, such as the purchase of medical supplies and the construction of temporary facilities.

Depending on how the remaining funds are allocated, this policy could lead to larger share of the $100 billion fund going to hospitals in states with higher uninsured rates that chose to not expand Medicaid. This would leave less funding for hospitals in states with lower uninsured rates that did expand Medicaid and, in some cases, also instituted new open enrollment periods in state-based exchanges. Under the Affordable Care Act, states have the option to expand Medicaid to adults without dependent children up to 138% of poverty, with the federal government paying 90% of the cost.

Caveats and Outstanding Questions

These estimates are highly uncertain, driven in particular by uncertainty surrounding how many people will become infected with the coronavirus. There is still a lot unknown about how the epidemic will evolve, which will be affected by policies like social distancing and the extent to which they are followed by the public. We will be able to refine the estimates as more data become available.

The estimates used to calculate the number of uninsured who are hospitalized are likely to be conservative, because they are based on a total of 27.9 million people uninsured from the most recent data in 2018. That number has no doubt increased, particularly with millions of people recently losing their jobs and, in many cases, their employer-provided health insurance. Many of the people who were previously uninsured, and many of those who have become recently unemployed, are eligible for Medicaid or premium subsidies under the Affordable Care Act.

Our calculations of the average cost of hospitalization also used several conservative assumptions regarding Medicare payments. The average Medicare payment data that we used was from 2017 and was not updated for inflation or for Medicare payment updates since that time. Additionally, we did not account for a likely difference in the geographic mix of COVID-19 patients as compared to those previously treated under those same Medicare codes in 2017. A geographic mix of COVID-19 patients more heavily concentrated in high wager areas such as New York would increase the total cost of reimbursing for care for the uninsured. This analysis also does not account for a temporary end to the 2% cut to Medicare that was part of sequestration and does not account for Medicare outlier payments, which provide additional reimbursement for “cases involving extraordinarily high costs.”3 

While the Trump administration policy will provide relief to uninsured patients who become severely ill from COVID-19, and the hospitals that treat them, how much relief will depend on a number of implementation details that are not yet clear. For example, the administration statement refers to reimbursement of hospitals for care delivered to uninsured patients. However, hospital-based physicians typically bill patients separately for the physician service component of their care, and uninsured patients may still be responsible for those bills. Our analysis of private insurance claims shows that non-hospital charges for hospital admissions related to COVID-19 treatment are generally about 10% of the total bill and average several thousand dollars or more for patients who require a ventilator.

Our analysis does not take into account the likelihood that patients could also face substantial medical bills for outpatient care outside of hospitals, or the fact that this policy could encourage the uninsured to seek care in hospitals instead of lower-cost settings where the federal government will not be reimbursing for their care. The uninsured will also not be covered for needed follow-up care if that care is not provided in a hospital. In addition, the administration has not specified whether it will cover treatment costs for patients who seek care for symptoms that are typical of COVID-19 but ultimately test negative for the coronavirus. Additionally, it is unclear if the uninsured will still be required to pay cost sharing for their hospital care, although Secretary Azar stated that hospitals receiving these funds will not be permitted to balance bill patients for the difference between Medicare reimbursement and the hospital’s charges.4  There have been no changes to cost sharing in traditional Medicare, but most Medicare Advantage plans have said they will waive cost sharing for COVID-19 treatment,5  and all Medicare patients are protected against balance billing. Privately insured patients are not protected from balance billing by providers or hospitals and they have no federal protection against cost sharing, although some insurers have said they will waive cost sharing for their fully insured plans.6  Medicaid patients, in contrast, have no cost sharing for COVID-19 treatment. Ultimately, while this policy will help uninsured patients and discourage them from delaying care if they develop COVID-19, it is not a substitution for comprehensive health insurance.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Endnotes

  1. CARES Act Sec. 3710. ↩︎
  2. B. Resnick, “How does the coronavirus outbreak end?,” Vox, March 7, 2020. ↩︎
  3. 77 Fed. Reg. 27870, 28142 (May 11, 2012); 42 CFR § 412.80. ↩︎
  4. U.S. Office of the Press Secretary, Press briefing by President Trump and staff, April 3, 2020. Available at: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-vice-president-pence-members-coronavirus-task-force-press-briefing-18/ ↩︎
  5. P. Minemyer, “UnitedHealthcare, Anthem to waive cost-sharing for COVID-19 treatment,” FierceHealthcare, Apr 1, 2020 ↩︎
  6. D. Bunis, “Health Insurers Waive COVID-19 Out-of-Pocket Treatment Costs,” AARP, April 3, 2020. ↩︎
News Release

COVID-19 Crisis Will Likely Disproportionately Affect the Health and Finances of Communities of Color

Published: Apr 7, 2020

The COVID-19 outbreak will likely disproportionately affect communities of color in both their health and their pocketbooks, compounding longstanding racial disparities in health and economic conditions, according to a new KFF analysis.

