Community Health Centers Are A Key Source of COVID-19 Rapid At-Home Self-Tests For Hard-To-Reach Groups

Authors: Bradley Corallo and Jennifer Tolbert
Published: Jan 31, 2022

Across the country, many Americans are having difficulty accessing COVID-19 tests amid the ongoing surge in cases driven by the new Omicron variant. The Biden administration has taken a multi-pronged approach to increase access to COVID-19 tests that includes allowing every household to order up to four free at-home tests, increasing testing in schools, expanding the number of federal testing sites, and requiring private insurers to cover the costs of at-home tests. In addition, under the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), state Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) programs are required to cover FDA-authorized at-home COVID-19 tests without cost-sharing. As part of an effort to promote equitable access to tests, the administration also launched a testing supply program in late December that has set aside 25 million rapid at-home self-test kits (or 50 million tests because there are two tests per kit) for distribution by the more than 1,300 community health centers.

Health centers are a national network of safety-net primary care providers that have played a significant role in the COVID-19 response, including facilitating equitable access to vaccinations. To date, health centers have administered nearly 19 million doses of the vaccine, of which more than two-thirds (68%) have gone to people of color. While health centers make up a relatively small proportion (4%) of total vaccinations administered nationally (roughly 530 million doses administered as of mid-January), health centers’ role has focused on vaccinating and providing primary care to some of the hardest-to-reach populations.

Like the vaccine program, the objective of the health center COVID-19 testing supply program is to provide COVID-19 rapid self-tests to communities that are currently facing difficulties accessing COVID-19 tests. Under the program, health centers will be distributing self-tests to patients and community members, with a focus on populations at greatest risk from adverse outcomes related to COVID-19. While the 25 million test kits set aside by the administration for the program is notably less than 28.6 million patients served by health centers in 2020, the federal government expects the number of test kits for the program to last through May 2022. The self-tests provided through the new federal program should supplement other testing services that health centers have been providing throughout the pandemic. Beyond the supply of free self-tests available through the new program, health center patients with Medicaid, CHIP, or other coverage may have other options to access these free tests through pharmacies or other sources and health centers may be able to seek reimbursement from public and private payers, including Medicaid/CHIP reimbursement, for self-tests ordered for patients covered by these programs depending on state rules.

Data collected through a biweekly survey conducted by the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) show that health center patient demand for COVID-19 tests has increased recently (as it has across the US). In the two weeks ending January 14, 2022, health centers reported administering an average of 794 PCR and antigen tests per responding health center, more than double the number reported in the December 17, 2021 survey. Notably, roughly two-thirds (64%) of tests were provided to people of color. These data indicate that supplying health centers with self-test kits should further increase access to testing in underserved communities during the current period of high demand.

HSRA’s most recent biweekly survey also shows how health centers are distributing the self-test kits through the federal partnership program as of early January. In the two weeks ending January 14, 27% of responding health centers reported distributing 1.08 million kits to community members (or roughly 2 million tests because each kit includes two tests). That number is expected to increase as more health centers register for the program and begin placing orders. Health centers also reported that they distributed the self-tests in a variety of ways (Figure 1). Most reported passing out the test kits to existing health center patients (83%) or to others in the community who came to the health center (61%). Roughly one-third (32%) of health centers reported distributing tests through direct outreach to underserved populations, such as individuals experiencing homelessness, migrant farmworkers, and low-income populations.

How Health Centers Are Providing Tests As Part Of The Health Center COVID-19 Testing Supply Program

Looking ahead, health centers are expected to participate in other efforts to slow the spread and lessen the severity of COVID-19 disease. HRSA has begun the initial phase for a separate program that supplies health centers with oral antiviral pills to treat patients who recently tested positive for COVID-19 to lower their risk of more serious illness. The initial phase of this program includes 200 health centers; HRSA will include more participants as supply of the antivirals increases. In the most recent biweekly survey of health centers (as of January 14), 59 health centers had begun distributing antiviral pills through the new program, a number that we expect will grow as the program ramps up. In addition to supplying self-tests and antiviral pills, the administration recently began distributing N95 masks through community health centers alongside retail pharmacies, another program that should be ramping up in coming weeks.

Health centers are growing their role in the nation’s pandemic response efforts (in addition to state and local efforts) and have been important players in coordinating response efforts quickly and more equitably. Taken together, health centers’ federal partnership programs to administer vaccinations, distribute self-test kits, provide free N95 masks (in the coming weeks), and eventually prescribe and distribute oral antivirals should strengthen health centers’ ability to help prevent, detect, and treat COVID-19 in underserved communities.

Marketplace Sign-ups Increased by 21% in 2022

Authors: Krutika Amin and Jason Millman
Published: Jan 28, 2022

The Biden Administration announced 14.5 million people have signed up for Affordable Care Act Marketplace coverage for 2022. This represents a 21% increase in Marketplace sign-ups over last year. Three states (Massachusetts, Kentucky, and Hawaii) and Washington, DC, saw enrollment decrease from 2021 to 2022. The remaining 47 states saw Marketplace enrollment increase, ranging from 1% in Rhode Island to 42% in Texas. In 20 states, enrollment increased by more than 20%.

In terms of numbers of people, Florida saw the biggest increase with 603,000 more sign-ups than last year. That was followed by Texas (549,000) Georgia (184,000), California (156,000), and North Carolina (134,000). In the places where enrollment shrunk, sign-ups decreased by 31,000 in Massachusetts, followed by Kentucky (-4,000), Washington, DC (-1,000), and Hawaii (less than 600).

The increase in Marketplace enrollment is due to expanded premium subsidies for 2021 and 2022 passed through the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), and increased efforts to enroll eligible people. ARPA increased premium subsidies for eligible enrollees and made premium subsidies available to middle-income enrollees to purchase coverage through Marketplaces. Additionally, the Biden Administration increased marketing and outreach efforts, including by increasing navigator funding and extending open enrollment by 30 days.

Of note, the reported enrollment is based on the number of people who signed up for coverage on state and federal Marketplaces through January 15, 2022. Open enrollment is ongoing beyond January 15 in some state Marketplaces (including California, Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, and DC). Colorado, Maryland, New York, and DC have also established special enrollment periods for the COVID-19 pandemic that allow uninsured people to buy coverage outside of the open enrollment period. Therefore, final Marketplace sign-ups for 2022 may be higher.

News Release

42% of Adults, and 70% of Those Likely Booster-Eligible, Now Say They’ve Gotten a COVID-19 Booster Shot; The Share Who Received At Least One Dose Inches Up to 77% in Omicron’s Wake

Published: Jan 28, 2022

6 in 10 Who Tried to Purchase an At-Home Test and a Third Who Sought an In-Person Test Say It Was Difficult to Find, Though Most Were Eventually Able to Get a Test

Black and Hispanic Adults are More Likely Than White Adults to Worry About Omicron’s Effects, Including Becoming Seriously Ill or Missing Work Due to Infection

The latest KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor report shows that 42% of all adults nationwide have received a COVID-19 booster and more than three quarters (77%) have received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine, up slightly since November (73%) before the omicron variant triggered a surge in cases, hospitalizations and deaths.

The small shift comes after vaccination rates stagnated in the fall but leaves relatively few unvaccinated adults who are open to getting a shot. Just 1% plan to do so right away, 4% want to wait and see how it works for others, and 3% who say they would only do so if required for work, school or other activities. About 1 in 7 adults (14%) say they “definitely will not” get a vaccine, a share that is largely unchanged since December 2020.

The survey also finds most vaccinated people are getting recommended booster shots. Overall, 42% of the public (and 55% of all vaccinated adults) say they’ve received a booster dose.

Mirroring their early uptake of the initial vaccine, two thirds (66%) of all adults ages 65 and older and half (50%) of adults ages 50-64 received a booster. Similarly, Democrats (62%) are more likely than independents (37%) and Republicans (32%) to have received a booster.

Among the population likely to be booster-eligible (those who either received a booster or completed a full initial course of vaccination at least 6 months ago), 7 in 10 (70%) have gotten a booster. This rises to 86% among those ages 65 and over and 77% among those ages 50-64 who are likely booster-eligible.

Across racial and ethnic groups, White adults (46%) are more likely than Black (31%) and Hispanic (37%) adults to have received a booster. This may at least partially reflect some Black and Hispanic adults not yet being eligible for a booster if their initial course of vaccination was completed recently. However, there is evidence that booster uptake and access may be lagging among the booster-eligible population of Black adults. Among the likely booster-eligible population, 57% of Black adults compared with 69% of Hispanic adults and 72% of White adults have gotten a booster.

Amid the Omicron Surge, Many Report Challenges to Accessing COVID-19 Tests

With COVID-19 cases surging to unprecedented levels, nearly half (48%) of adults say that in the past month they tried to get either an in-person COVID-19 test (33%) and/or an at-home test (28%).

Fielded as the Biden administration began to encourage more widespread testing and put forward policies to improve access, the report highlights people’s struggles to obtain tests when needed.

While most (65%) who tried to find an in-person test in the past month say it was easy to do, a third (35%) say it was difficult. Rapid at-home tests presented even more of a challenge, with most (62%) who tried to get one saying it was difficult and a little more than a third (38%) saying it was easy.

Importantly, the vast majority (89%) of those who attempted to get an in-person COVID-19 test in the past month say they were able to get one. Still 11% of those who tried to get such a test (4% of all adults) say they were unable to get an in-person test, and 23% (7% of all adults) say they had to wait two days or more to be tested.

One-third of those who tried to get an at-home test (9% of all adults) say they were unable to get one, mainly because tests were not available rather than being too expensive (91% vs. 2% among those who tried but could not get an at-home test).

When asked who is responsible for the limited availability of COVID-19 tests, about half say the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) deserves at least a fair amount of blame. Slightly fewer think President Biden (44%) or test manufacturers (41%) deserve at least a fair amount of blame. The survey was in the field when President Biden announced that people could begin to order free at-home tests on January 19.

Black and Hispanics Adults Are More Worried than White Adults About Omicron’s Impact on Them

About 4 in 10 adults (42%) say they are at least somewhat worried about getting the omicron variant, though fewer worry about having to miss work (36%), becoming serious ill (34%), or being hospitalized (27%) as a result of a coronavirus infection.

Black and Hispanic adults, as well as people with lower incomes, are more likely to worry about each of these. For example, most Hispanic (59%) and Black (54%) adults say they are worried about becoming infected with the omicron variant, while about a third (35%) of White adults are. Similarly, Hispanic (57%) and Black (43%) adults are much more likely than White (27%) adults to say they are worried about missing work due to an infection.

Two Years into the Pandemic, Most of the Public is Tired and Frustrated

Two years into the pandemic, three quarters of the public say they are both tired (75%) and frustrated (73%) by the state of the pandemic, with more than 7 in 10 Democrats, Republicans and independents reporting these emotions. Fewer people say they are optimistic (42%), angry (40%) or confused (29%). 

In addition, a large majority (77%) also says it is inevitable that most people across the country will get COVID-19 eventually. This includes similar shares among those who are vaccinated (77%) and those who are not (74%), as well as among Democrats (74%), independents (78%) and Republicans (78%). 

Despite widespread reports of vaccinated people testing positive for the omicron variant, a substantial majority (62%) say they believe the vaccines are working because “most vaccinated people who become infected with COVID-19 do not require hospitalization.”

Far fewer (34%) say the vaccines are not working because “some vaccinated people are becoming infected.” The share who see these breakthrough infections as a sign the vaccines are not working has increased slightly since September (26%), driven by shifts among Republicans and unvaccinated adults. 

A third (34%) of the public currently views the pandemic as the country’s biggest problem, slightly more than the share who say rising prices due to inflation (28%) is the biggest problem. Fewer identify climate change (9%), racial inequality (8%) crime (6%) or shortages due to supply-chain issues (5%). 

Partisans rank these problems differently, with three times as many Republicans (44%) as Democrats (13%) saying inflation is the nation’s biggest problem, and more than twice as many Democrats (51%) as Republicans (19%) saying the pandemic is. Roughly equal shares of independents name inflation (30%) and the pandemic (28%) as the nation’s biggest problem.

Other highlights include:

  • Nearly a quarter (23%) of adults nationwide say they’ve personally tested positive for COVID-19 at some point during the pandemic, including 8% who say they’ve tested positive in the past month. Among those who tested positive in the past month, 16% (representing 1% of all adults) say they used only an at-home test, indicating the result is unlikely to be captured on official case counts.
  • About 1 in 5 adults (19%) say they’ve personally had difficulty in the past few months figuring out whether they needed to isolate or limit their normal activities either after being exposed to COVID-19, receiving a positive test result, or experiencing symptoms. Most (58%) say federal public health authorities’ guidelines for testing and isolation are confusing.
  • Most of the public says that COVID-19 vaccinations should be required for people traveling on airplanes internationally (62%) and domestically (55%). Majorities of Democrats and independents support such requirements, though most Republicans do not.
  • About 7 in 10 (71%) adults say they worry that restrictions aimed at stopping the spread of omicron will hurt local businesses in their area. Majorities across partisans express worry about the impact of restrictions on local businesses.

Designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF, the KFF Vaccine Monitor survey was conducted from January 11-23, 2022 among a nationally representative random digit dial telephone sample of 1,536 adults. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish by landline (165) and cell phone (1,371). The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3 percentage points for the full sample. For results based on subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher.

The KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor is an ongoing research project tracking the public’s attitudes and experiences with COVID-19 vaccinations. Using a combination of surveys and qualitative research, this project tracks the dynamic nature of public opinion as vaccine development and distribution unfold, including vaccine confidence and hesitancy, trusted messengers and messages, as well as the public’s experiences with vaccination.

Poll Finding

KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor: January 2022

Published: Jan 28, 2022

Findings

The KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor is an ongoing research project tracking the public’s attitudes and experiences with COVID-19 vaccinations. Using a combination of surveys and qualitative research, this project tracks the dynamic nature of public opinion as vaccine development and distribution unfold, including vaccine confidence and acceptance, information needs, trusted messengers and messages, as well as the public’s experiences with vaccination.