While comprehensive data about how the COVID-19 crisis is unfolding are not yet available, early data from some areas suggest groups of color are experiencing disproportionate health and economic impacts. As of April 6, to cite a few examples:

  • In Illinois, groups of color accounted for 48 percent of confirmed cases and 56 percent of deaths, while only making up 39 percent of the state’s population.
  • In Louisiana, Blacks are 32 percent of the state’s population, but accounted for over 70 percent of COVID-19 deaths.
  • In Michigan, although Blacks make up 14 percent of the population, they accounted for 33 percent of confirmed COVID-19 cases and 41 percent of deaths.
  • In North Carolina, Blacks are 21 percent of the population, but accounted for 37 percent of confirmed COVID-19 cases
  • In Washington D.C., Blacks accounted for 59 percent of COVID-19 deaths, while making up 45 percent of the district’s population

The new numbers stand alongside existing data that suggest that many people of color are at increased risk for experiencing serious illness if they contract COVID-19 due to higher rates of certain underlying health conditions such as diabetes and asthma compared to Whites. Nonelderly Black, Hispanic, and American Indian and Alaska Native adults are more likely than Whites are to report fair or poor health, according to KFF analysis of federal survey data.

People of color also are more likely to be uninsured and to lack a usual source of care, which could translate into increased challenges accessing COVID-19 testing and treatment services. Among the nonelderly, 22 percent of American Indians and Alaska Natives lacked health coverage in 2018, as did 19 percent of Hispanics and 11 percent of Blacks, compared to 8 percent of Whites.

Moreover, people of color are more likely to work in certain industries (such as restaurant, hospitality, retail and other service industries) that are particularly at risk for loss of income right now, but have limited ability to absorb these decreases due to lower incomes. Over a quarter of Blacks, Hispanics, and AIANs are low-wage workers, compared to less than 17 percent of Whites.

For the full analysis, as well as other data and analyses about the coronavirus and COVID-19, visit kff.org.

Is There a Widening Gender Gap in Coronavirus Stress?

Published: Apr 6, 2020

The KFF Coronavirus Poll conducted in March 11-15, 2020 found that there were some gender differences in how men and women were experiencing the pandemic, with women more likely to worry about both the health and economic effects on their families, and more likely to report taking protective actions.

As the virus and its consequences have spread across the country, the latest KFF Health Tracking Poll, conducted March 25-30, 2020 finds many of these gender differences persist, and at least one has widened considerably. Women remain somewhat more likely than men to say their lives have been disrupted “a lot” by the outbreak (49% vs. 40%). And while self-reported social distancing measures have increased dramatically for everyone, women are more likely than men to say they’ve stayed home instead of going to work or other regular activities (81% vs. 69%), changed or canceled travel plans (72% vs. 66%), or sheltered in place (88% vs. 76%).

Figure 1: Gender Gap in Share Reporting Social Distancing Measures Due to Coronavirus

One gender gap has gotten strikingly larger over this two-week period, particularly among parents. Women overall are now 16 percentage points more likely than men to say that worry or stress related to coronavirus has had a negative impact on their mental health (53% vs. 37%). Among parents of children under age 18, the gender gap is a striking 25 percentage points; 57% of mothers vs. 32% of fathers say their mental health has gotten worse because of the pandemic. In the poll taken just two weeks prior, the gender gap among all adults was 9 percentage points (36% vs. 27%) and among parents it was just 5 percentage points (36% vs. 31%).

Figure 2: Widening Gender Gap in Share Reporting Negative Mental Health Impacts From Coronavirus

The gender gap in self-reported coronavirus stress is not surprising given what we know from prior research on gender roles, family caregiving responsibilities, and women’s workforce participation.  KFF surveys have consistently found that moms take the lead roles in managing family health and that working moms are more likely than dads to stay home (often without pay) when kids are sick. The safety net for working moms when their kids get sick often has been friends and family, but the COVID outbreak and resultant social distancing and stay at home orders have taken these options off the table for many. Other research conducted before the outbreak found that women still shoulder the majority of housework, are more likely to be the primary caregivers for frail and aged family members than men, and have a baseline of experiencing anxiety and depression at greater rates than men. All these factors add stress to women’s lives under normal circumstances; the current crisis requires many moms to be teachers, nurses, and family mediators at home with little respite, with many also continuing to manage workplace responsibilities.