Key Findings

  • The latest KFF COVID-19 Monitor finds that fatigue and frustration dominate the public’s mood as the U.S. nears the pandemic’s two-year anniversary. While partisans have often been split in their pandemic attitudes, roughly three in four Democrats, independents, and Republicans say they feel “tired” and “frustrated,” and similar shares say they think it is likely that most people in the U.S. will eventually get infected with COVID-19. Partisans do divide, however, on whether the pandemic is the most important issue facing the country, with about half of Democrats choosing COVID-19 as the most important among 6 different issues and a similar share of Republicans choosing inflation as the top issue.
  • The public overall says that compared to previous waves of the virus, they are now “more worried” about the impact of the omicron surge on the U.S. economy and on their local hospitals, but “less worried” about the impact in their own personal lives. Notably, however, Black and Hispanic adults and those with lower incomes report higher levels of worry than their counterparts when it comes to missing work due to COVID-19 or becoming seriously ill or hospitalized, reflecting the increased burden the pandemic has placed on people of color over the past two years.
  • While many vaccinated people have become infected with the omicron variant, a majority of the public (62%) continue to see the fact that most vaccinated people who get COVID-19 do not require hospitalization as a sign that the vaccines are working. However, the share who see breakthrough infections as a sign that the vaccines are not working has increased slightly since September (from 26% to 34%).
  • After holding relatively steady for several months, vaccine uptake inched up in January, with 77% now saying they have received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine (up from 73% in November 2021). This movement seems to have come from a chipping away at the shares who say they will get vaccinated right away, will “wait and see” or will get vaccinated only if required. The share saying they will “definitely not” get vaccinated currently stands at 14% and has not moved in a statistically significant way since December 2020.
  • With the CDC now recommending that all eligible adults get a COVID-19 booster shot, we find that about four in ten (42%) of all adults say they have received a booster dose, a third (34%) have received at least one vaccine dose but are not boosted, and 22% remain unvaccinated. Among the population likely to be booster-eligible (those who either received a booster or completed a full initial course of vaccination 6 months ago or longer), seven in ten have gotten a booster.
  • Gaps in booster uptake are mirroring early gaps in initial vaccination uptake, with adults 65 and older (66%) and Democrats (62%) among the most likely to have received a booster and Black and Hispanic adults lagging behind White adults in booster uptake (31%, 37%, and 46%, respectively). Among those who are vaccinated but not boosted, four in ten (39%) say they want to get a booster as soon as they can, however a similar share say they will either definitely not get a booster (19%) or only do so if required (22%).
  • Nearly one-quarter of adults (23%) now say they’ve tested positive for COVID-19 at some point, including 8% who say they’ve tested positive in the past month. Among those who tested positive in the past month, 16% say their positive result was on an in-home test only, which is unlikely to be recorded in official COVID-19 case counts. Difficulty accessing COVID-19 tests is likely further contributing to an undercount of cases.
  • Amid the omicron surge, about six in ten of those who tried to purchase an at-home COVID-19 test say the tests were difficult to find, and one-third (35%) of those who tried to find an in-person test similarly report difficulty. Overall, nearly a quarter (23%) of all adults say they tried to find either type of test and faced difficulty. More broadly, about half of adults say there are not enough COVID-19 tests available in their local area for those who want them. In addition, while about eight in ten are confident the results of COVID-19 tests at a medical facility or testing site are usually accurate, just over half (54%) are similarly confident in the accuracy of home tests.
  • About half of adults say the FDA deserves at least a fair amount of blame for the limited availability of tests, while about four in ten assign blame to each President Joe Biden and the test manufacturers. President Biden announced on January 14th that Americans could order free at-home tests beginning on January 19th, while the survey was still in the field.
  • Around one in five adults (19%) report they’ve personally had difficulty in the past three months figuring out whether they needed to isolate or limit their normal activities due to a COVID-19 exposure, positive test, or symptoms. This is even higher among those who say they tested positive for COVID-19 in the last month (38%) and those who reported difficulty finding a COVID-19 test (37%).

Mood Of The Country

Nearly two years into the COVID-19 pandemic, the public’s mood is dominated by fatigue and frustration. About three in four adults including majorities across age, gender, race and ethnicity, and income groups say that “tired” and “frustrated” describe how they feel about the current state of the pandemic in the U.S., while about four in ten each say they are “optimistic” or “angry” and three in ten say they feel “confused.”

While previous KFF research has shown that most attitudes toward COVID-19 tend to diverge along partisan lines, “tired” and “frustrated” are the dominant emotions expressed across partisans, with at least seven in ten Democrats, independents, and Republicans saying each word describes how they feel about the current status of the pandemic.

After Nearly Two Years Of The COVID-19 Pandemic, More Than Seven In Ten Adults Across Partisans Say They Are Tired, Frustrated

Despite feeling fatigued about the current state of the pandemic, about a third of adults (34%) continue to see the pandemic as the biggest problem facing the country right now, ranking slightly ahead of rising prices due to inflation (28%). About one in ten say climate change (9%) and racial inequality (8%) are the biggest problems facing the country, while 6% choose crime and 5% choose product shortages due to supply chain issues as the country’s biggest problems. Partisans have differing views as a half of Democrats (51%) say the pandemic is the biggest problem, while a similar share of Republicans (44%) cite inflation. Among independents, about equal shares say the pandemic (28%) and inflation (30%) are the biggest problem facing the United States right now.

Half Of Democrats Choose Pandemic As Country’s Biggest Problem, Nearly As Many Republicans Choose Inflation

Along with feelings of fatigue and frustration, the public overall seems resigned to the idea that COVID-19 infection is inevitable for most people. Three in four adults (77%) think that most people in the U.S. will eventually get COVID-19, including majorities across gender, age, income, and racial and ethnic groups. Similar shares across partisanship and vaccine status also say this is inevitable.

More Than Three In Four Adults Think It Is Inevitable That Most People In The U.S. Will Eventually Get COVID-19

In addition, six in ten (62%) of those who have never tested positive for COVID-19 think it is “very likely” or “somewhat likely” they will become infected in the next year, including two-thirds of those who are vaccinated and 45% of those who are unvaccinated and also have never tested positive.

Among Those Who Have Never Tested Positive For COVID-19, Six In Ten Think It's Likely They'll Become Infected Within The Year

Impact Of Omicron

Omicron’s Impact On Worries

With the omicron variant of COVID-19 spreading across the country, about four in ten adults (42%) say they are “very” or “somewhat” worried that they will become infected with the new variant. The share who are worried about the virus’ impact is somewhat lower, with about a third saying they are worried they will become seriously sick from coronavirus (34%) or will have to miss work due to a coronavirus infection (36%). About a quarter (27%) say they are worried they will be hospitalized for COVID-19. Each of these worries are more prevalent among adults with lower incomes and people of color. For example, Hispanic adults (57%) and Black adults (43%) are much more likely than White adults (27%) to say they are worried about having to miss work due to a coronavirus infection, as are those with incomes under $40,000 compared to those with higher incomes (46% vs. 31%). Hispanic and Black adults are also more likely than White adults to say they are worried about becoming infected with omicron, becoming seriously ill, or being hospitalized due to coronavirus, as are lower-income adults compared to their higher-income counterparts.

About Four In Ten Adults Say They Are Worried They Will Get Infected With The Omicron Variant

Similar to previous KFF Vaccine Monitor findings, vaccinated adults are also more likely than those who are unvaccinated to say they are worried about getting infected with, getting seriously sick from, or being hospitalized due to coronavirus. At least three in ten vaccinated and unvaccinated adults are worried about having to miss work due to a coronavirus infection.

While many adults, and particularly people of color, are worried about the personal impacts of omicron, the public overall says omicron has made them more worried about the pandemic’s impact on the economy, their local hospitals, and people who are unvaccinated. Majorities say that compared to previous surges of the pandemic, they are now more worried about the impact of omicron on the U.S. economy (56%) and on their local hospitals (54%). Half of adults also say they are more worried about omicron’s impact on people who are not vaccinated, however this largely reflects the vaccinated population’s worry about the unvaccinated. Among unvaccinated adults themselves, just 15% say they are more worried about omicron’s impact, compared to 61% of vaccinated adults who are worried about the impact on the unvaccinated.

When it comes to personal impact, the public reports being less worried about omicron than they were about previous waves of the pandemic. Majorities say that compared to previous surges, they are less worried about the impact of omicron on themselves personally (69%) and on their way of life (58%). An even larger share of unvaccinated adults say they are less worried about the impact of omicron on themselves personally (76% of unvaccinated adults, compared to 67% vaccinated) and their way of life (66% of unvaccinated adults, 55% vaccinated).

Omicron Has The Public More Worried About Potential Impact On The Economy And Local Hospitals, Less Worried About Impact To Themselves Personally

About seven in ten adults (71%) say they are “very” or “somewhat” worried that restrictions aimed at stopping the spread of omicron will hurt local businesses in their area and similar shares (68% each) say they are worried that their local hospitals will be overwhelmed with COVID-19 patients or that other new and more serious variants will spread in the United States. While majorities across partisans express worry about the impact of restrictions on local businesses, Democrats are much more likely than Republicans to worry that their local hospitals will be overwhelmed (86% vs. 50%) or that new variants will develop and spread in the U.S. (86% vs. 48%).

Seven In Ten Worry Restrictions Aimed At Reducing Omicron’s Spread Will Hurt Local Businesses, Similar Share Worry About Local Hospitals Being Overwhelmed

Despite widespread reports of vaccinated individuals becoming infected with the omicron variant, most adults (62%) say “the fact that most vaccinated people who become infected with COVID-19 do not require hospitalization means that the vaccines are working” while about a third (34%) say “the fact that some vaccinated people are becoming infected with COVID-19 means that the vaccines are not working.” Notably, the share who see breakthrough infections as a sign that the vaccines are not working has increased slightly since September (from 26% to 34%), mainly driven by an increase among Republicans (from 39% to 50%) and unvaccinated adults (from 66% to 84%).

Majority Of Public See Low Hospitalization Of Vaccinated Adults As Evidence The Vaccines Are Working, But Unvaccinated View Breakthrough Infections As A Sign That They Are Not

Omicron’s Impact On Behaviors

When asked about the impact of omicron on their own behaviors, 43% of adults say the spread of the new variant has made them more likely to wear a mask and nearly as many (38%) say it has made them more likely to avoid large gatherings. Reflecting their higher levels of worry about becoming infected with omicron, Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than White adults to say the new variant has prompted them to change their behavior, as are vaccinated adults compared to unvaccinated adults and Democrats compared to Republicans.

Vaccinated Adults, Black And Hispanic Adults, And Democrats More Likely To Say Spread Of Omicron Has Made Them More Likely To Wear Mask In Public, Avoid Large Gatherings

Trend data also reveals that self-reported mask usage has increased among the public since last summer. A majority of adults (57%) now say they wear a mask every time when they are in a grocery store, a 20-percentage point increase since July 2021. About half of the public say they wear masks every time at work (47%) or on public transportation (49%), up from about a third in July. While a majority of adults (54%) say they were a mask every time they are in an indoor crowded place, fewer (33%) report consistent mask usage in crowded outdoor spaces. Overall, Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than White adults to report consistent mask usage, as are vaccinated adults compared to those who are not vaccinated. Across partisans, Democrats are roughly two to three times as likely as Republicans to say they wear a mask every time in each of the situations presented.

Black And Hispanic Adults, Democrats, More Likely To Report Frequent Mask Usage

After holding relatively steady for several months, COVID-19 vaccine uptake inched up between November 2021 and January 2022. More than three-quarters of adults (77%) now report that they have received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine, up from 73% in November. One percent say they plan to get vaccinated as soon as possible, 4% say they want to “wait and see” before getting a vaccine, and 3% say they will get vaccinated only if they are required for work, school, or other activities. One in eight adults (14%) say they will “definitely not” get vaccinated for COVID-19, a share that has held generally constant since December 2020.

More Than Three In Four Adults Say They Have Received At Least One Dose Of A COVID-19 Vaccine

The spread of omicron in the U.S. does not appear likely to motivate more unvaccinated adults to get the COVID-19 vaccine. Three in four unvaccinated adults (76%) say that news of the omicron variant spreading has not made much of a difference as to whether they will get the vaccine while just 8% said it has made the more likely to get vaccinated and 15% say it has made them less likely to do so.

Looking at demographic patterns of COVID-19 vaccine uptake, we continue to find that Democrats, college graduates, older adults, and those living in urban areas report being vaccinated at higher rates than Republicans, those without college degrees, younger adults, and rural residents.

The age gap in vaccine uptake appears to be shrinking somewhat with 73% of 18-29 year-olds and 72% of 30-49 year-olds now saying they are vaccinated, compared to about two-thirds in November. In addition, the shares of Republicans (63%) and independents (76%) who report being vaccinated reached new highs this month, though still lagging significantly behind the vaccination rate among Democrats (91%). Notably, a quarter of Republicans (26%) continue to say they will “definitely not” get vaccinated, a share that has held relatively steady since December 2020.

White Evangelicals And Republicans Continue To Lag In COVID-19 Vaccine Uptake

Vaccine Booster Uptake And Intentions

A recent study released by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) found that a booster dose was effective in preventing hospitalization due to COVID-19 and the CDC announced earlier this month that a booster dose will be required for adults to be considered “up-to-date” on their COVID-19 vaccinations. We find that among adults overall, about four in ten (42%) have received a booster dose, while 34% have received at least one vaccine dose but are not boosted and 22% remain unvaccinated.

Mirroring their earlier uptake of the initial vaccine doses, Democrats (62%) are more likely than independents (37%) and Republicans (32%) to have received a booster. Similarly, two-thirds of adults 65 and older and half of adults ages 50-64 have received a booster, compared to three in ten adults ages 30-49 (31%) and a quarter of those ages 18-29 (24%) who say the same.