As social distancing measures and shelter-in-place orders become more widespread, along with job losses and school closures that lead to increased economic anxiety and increased demands on parents’ time, KFF will continue tracking the self-reported mental health effects of these pressures on both women and men.

Partying Spring Breakers Don’t Represent Most of America’s Young Adults

Published: Apr 6, 2020

In late March many news organizations reported on crowded beaches and revelry among U.S. college students with headlines such as, “Spring breakers say coronavirus pandemic won’t stop them from partying.” Our most recent KFF Health Tracking Poll finds that for a majority of young adults, life has changed drastically and perhaps, the parties have stopped…for now.

Seven in ten (71%) 18-24 year olds say their lives have been disrupted because of the recent coronavirus outbreak. This share is comparable to the share who report the same among 25-44 year olds (74%), 45-64 year olds (76%), and those 65 and older (63%).

And while those news stories of a few weeks ago portrayed younger adults as not heeding precautions and continuing going on spring break trips, the data indicates that many younger adults now report changing travel plans because of coronavirus (72%). Even more, the vast majority of 18-24 year olds report that they have been engaging in at least one form of social distancing (95%). The poll does find that fewer 18-24 year olds (77%), but still a majority, report “sheltering-in-place,” or not leaving their homes except for essential services such as food, medicine, and health care.

Table 1: Younger People Still Report Taking Precautions Because Of Coronavirus
Percent who say they have done each of the following because of the recent coronavirus outbreak:By Age Groups
18-24 year olds25-44 year olds45-64 year olds65 and older
Engaged in at least one form of social distancing (NET)95%94%91%89%
Decided not to travel/changed travel plans72756860
Stayed home instead of going to work, school, or other regular activities78757478
Canceled plans to attend large gatherings76716159
Sheltered in place, haven’t left their home except for essential services such as food, medicine, health care77798389
Stocked up on items such as food, household supplies or prescription medications65626056

Younger adults are also just as likely as their Millennial and Gen-X counterparts to report that worry and stress related to coronavirus has had a negative impact on their mental health (58% compared to 49% of 25-44 year olds and 47% of those ages 45-64). Adults ages 65 and older are less likely to report negative mental health impacts (31%).

While four in ten 18-24 year olds are enrolled in either a 2-year or 4-year college according to the most recent data from the National Center for Education Statistics, most 18-24 year olds are also working either in a part-time or full-time capacity. At least one-third of both college-aged adults and their older counterparts (25-44 year olds) say they have lost their job, been laid off, or had their hours reduced without pay because of coronavirus (33% and 36%, respectively compared to 29% of 45-64 year olds and 13% of those 65 and older). In addition, seven in ten (71%) 18-24 year olds are worried they will put themselves at risk of exposure to coronavirus because they cannot afford to stay home and miss work (compared to 60% of 25-44 year olds, 59% of 45-64 year olds, and 43% of those 65 and older).

Seven In Ten Younger Adults Say They Are Worried They Are Putting Themselves At Risk Because They Cannot Afford To Miss Work

So, while some college students were slow to heed social distancing recommendations, just a few weeks later most young adults are now reporting taking precautions to protect themselves, and this group is already feeling the impact of coronavirus both on their mental health and on their paychecks.

Stay-At-Home Orders to Fight COVID-19 in the United States: The Risks of a Scattershot Approach

Published: Apr 5, 2020

By late-February, it became increasingly clear that sustained community transmission of coronavirus had taken hold in parts of the United States, particularly on the West Coast and, soon after, the New York City region. With little testing available and no significant federal response beyond instituting international travel restrictions at the time (the President downplayed the threat of COVID-19 well into March), some jurisdictions took matters into their own hands and began implementing social distancing measures.

On March 4, King County officials in Washington State first recommended that certain vulnerable groups (including people over 60 years old and those with underlying health conditions) stay home, businesses allow more telecommuting options, and the cancellation or postponement of large public events; school closures began in parts of the state within a couple of days. On March 6, San Francisco similarly warned vulnerable residents to avoid outings and larger groups, businesses to suspend non-essential travel and consider telecommuting, and cancelation of all non-essential large events, and the city began restricting event size a few days later. By March 16, six Bay Area counties became the first in the nation to announce shelter-in-place orders and on March 19, the State of California became the first to mandate a state-wide order.