Notably, across racial and ethnic groups, White adults (46%) are more likely than Black (31%) and Hispanic (37%) adults to say they have received a booster dose of the vaccine, while larger shares of Black and Hispanic adults are vaccinated but not boosted (49% and 39% respectively, compared to 29% of White adults). This may at least partially reflect some Black and Hispanic adults not yet being eligible for a booster if their initial course of vaccination was completed more recently, since access issues and other concerns delayed initial vaccine uptake for some people.

White Adults, Older Adults, And Democrats Among Those More Likely To Have Received A Booster Dose Of The COVID-19 Vaccines

Among vaccinated adults who are likely eligible for a booster dose (those who either got a booster or completed an initial full course of vaccine at least six months ago), seven in ten have gotten a booster. This rises to 86% among those ages 65 and over and 77% among those ages 50-64 who are likely booster-eligible.

However, there is evidence that booster uptake and access may be lagging among the booster-eligible population of Black adults. Among the likely booster-eligible population, 57% of Black adults compared with 69% of Hispanic adults and 72% of White adults have gotten a booster.

Seven In Ten Adults Who Are Likely Eligible For A COVID-19 Booster Have Received One, Including Higher Shares Of Older Adults

The racial and ethnic gap in booster uptake does not appear to be driven by a lack of desire among Black and Hispanic adults to get boosted. Among those who are vaccinated but not yet boosted, four in ten (39%) say they want to get a booster dose as soon as they can, including 41% of Black adults and nearly half of Hispanic adults (47%).

On the other hand, resistance to getting a booster does appear to be a factor in the partisan gap in booster uptake. A majority (58%) of Democrats who are vaccinated but not yet boosted say they want to get a booster dose as soon as they can, compared to just 18% of Republicans who have not yet gotten a booster. Indeed, about half (53%) of vaccinated but not yet boosted Republicans say they will either “definitely not” get a booster (23%) or will only do so if they are required (30%).

Most vaccinated but not boosted adults (60%) say news of the omicron variant spreading has not made much of a difference as to whether they will get a booster. However, about three in ten (29%) say the spread of omicron has made them more likely to get a booster shot, a share that rises to 41% among Hispanics who are vaccinated but not boosted.

Among Vaccinated Adults Who Have Not Yet Received A Booster Dose, Four In Ten Say They Will Get One As Soon As They Can

When asked to say in their own words the main reason they have not gotten a booster dose, about one in eight vaccinated but not boosted adults offer that they feel that their initial vaccination doses are enough or that they don’t need it (13%) and a similar share say they are currently not eligible for a booster (12%). Other common reasons provided include doubts about the efficacy of boosters, including those who cite the fact that vaccinated people are still getting sick (9%), being too busy or not having time to get a booster (8%), having already gotten COVID-19 (7%), work-related concerns such as having to miss work to get the shot or recover from side effects (5%), medical issues (5%), procrastination (5%) and wanting to wait and see how boosters are working (5%).

Among those who are more open to getting a booster (those who say they want to get a booster dose as soon as possible or wait and see), the most common reasons given for not getting a booster are that they aren’t eligible (17%), are too busy (12%), already had COVID-19 (8%), or haven’t gotten around to it or have been putting it off (8%). Those who are more reluctant (saying they will get a booster only if required or will definitely not get one) cite different reasons for not getting boosted, with the top answers being that they feel they don’t need a booster or feel the initial vaccination is enough (22%), or that they question the boosters’ effectiveness (19%).

Reasons For Not Getting A Booster Include Not Feeling It’s Necessary, Not Being Eligible, And Doubting Effectiveness

Across racial and ethnic groups, one in five Hispanic adults who are vaccinated but not boosted (21%) cite lack of eligibility as the main reason they have not gotten a booster dose, as do 13% of Black adults and 10% of White adults. Notably, about one in ten vaccinated but not boosted Black and Hispanic adults said they have been too busy or haven’t had time to get a booster dose of the vaccine.

Reasons For Not Getting A Booster By Race And Ethnicity

In their own words: What is the main reason you have not gotten a booster dose of the COVID-19 vaccine?

“I feel that my initial doses were enough” – 36 year-old male, White, Texas

“Because I received my second shot and I have to wait 4 more weeks to receive the booster shot.” – 33 year-old male, Black, Maryland

“Not enough time between doses” – 63 year-old male, White, Oregon

“Because I have to wait until 6 months” – 67 year-old male, Hispanic, Arizona

“First, I don't trust the vaccine and I'm seeing a lot of people vaccinated and still getting sick” – 39 year-old female, Hispanic, Nevada

“Because I know a few people that received the booster and still contracted covid” – 36 year-old female, Black, Pennsylvania

“I don’t think it makes any difference if people are getting vaccinated and people are still getting sick senior citizens are dying” – 56 year-old male, White, Tennessee

“No appointments in my area” – 65 year-old male, Black, Maryland

“I haven't had any time off from work” – 31 year-old female, Black, Mississippi

“Missing work from side effects” – 18 year-old male, Hispanic, Missouri

“Tired of the federal government telling me what to do” – 55 year-old female, White, Maryland

The spread of the omicron variant has led some disease experts to call for COVID-19 vaccine mandates for air travel. Overall, most of the public think that COVID-19 vaccination should be required for international air travel (62%) and for domestic air travel (55%) and about half think there should be a vaccination requirement for train travel within the U.S. (51%). Unsurprisingly, there are large partisan differences on whether to institute vaccination requirements for travel. More than three in four Democrats think there should be a vaccine requirement for air travel and train travel, whereas about four in ten Republicans (39%) think a requirement should be in place for international travel, and about one in four think a requirement should be in place for domestic travel by air (28%) or train (25%).

Most Of The Public Think COVID-19 Vaccination Should Be Required For Airplane Travel, Though Partisans Are Divided

COVID-19 Testing

How Many Adults Have Personally Tested Positive For COVID-19?

Almost a quarter of adults now say they have personally tested positive for COVID-19 at some point (23%), while another 12% say someone in their household has tested positive and 49% say someone else they know has. Around a third of unvaccinated adults say they have tested positive at some point (34%), significantly higher than the share among vaccinated adults (21%).

Vast Majority Of Adults Know Someone Who Has Tested Positive For COVID-19, Including Nearly A Quarter Who Report Personally Testing Positive

Notably, while unvaccinated adults are more likely than those who are vaccinated to say they tested positive for COVID-19 at some point, similar shares of vaccinated and unvaccinated adults say they tested positive within the past month amid the omicron surge (7% and 10%, respectively).

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Amid concerns that official COVID-19 case counts may be an underestimate if many people are taking at-home tests that are not recorded by government agencies, about eight in ten of those who say they tested positive in the past month say they received a positive result on an in-person test (66%) or on both an in-person and at-home test (17%).

One in six (16%) adults who received a positive test result in the past month (representing about 1% of all U.S. adults) say that result came on an at-home test only. With few states or localities offering residents a way to report their at-home tests, these results are unlikely to be included in official case counts.

Experiences With Testing Access

With COVID-19 cases surging to unprecedented levels over the past two months, many U.S. adults report difficulty accessing both at-home and in-person COVID-19 tests.