Since then, additional states and communities across the country began implementing mandatory stay-at-home orders (and other social distancing measures, including school closures, many of which began state-wide on March 16, and closing non-essential businesses).  But, with conflicting messages from the federal government and a lack of clear guidelines, states have not been on the same page, and implementation has been scattershot at best. In some cases, contiguous states have had different policies (such as South Carolina, which has no mandate and North Carolina which does). Moreover, in some states (including those with rapidly rising caseloads), Governors resisted issuing state-wide orders, leaving decisions up to local jurisdictions, creating confusion and concern and prompting calls from local officials and public health experts for state-wide action.  This was the case, for example, in Florida, Georgia, and Texas until recently and remains so in a handful of other states.  It’s hard to see how a highly infectious virus is going to pay very close attention to different policies across states, let alone within them. Indeed, new data shows that there was more travel in counties without such orders.

There have been some exceptions to this. In recognition of regional commuter and other patterns, Washington DC, Virginia and Maryland have operated much more in lockstep (although there have been some differences). All three implemented similar voluntary state-at-home orders during the third week of March and a coordinated mandatory one announced on March 30. In the Mayor of DC’s voicemail message to residents, she specifically said, “pandemics don’t care about borders. That’s why we are all doing the same thing and we are telling everyone in the Capital Region – DC, Maryland, and Virginia – please stay home.”

Still, by March 25, when there were more than 12,000 cases reported in the U.S., only 19 states had mandatory stay-at-home orders in effect. An additional 11 instituted orders taking effect by March 30. The recent announcement by the White House that federal social distancing guidelines would be extended through at least April 30, an acknowledgment that the outbreak is significantly worse than it had previously suggested, is likely to lead to more uniformity across states. Already, since the announcement, several additional states have announced their intention to implement stay-at-home orders. Many states have gone well beyond the White House guidance, which is a recommendation, not a requirement. At the time of this writing, 9 states had not yet issued state-wide orders.

It is still too early to know whether those states that implemented such measures earlier will see better outcomes (although data from both Seattle and San Francisco suggest that they are working) or whether differential implementation across the country and within states will affect the success of all communities, as the virus may continue to spread across geographic borders it doesn’t recognize. At the very least, this scattershot approach can result in ongoing transmission in one state or community, even as transmission is interrupted in a neighboring area. This could extend the period of spread for the U.S. overall and prolong the need for social distancing in much of the country. We are engaged in a “natural experiment” of differing approaches to the epidemic on a massive scale, and we are likely to see over the coming weeks what the consequences of that will be.

State Mandated Stay-At-Home Orders by Date of Implementation
Statewide Stay-at-Home Orders
StateDate AnnouncedEffective Date
AlabamaApril 3April 4
AlaskaMarch 27March 28
ArizonaMarch 30March 31
Arkansas
CaliforniaMarch 19March 19
ColoradoMarch 26March 26
ConnecticutMarch 20March 23
DelawareMarch 22March 24
District of ColumbiaMarch 30April 1
FloridaApril 1April 3
GeorgiaApril 2April 3
HawaiiMarch 23March 25
IdahoMarch 25March 25
IllinoisMarch 20March 21
IndianaMarch 23March 24
Iowa
KansasMarch 28March 30
KentuckyMarch 22March 26
LouisianaMarch 22March 23
MaineMarch 31April 2
MarylandMarch 30March 30
MassachusettsMarch 23March 24
MichiganMarch 23March 24
MinnesotaMarch 25March 27
MississippiMarch 31April 3
MissouriApril 3April 6
MontanaMarch 26March 28
Nebraska
NevadaApril 1April 1
New HampshireMarch 26March 27
New JerseyMarch 20March 21
New MexicoMarch 23March 24
New YorkMarch 20March 22
North CarolinaMarch 27March 30
North Dakota
OhioMarch 22March 23
Oklahoma
OregonMarch 23March 23
PennsylvaniaMarch 23April 1
Rhode IslandMarch 28March 28
South Carolina
South Dakota
TennesseeMarch 30March 31
TexasMarch 31April 2
Utah
VermontMarch 24March 24
VirginiaMarch 30March 30
WashingtonMarch 23March 23
West VirginiaMarch 23March 24
WisconsinMarch 24March 25
Wyoming
NOTE: The Governor of Pennsylvania began ordering stay-at-home orders for some counties on March 23, before implementing a state-wide order effective April 1.SOURCE: KFF analysis of state government websites.