While many made an effort to find testing for COVID-19, some – depending on what type of test they sought – struggled with the task. A majority (65%) of adults who tried to get an in-person COVID-19 test in the past month say it was easy, though a substantial share, 35%, say it was difficult. At-home tests presented even more of a challenge, with 62% of those who tried to find an at-home test reporting it was difficult and 38% saying it was easy.

Among Those Who Tried, Many Say It Was Difficult To Find COVID-19 Tests, Especially At-Home Tests

Overall, 23% of all adults say that they tried to get either an in-person or at-home test in the past month and had difficulty finding one, 24% tried and didn’t have any difficulty, and 52% didn’t try to access either type of test. Suburban (27%) and urban (24%) residents are more likely than rural residents (12%) to report difficulties finding tests in the past month. As well, higher shares of young adults (33% of those ages 18-29) and adults with high incomes (32% of those with a household income of $90K or more a year) reported difficulties finding tests. These differences are largely a reflection of the higher shares of these groups who said they attempted to purchase at-home tests, which were often in short supply.

About

The vast majority (89%) of those who attempted to get an in-person COVID-19 test in the past month say they were able to get one, including 58% who say they got a test on the first day they wanted one. However, 11% of those who tried to get such a test (4% of all adults) say they were unable to get an in-person test, and 23% (7% of all adults) say they had to wait 2 days or more to be tested. Combined with the longer wait time for the results of in-person tests, this could result in delays in returning to work or other activities for people who were exposed or experiencing symptoms of COVID-19.

Among those who tried to get an at-home test, one-third (33%, or 9% of all adults) say they were unable to get one, mainly because tests were not available rather than being too expensive (91% vs. 2% among those who tried but could not get an at-home test).

Perceptions Of Test Access In Local Areas

Beyond their personal experiences, about half of adults (48%) feel that there are not enough COVID-19 tests available in their local area for people who want them, while 45% believe there are enough tests. Residents of rural areas are more likely to think there are enough tests in their area (53%) compared to suburban residents (42%). President Biden announced on January 14th that Americans could order at-free home tests beginning on January 19th, while the survey was still in the field.

Adults with higher incomes and those in urban and suburban areas are more likely to feel that the testing supply isn’t adequate, which may reflect the fact that they were more likely to say they have sought out at-home tests, which many people reported difficulty finding.

The

Despite reported difficulty accessing tests, most adults are confident they would be able to access COVID-19 testing if needed. About eight in ten adults overall say they are confident that they would have access to COVID-19 testing if they were exposed to the virus (81%), with about half saying they are very confident (51%).

Eight

Who Does The Public Blame For Issues With Testing?

When asked who is responsible for the limited availability of COVID-19 tests in the U.S., around half of adults (49%) say that the FDA deserves a lot or a fair amount of blame for the limited availability of COVID-19 tests in the United States. Slightly fewer think President Joe Biden deserves a fair amount or a lot of blame (44%) with a similar number who say the same about the COVID-19 test manufacturers (41%). However, more adults say that Biden deserves a lot of blame (26%), compared to the FDA (19%) and test manufacturers (16%).

About Half Of Adults Think FDA Deserves A Lot Or A Fair Amount Of Blame For Limited COVID-19 Tests, While Four In Ten Blame President Biden And Test Manufacturers

Republicans and unvaccinated adults are more likely than Democrats and vaccinated adults to place at least a fair amount of blame for test shortages on President Biden and on the FDA. Three in four Republicans (75%) and more than four in ten independents (44%) say President Biden deserves a lot or a fair amount of blame for the limited availability of COVID-19 tests, compared to one in five Democrats (21%) who say the same. Similarly, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say the FDA deserves a lot or a fair amount of blame (62% vs. 39%).

Larger Shares Of Republicans Blame President Biden And FDA For Limited COVID-19 Test Supply

Confidence In Accuracy Of Testing

In addition to difficulty accessing at-home tests, many adults lack confidence in their accuracy. While a large majority are very (43%) or somewhat (39%) confident that the results of in-person COVID-19 tests at a medical facility or testing site are usually accurate, far fewer are very (11%) or somewhat (44%) confident in the accuracy of at-home tests.

Eight In Ten Are Confident In Accuracy Of In-Person COVID-19 Tests, While Fewer Are Confident In At-Home Tests

Views Of CDC Guidance Following Testing Or Exposure

Even after testing positive or being exposed to COVID-19, many still are not sure what they are supposed to do. Around one in five adults (19%) report they have personally had difficulty in the past three months figuring out whether they needed to isolate or limit their normal activities due to a COVID-19 exposure, positive test, or symptoms they were experiencing. Adults under 65 (22%) are more likely than those 65 and older (8%) to say they have had difficulty figuring out whether they needed to isolate or limit their normal activities; among 18-29 year-olds more than one in four (27%) report difficulty making personal decisions around COVID. Notably, 38% of those who say they tested positive for COVID-19 in the last month say they had difficulty deciding whether they needed to isolate, as did 37% of those who reported difficulty finding a COVID-19 test.

One In Five Adults Have Had Difficulty In The Past Three Months Deciding Whether To Isolate Or Limit Activities Based On COVID-19

In late December, the CDC shortened the recommended isolation time for people who test positive for COVID-19 from 10 days to 5 days, followed by another five days of wearing a mask. Some individuals and organizations, including the American Medical Association, questioned the wisdom of the updated guidelines and whether they would be confusing for people to follow. In addition, some states and localities, including Washington, DC, have continued to advise residents to observe a 10-day isolation period. Our findings suggest that the change has indeed been confusing for the public, with around six in ten adults (58%) saying the CDC guidelines for testing and isolation for those exposed or infected with COVID-19 are confusing, while 39% think the guidelines are clear.

Methodology

This KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF). The survey was conducted January 11-23, 2022, among a nationally representative random digit dial telephone sample of 1,536 adults ages 18 and older (including interviews from 327 Hispanic adults and 303 non-Hispanic Black adults), living in the United States, including Alaska and Hawaii (note: persons without a telephone could not be included in the random selection process). Phone numbers used for this study were randomly generated from cell phone and landline sampling frames, with an overlapping frame design, and disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents as well as those living in areas with high rates of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity subgroups and vaccine hesitancy within each frame. High hesitancy was defined as living in the top 25% of counties as far as the share of the population not intending to get vaccinated based on the U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey.  The sample also included 98 respondents reached by calling back respondents that had previously completed an interview on the KFF Tracking poll six months ago or more. Another 82 interviews were completed with respondents who had previously completed an interview on the SSRS Omnibus poll (and other RDD polls) and identified as Hispanic (n=33; including 12 in Spanish) or non-Hispanic Black (n=49). Computer-assisted telephone interviews conducted by landline (165) and cell phone (1,371; including 1,070 who had no landline telephone) were carried out in English and Spanish by SSRS of Glen Mills, PA. To efficiently obtain a sample of lower-income and non-White respondents, the sample also included an oversample of prepaid (pay-as-you-go) telephone numbers (25% of the cell phone sample consisted of prepaid numbers) Both the random digit dial landline and cell phone samples were provided by Marketing Systems Group (MSG). For the landline sample, respondents were selected by asking for the youngest adult male or female currently at home based on a random rotation. If no one of that gender was available, interviewers asked to speak with the youngest adult of the opposite gender. For the cell phone sample, interviews were conducted with the adult who answered the phone. KFF paid for all costs associated with the survey.