Click here to download table (.xls)

This Week in Coronavirus: March 27th to April 3rd

Published: Apr 3, 2020

Every Friday we’ll recap our new policy analysis, polling, and updates on coronavirus from the past week.

Here’s the latest coronavirus stats from KFF’s tracking resources:

Global Cases: This week total cases worldwide passed 1 million – with 1,013,039 cases and 52,980 deaths.

U.S. Cases: There have been 141,511 new cases and 4,333 deaths in the U.S. since March 27th. This week total cases nationwide passed the 250,000 mark.

STATEWIDE ACTIONS TO MITIGATE THE SPREAD OF COVID-19 (includes Washington D.C.):

  • Stay At Home Order: 39 statewide orders, 2 orders for high-risk groups only, other action in 1 state, no action in 9 states
  • Mandatory Quarantine for Travelers: 9 orders for all travelers, 1 order for all air travelers, 5 for travelers coming from certain states, other action in 1 state, no action in 35 states
  • Non-Essential Business Closures: 33 orders to close all non-essential businesses; 4 orders to close all non-essential retail businesses, other action in 5 states, no action in 9 states
  • Large Gatherings Ban: All gatherings prohibited in 18 states, gatherings of 10+ people prohibited in 25 states, gatherings of 50+ prohibited in 1 state, other action in 4 states, no action in 3 states
  • State-Mandated School Closures: Closures in 49 states, schools effectively closed in 2 states
  • Bar/Restaurant Limits: Closed except takeout/delivery in 46 states, limited on-site service in 3 states, other action in 1 state, no action in 1 state

STATE COVID-19 HEALTH POLICY ACTIONS

  • Waive Cost Sharing for COVID-19 Treatment: 2 states plus D.C. require, state-insurer agreement in 1 state; no action in 47 states
  • Free Cost Vaccine When Available: 9 states require, state-insurer agreement in 1 state, no action in 41 states
  • States Requires Waiver of Prior Authorization Requirements: For COVID-19 testing only in 6 states, for COVID-19 testing and treatment in 4 states, no action in 41 states
  • Early Prescription Refills: State requires in 16 states, no action in 35 states
  • Premium Payment Grace Period: Grace period extended for all policies in 7 states, grace period extended for COVID-19 diagnosis/impacts only in 5 states, no action in 39 states
  • Marketplace Special Enrollment Period: Marketplace special enrollment period in 12 states
  • Paid Sick Leave: 13 states enacted, 2 proposed, no action in 36 states

APPROVED MEDICAID STATE ACTIONS TO ADDRESS COVID-19

  • Approved Section 1135 Waivers: 45 total
  • Approved Medicaid Disaster Relief SPAs: 2 total
  • Approved 1915 (c) Appendix K Waivers: 16 total

Here’s the latest KFF COVID-19 resources published since last Friday:

  • Is Contact Tracing Getting Enough Attention in U.S. Coronavirus Response? (Blog Post)
  • COVID-19: Expected Implications for Medicaid and State Budgets (Blog Post)
  • Long-Term Trends in Employer-Based Coverage (Issue Brief)
  • COVID-19 Coronavirus Tracker – Updated as of April 3, 2020 (Interactive)
  • State Data and Policy Actions to Address Coronavirus (Issue Brief)
  • Medicaid Emergency Authority Tracker: Approved State Actions to Address COVID-19 (Issue Brief)
  • KFF Health Tracking Poll – Early April 2020: The Impact Of Coronavirus On Life In America (Poll Findings, News Release, Blog Post )
  • Problems Getting Care Due to Cost or Paying Medical Bills Among Medicare Beneficiaries (Issue Brief)
  • COVID-19: Expected Implications for Medicaid and State Budgets (Blog Post)
  • COVID-19 Coronavirus Tracker – Updated as of April 3, 2020 (Interactive)
  • Why the U.S. Doesn’t Have More Hospital Beds (Axios Column)
  • Put to the Test: Can the U.S. Get to the Next Phase of the COVID-19 Response? (Blog Post)
  • A Look at the $100 Billion for Hospitals in the CARES Act (Blog Post)
  • Jen Kates and Josh Michaud Featured Speakers in Virtual Briefing About the Coronavirus Pandemic (Blog Post)
  • Update: Coronavirus Puts a Spotlight on Paid Leave Policies (Issue Brief)
  • FAQs on Medicare Coverage and Costs Related to COVID-19 Testing and Treatment (Issue Brief)
  • New KFF State Survey Data Provide a Benchmark for Measuring State Responses to COVID-19 (Blog Post)
  • What People (and Policymakers) Can Do About Losing Coverage During the COVID-19 Crisis (Blog Post)
  • N. SG Launches ‘Shared Responsibility, Global Solidarity’ Report As U.N. GA Considers Rival Resolutions On COVID-19 Response (KFF Daily Global Health Policy Report)

The latest KHN COVID-19 stories:

  • Medicaid Nearing ‘Eye Of The Storm’ As Newly Unemployed Look For Coverage (KHN, USA Today)
  • Trump Touted Abbott’s Quick COVID-19 Test. HHS Document Shows Only 5,500 Are On Way For Entire U.S. (KHN, Daily Beast)
  • Pandemic-Stricken Cities Have Empty Hospitals, But Reopening Them Is Difficult (KHN)
  • California Hospitals Face Surge With Proven Fixes And Some Hail Marys (KHN)
  • As The Country Disinfects, Diabetes Patients Can’t Find Rubbing Alcohol (KHN, USA Today)
  • KHN’s ‘What The Health?’: All Coronavirus All The Time (Podcast)
  • Under Pressure, Florida Governor Finally Orders Residents To Stay Home (KHN)
  • Fox News’ Jesse Watters Said Travel Bans ‘More Critical In Saving Lives’ Than COVID Testing. He’s Wrong. (KHN)
  • Listen: COVID-19 Stresses Rural Hospitals Even Before They Have A Single Case (Radio Appearance)
  • Listen: Why It Takes So Long To Get COVID-19 Test Results (Radio Appearance)Analysis: He Got Tested For Coronavirus. Then Came The Flood Of Medical Bills. (KHN, New York Times)
  • Red Dawn Breaking Bad’: Officials Warned About Safety Gear Shortfall Early On, Emails Show (KHN, Daily Beast)
  • What Takes So Long? A Behind-The-Scenes Look At The Steps Involved In COVID-19 Testing (KHN, NPR)
  • Online Coronavirus Tests Are Just The Latest Iffy Products Marketed To Anxious Consumers (KHN, The Guardian)
  • ‘Essential’ Or Not, These Workers Report For Duty (KHN)
  • Temperature Check: Tips For Tracking A Key Symptom Of Coronavirus Contagion (KHN, New York Times)
  • With Coronavirus Rare In Rural Florida, Experts Dispute Way Forward (KHN, USA Today)
  • Blood Centers Will Collect Plasma From COVID-19 Survivors In Bid For Treatment (KHN)
  • Should You Bring Mom Home From Assisted Living During The Pandemic? (KHN, CNN)
  • Coronavirus Patients Caught In Conflict Between Hospital And Nursing Homes (KHN, Daily Beast)
  • Sheltered At Home, Families Broach End-Of-Life Planning (KHN, CNN)
  • COVID-19 Bonanza: Stimulus Hands Health Industry Billions Not Directly Related To Pandemic (KHN, Fortune)
  • More Than 5,000 Surgery Centers Can Now Serve As Makeshift Hospitals During COVID-19 Crisis (KHN)
  • The Nation’s 5,000 Outpatient Surgery Centers Could Help With The COVID-19 Overflow (KHN)
  • Already Taxed Health Care Workers Not ‘Immune’ From Layoffs And Less Pay (KHN)
  • Addiction Is ‘A Disease Of Isolation’ — So Pandemic Puts Recovery At Risk (KHN)
  • Listen: How Hospitals Are Preparing For Surge In COVID-19 Patients (KHN)

Is Contact Tracing Getting Enough Attention in U.S. Coronavirus Response?

Published: Apr 3, 2020

There is a consensus forming among public health experts about the kinds of capabilities that the U.S. needs to build up and apply in order for communities to successfully combat COVID-19 and transition from our current social distancing/sheltering-in-place moment to something resembling normal daily life. Think tank reports, many articles, and numerous op-eds from experts have all converged around putting certain key elements in place, such as:

  • Greatly scaling up diagnostic testing capacity to identify cases;
  • Growing the number of available hospital and intensive care beds;
  • Increasing the availability and improving the distribution of necessary supplies, including personal protective equipment and ventilators; and
  • Scaling up contact tracing and quarantining of close contacts of known COVID-19 cases.