The combined landline and cell phone sample was weighted to balance the sample demographics to match estimates for the national population using data from the March 2021 U.S. Current Population Survey (CPS) on sex, age, education, race, Hispanic origin, region, and marital status, within race-groups, along with data from the 2010 Census on population density. The sample was also weighted to match current patterns of telephone use using data from the January-June 2021 National Health Interview Survey. The sample is also weighted to account for the possibility of partisan nonresponse based on three months of KFF national polls and this current survey. The weight takes into account the fact that respondents with both a landline and cell phone have a higher probability of selection in the combined sample and also adjusts for the household size for the landline sample, and design modifications, namely, the oversampling of potentially undocumented respondents and of prepaid cell phone numbers, as well as the likelihood of non-response for the recontacted sample. All statistical tests of significance account for the effect of weighting.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. Kaiser Family Foundation public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

This work was supported in part by grants from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF (an advised fund of Silicon Valley Community Foundation), the Ford Foundation, and the Molina Family Foundation. We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total1,536± 3 percentage points
COVID-19 Vaccination Status
Have gotten at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine1,168± 4 percentage points
Have not gotten the COVID-19 vaccine346± 7 percentage points
Race/Ethnicity
White, non-Hispanic782± 4 percentage points
Black, non-Hispanic303± 7 percentage points
Hispanic327± 7 percentage points
Party Identification
Democrats454± 6 percentage points
Republicans311± 7 percentage points
Independents516± 6 percentage points

What to Watch in Medicaid Section 1115 Waivers One Year into the Biden Administration

Authors: Madeline Guth and Elizabeth Hinton
Published: Jan 27, 2022

Section 1115 demonstration waivers provide states an avenue to test new approaches in Medicaid and generally reflect changing priorities from one presidential administration to another. The Trump Administration’s Section 1115 waiver policy emphasized work requirements and other eligibility restrictions, payment for institutional behavioral health services, and capped financing. The Biden Administration has signaled a shift in policy to emphasize waivers that expand, rather than restrict, Medicaid coverage and access to care (though still within the limits of budget neutrality). For example, CMS recently rescinded work requirement and premium authorities as part of a limited coverage expansion (at the state’s regular match rate for federal funding) in Georgia’s waiver—an action that the state is challenging in court. Additionally, several states have currently pending waiver requests that may align with these new administrative priorities. This issue brief summarizes waiver priorities and actions under the Biden Administration as well as pending waiver themes and other issues to watch. If the Build Back Better Act (BBBA) fails to pass or is narrowed significantly, Medicaid waivers and other administrative actions may be a key tool for the Biden Administration to advance policy priorities absent legislation.

In November 2021, the Biden Administration signaled that in line with its strategic vision for Medicaid, waivers can foster expanded coverage; improved access, quality, and equity; and value-based care and innovation. Prior to the November 2021 enumeration of these strategic Medicaid priorities, in a January 2021 executive order President Biden identified strengthening Medicaid and increasing health care access as key administrative priorities. The executive order directed relevant agencies to review waiver policies that may reduce coverage under or otherwise undermine Medicaid.

In line with early priorities, CMS began the process to withdraw Section 1115 work requirements and has since issued final withdrawals of these provisions in all states that had approvals. More recently, CMS took steps to withdraw or phase out the inclusion of Medicaid premium requirements above statutory limits. While other components of waivers with withdrawn work requirements or premiums remain intact, CMS has indicated that it may review additional policies. Finally, in April 2021 CMS rescinded the prior administration’s 10-year renewal of the Texas Healthcare Transformation and Quality Improvement Program (THTQIP) waiver because of failure to comply with public notice and comment requirements. However, Texas has challenged and a district court issued a preliminary injunction against the CMS recission. Separately, in July 2021 Texas submitted a new 10-year extension request with the same terms as the January approval. Negotiations between CMS and Texas over specific waiver provisions, including provider reimbursement for uncompensated care, may indicate how these broader policy issues align with current administrative priorities.

Recent waiver approvals and renewals emphasize alignment with broader Biden Administration priorities. One key theme has been approvals of waivers extending the Medicaid postpartum coverage period, highlighting a commitment to improving maternal health and reducing health disparities. In its recent approval of California’s CalAIM demonstration, CMS noted that the waiver advances policy priorities through its person-centered approach, health equity goals, and focus on addressing the health needs of high-need groups including those with behavioral health needs, homeless populations, and justice-involved populations. Similarly, CMS emphasized that its recent renewal of Maryland’s HealthChoice demonstration advances its priority to improve health coverage, access, and equity for Medicaid beneficiaries by expanding programs focused on maternal health, addressing health-related social needs, and enhancing behavioral health services.

CMS decisions on a number of pending waiver requests will inform how the Biden Administration may use waivers to advance stated priorities (Figure 1). In the year since President Biden took office, many states have requested targeted eligibility expansions that would increase coverage and access to care for certain populations, including justice-involved individuals. Though no states have received waiver approval to provide services prior to release from incarceration, CMS recently expressed support for pre-release services in correspondence with California. Recent pending waivers also propose to address health-related social needs and behavioral health needs, areas identified as key priorities by both CMS and states. As federal Medicaid rules prohibit expenditures for most non-medical services, it remains to be seen whether and how the Biden Administration may use demonstration waivers to encourage states to address enrollee social determinants of health.

Themes in Pending Section 1115 Waivers, as of January 24, 2022

Health equity is a key goal across pending waiver provisions as well as a priority for the administration both broadly and for Medicaid waivers specifically. In particular, states have highlighted that expanded coverage for high-need populations (including justice-involved individuals, postpartum individuals, and individuals with certain behavioral and/or social needs) and increased focus on social determinants of health will promote health equity. Especially in recent requests to extend and amend long-standing demonstrations, many states have identified equity as a foundational goal underlying all or most provisions. For example, Vermont noted in its extension request that “underlying all [demonstration] goals is Vermont’s commitment to leveraging its 1115 demonstration to advance health equity.” In addition to these overarching goals, some states have also requested specific expenditure authority for initiatives aimed at measuring or incentivizing equity (Figure 1).