The first three points on the list above are immediate needs and have been front and center in debates around COVID-19 response, from the White House daily press conferences to governors’ and Mayors’ discussions of the needs in their states and cities. However, the fourth point – contact tracing – has been emphasized much less. In three recent White House Coronavirus Task Force Press conferences, for example, the needs around testing, hospitals, and supplies such as masks and ventilators were mentioned dozens of times, while contact tracing was mentioned just once, in passing.

Contact tracing is the process of identifying, assessing, and managing people who have been exposed to a contagious disease to prevent onward transmission. It is a key component of infectious disease control and response. And, despite being mostly ignored in politicians’ press conferences to date, contact tracing is going to be a crucial piece of the puzzle for eventually suppressing and containing the virus, allowing people to congregate in public, and letting people go back to work again. Once social distancing measures have had the effect of turning the tide on local epidemics, contact tracing can then be used to identify and interrupt ongoing transmission chains and allow public health authorities to understand the extent of spread in a community. Effective contact tracing has been an essential component for successful coronavirus responses in other countries, including in China, South Korea, Singapore, and Germany.

However, the challenges facing a contact tracing effort here are daunting. For one, local public health departments, currently responsible for contact tracing efforts, are already stretched thin and in many cases overwhelmed by response needs, having been weakened by budget cuts for years. Undertaking contact tracing, even when coronavirus case numbers are falling, will still be a monumental effort. For example, if at least 750,000 tests per week are needed to have a decent chance of identifying most COVID-19 cases in the U.S. (as recommended recently by an expert group), and assume 10% of those tests are positive (a target benchmark cited by experts), that would mean 75,000 cases whose contacts would have to be investigated each week. This is similar to the scale of efforts in Wuhan, China in February, when 1,800 contact tracing teams of five people each traced tens of thousands of contacts each day. Hard to imagine there would be enough workers trained and equipped to do contact tracing in the U.S. in a few weeks’ time without a truly massive, nationally-coordinated scale-up effort.

To complicate things further, we know some proportion of asymptomatic and pre-symptomatic transmission occurs, making it that much harder to identify all cases to isolate, even with sufficient testing capacity. Newly published modeling suggests that, given the challenging characteristics of Covid-19 like asymptomatic transmission, the standard approach to contact tracing – with people calling and investigating all close contacts of identified cases – will likely face limitations in effectively interrupting enough community chains of transmission. What’s likely needed to supplement traditional contact tracing are more automated, technological approaches using mobile phones and apps. For example, notifications could be automatically pushed to other phones which were determined to have been in proximity to a known case, or an app could be created and pushed to people in affected geographic areas, which would automatically alert them if they may have been in contact with a case.  This approach is faster, and likely more effective. It has already been used in places that have been successful in interrupting the spread of disease such as China, South Korea, and Singapore.

Recognizing this, some private and academic groups have begun to create just these kinds of resources and push for digital participatory, crowd-sourced contact tracing, such as: NextTrace, Covid Watch, Trace Together, and Safe Paths. These initiatives are only starting to coordinate and get visibility. At the same time, concerns about privacy have already been raised and would need to be addressed if such a route were pursued.

Reasonably, only the federal government could truly bring order and achieve a national, coordinated effort on the scale (and expense) necessary to address the problem. It would require ensuring that most Americans are connected to the efforts through their phones and sufficient attention is given to privacy concerns that will undoubtedly arise. To date, however, and despite the fact that the CDC Director has indicated he expects to pursue aggressive early case definition, isolation, contact tracing in states that, thus far, have limited transmission, there is little evidence of a genuine federal effort to build up capacities to do this, or to bring together the valiant but scattershot efforts from the private sector. Even if a more widespread testing effort is, eventually, implemented, it is hard to see how the contact tracing gap will be easily closed.

COVID-19: Expected Implications for Medicaid and State Budgets

Author: Robin Rudowitz
Published: Apr 3, 2020

As new unemployment claims hit 6.6 million as of March 28th due to coronavirus – and a total of about 10 million over a two-week period – it will become increasingly important to monitor what happens to individuals who lose income and may qualify for Medicaid or become uninsured and what this means for state budgets.

Medicaid is a countercyclical program, so during economic downturns more people lose income and will qualify for Medicaid. Medicaid spending is driven by multiple factors, including the number and mix of enrollees, medical cost inflation, utilization, and state policy choices. During economic downturns, enrollment in Medicaid grows. Looking back, we see peaks in Medicaid spending and enrollment growth in 2002 and 2009 due to recessions. The unemployment rate peaked at 10 percent in October 2009 during the Great Recession. Enrollment and spending also increased significantly following implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) as Medicaid coverage expanded, but have moderated in more recent years (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Percent change in Medicaid spending and enrollment, state fiscal years 1998-2020

Large increases in the number of uninsured experienced in the Great Recession may not be repeated because of new coverage options under the ACA. Given large expansions in coverage for Medicaid adults through the ACA Medicaid expansion and subsidized coverage through the ACA marketplace, more individuals will qualify for coverage and fewer will likely become uninsured. In 37 states (including D.C.) that adopted the ACA Medicaid expansion, adults can qualify if their current income is up to 138% of the federal poverty level (FPL), or $1,467/month for individual, $3,013/month for a family of four. However, state unemployment benefits do count as income, so to the extent that individuals lose their jobs and qualify for unemployment compensation, they may remain over the Medicaid income limit until those benefits run out. The additional unemployment compensation in recent legislation to address COVID-19 is disregarded for Medicaid eligibility. In some expansion states, adults with higher incomes qualify, and in all states eligibility levels are higher for children and pregnant women. People can apply year-round, and services provided up to 3 months prior to application can be covered retroactively if you would have been eligible then. Under the ACA, beginning in January 2020, the federal government pays 90% of the costs for the expansion group, above the regular match rate in all states.

In non-expansion states, individuals will not have the same coverage options and more people may become uninsured. More than 2 million poor uninsured adults below poverty don’t qualify for Medicaid and fall into the coverage gap because they live in one of 14 states that have not yet adopted the ACA expansion. While people may lose jobs and income, more people will be eligible to receive expanded unemployment benefits included in the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act. People with incomes – including unemployment compensation – above the poverty level will qualify for subsidized coverage through the ACA marketplace.

States will experience large declines in revenue as needs for services, including Medicaid, grow. During the last recession, state revenues dropped significantly while spending growth continued, resulting in large budget gaps. Because states are required to balance their budgets, many states responded to the fiscal crisis by cutting spending. Most states enacted budget cuts to education, higher education, health programs, and state work force. Some states also increased revenues and relied on temporary measures such as borrowing, fund shifts, referred expenses, and asset sales. Some initial estimates show that states are already estimating share revenue declines and unemployment estimates could exceed those experienced in the last recession.

The current financing structure of Medicaid provides some protections for states facing higher Medicaid costs as a result of COVID-19 and changing economic conditions. The federal government jointly funds the Medicaid program with states by matching qualifying state Medicaid expenditures. When Medicaid spending rises during an economic downturn, these increased costs are shared by the federal government and there is no cap on available federal funds. Even with the federal match, states often turn to reductions in provider rates as well as cuts in some optional benefits. Often, these rates and benefits may be restored when economic conditions improve. States also frequently turn to greater reliance on provider taxes to help raise the state share of Medicaid during economic downturns. To the extent that more individuals qualify for the ACA Medicaid expansion group, those costs will receive the 90% ACA enhanced match.

Federal fiscal relief provided through the Medicaid FMAP during significant economic downturns has been successful in helping to support Medicaid and provide efficient and effective fiscal relief to states. To mitigate these budget pressures, Congress has twice passed temporary FMAP increases to help support states during economic downturns prior to the COVID-19 crisis, most recently in 2009 as part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). The ARRA-enhanced FMAP rates provided states over $100 billion in additional federal funds over 11 quarters, ending in June 2011. As a condition to receive the ARRA funds, states could not make eligibility or enrollment processes more restrictive. As a result of the ARRA-enhanced FMAP, state spending for Medicaid declined during the state fiscal years 2009 and 2010. The Families First Coronavirus Response Act included a temporary increase in the Medicaid FMAP from January 1, 2020 through the emergency period. The 6.2 percentage point increase does not apply to the expansion group. To be eligible for the funds, states cannot implement more restrictive eligibility standards or higher premiums than those in place as of January 1, 2020, must provide continuous eligibility for enrollees through the end of the month of the emergency period, and cannot impose cost sharing for COVID-19 related testing and treatment services including vaccines, specialized equipment, or therapies.

Looking ahead, the magnitude of the coverage changes as well as fiscal impact is expected to be even greater than the Great Recession. States could see increases in Medicaid enrollment and increases in costs for COVID-19 testing and treatment, at the same time that revenues are falling.