Moving forward, Section 1115 waivers may be shaped by additional actions or guidance from CMS, federal legislation, and the future of the COVID-19 pandemic:

  • CMS actions and guidance. CMS may continue to review currently approved waiver provisions and could withdraw or decline to renew policies that may reduce Medicaid coverage or access. CMS is also in the process of applying methodology changes to budget neutrality policies that will restrict the ability of states with long-running demonstrations to roll over “unspent” savings and to extend baseline spending assumptions for years without adjustments; it remains to be seen how these policy changes will affect future waiver spending. CMS may also release additional Section 1115 guidance to promote policy priorities and/or to strengthen transparency, public notice, and comment and evaluation requirements.
  • Federal legislation. Potential passage of provisions included in the BBBA could affect coverage expansions states have requested in waivers—by requiring 12 months of postpartum coverage and allowing federal money to pay for Medicaid-covered services 30 days prior to release for incarcerated individuals—as well as Medicaid coverage for low-income people in states that have not expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), outside of waivers. The BBBA also includes provisions related to Medicaid financing, and benefit changes.
  • Future of COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic continues to challenge state Medicaid programs and to drive their priorities, and these ongoing challenges could hamper states’ capacity to develop and implement new waiver initiatives. At the same time, the pandemic has exacerbated and highlighted issues such as health disparities and health-related social needs; states increasingly identify these areas as top priorities and may address them in future Medicaid waiver requests.

Funding for Health Care Providers During the Pandemic: An Update

Authors: Nancy Ochieng, Jeannie Fuglesten Biniek, MaryBeth Musumeci, and Tricia Neuman
Published: Jan 27, 2022

Since the start of the coronavirus pandemic, Congress, states, and both the Trump and Biden Administrations have adopted a number of policies to ease financial pressure on hospitals and other health care providers. The infusion of funds was intended to help alleviate the fiscal impact of revenue loss due to delays in non-urgent care, coupled with new costs associated with COVID-19. With the recent increase in Omicron-related cases, hospitalizations and deaths, this brief describes the main sources of federal funds for health care providers and how those funds have been allocated.  It also describes federal spending for COVID-19 testing, including at-home testing, using the most recent data available (as of September 2021).

Federal Funding for Hospitals and Other Health Care Providers During the Pandemic:Key Sources of Federal Support

The federal government has used a variety of strategies to provide enhanced financial support for hospitals and other health care providers to compensate for revenue loss and higher costs associated with the pandemic:

  • Congress established the Provider Relief Fund to bolster hospitals and other health care providers to compensate for financial losses and unanticipated costs during the pandemic. HHS has allocated $170.9 billion of the total $178 billion authorized by Congress for this Fund as of September 2021, including $14.8 billion used to support vaccine development and distribution. Of the total amount, $143 billion has been disbursed, according to GAO and HHS announcements. HHS expects to distribute another $6 billion to providers in early 2022.
  • In addition, $7.5 billion of $8.5 billion in American Rescue Plan (ARP) rural funds were distributed to hospitals and other providers that serve patients living in rural areas; the remaining $1 billion in rural funds is expected to be distributed in early 2022.
  • Congress took several steps to avoid automatic payment reductions during the pandemic. Congress waived the automatic 2% reduction in Medicare payments required under budget rules (i.e., sequestration) between May 1, 2020 and March 31, 2022, delayed until 2023 a separate 4% reduction in Medicare payments that would otherwise have been triggered in 2022 under PAYGO rules, and increased physician payments by 3% for 2022 under the Medicare Physician Fee Schedule (PFS) payments to mitigate scheduled budget neutral cuts.
  • Congress established the Paycheck Protection Program that provided health care providers an estimated $100 billion in Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans, according to MedPAC.
  • In addition, Congress increased Medicare payments for inpatient COVID-19 admissions by 20% during the public health emergency (PHE), established coverage and payment for administering COVID-19 vaccines, and increased payments for telehealth services, and HHS waived certain regulatory restrictions, such as allowing for expanded coverage of Medicare telehealth services. Congress also provided accelerated or advance payments as loans to providers participating in traditional Medicare to ease cash flow disruptions during the pandemic.

The Impact of the Pandemic on Health Care Spending and Providers

The capacity of hospitals and other health care providers to withstand the pressures of the pandemic depends on a variety of factors, including their financial health prior to the pandemic, the impact of the pandemic on revenue and expenses, and how much assistance they received from the federal government. In this section we briefly describe the impact of the pandemic and federal actions to support different types of providers. In the next section, we provide more detail on the various policies enacted by Congress and the Executive Branch over the last two years.

HOSPITAL AND PHYSICIAN SERVICES

Hospital admissions and use of other health care services dropped dramatically during the Spring of 2020, leading to a sharp decline in revenue for hospitals, outpatient centers and physicians. According to the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC), federal coronavirus relief funds and cost reductions allowed some but not all hospitals to remain profitable during the first three quarters of 2020. Further, MedPAC’s preliminary data shows that in 2021, among the six largest hospital systems, operating profits exceeded pre-pandemic levels. However, even though hospital revenues have largely rebounded, total health care spending was still below expected levels through the second quarter of 2021 (based on pre-pandemic spending), according to an analysis from KFF and EPIC Health Research Network

The impact on physicians has varied, according to the MedPAC. Between June and early December of 2020, the volume of total primary care visits (including telehealth) and elective services (e.g., colonoscopies and total knee replacement) were close to or just below the 2019 levels. Based on MedPAC’s analysis, the rapid growth in allowed charges for telehealth services partially offset decline in in-person office visits in early 2020.

SKILLED NURSING FACILITIES

Nursing homes, including skilled nursing facilities, also received federal funds to mitigate the financial effects of the pandemic, although the long-term effects of the pandemic on these facilities remains unclear. According to MedPAC, new federal assistance made available to skilled nursing facilities helped to offset much of their financial losses and costs incurred due to COVID-19, with total margins increasing in 2020 based on preliminary data. However, skilled nursing facility volume remains below pre-pandemic levels and therefore the longer-term effects of lower utilization for some facilities remains uncertain. Additionally, with staffing declining by approximately 10% between February and December 2020, staffing issues and costs could pose a fiscal challenge for skilled nursing facilities into the future.

SAFETY-NET PROVIDERS

Safety-net providers, including those with a high share of Medicaid and uninsured patients, have been at risk of financial strain during the pandemic, according to a MACPAC report. Contributing factors include low operating margins and the pandemic’s disproportionate impact on populations primarily covered by Medicaid, including people of color and those who use long-term services and supports. Providers that tend to serve Medicaid, but not Medicare, patients, such as pediatricians, home and community-based services providers, and behavioral health practitioners, were less likely to have received federal Provider Relief Funds.

Sources of Federal Support for Hospitals and Other Health Care Providers During the Pandemic

Approaching two years into the pandemic, policymakers have provided substantial support for hospitals and other health care providers to compensate for lost revenue and higher expenses associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. The legislative actions are described in the timeline below (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Timeline of Key Legislative Changes Related to Federal Support for Hospitals and Other Providers During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Payments from the Provider Relief Fund and Paycheck Protection Program loans to support hospitals and other health care providers during the pandemic contributed to a substantial increase in federal health care spending in 2020 – a 36% increase in spending in 2020 compared to 6% in 2019, according to National Health Expenditure data. Federal support during the pandemic appears to have stalled the pace of hospital closures, with fewer hospital closures in fiscal years 2020 (25 closures) and 2021 (10 closures) compared to 2019 (46 closures). In particular, many rural hospitals were struggling before and during the pandemic, with 18 rural hospitals closing in 2019 and 19 closing in 2020, while there were just 2 rural hospital closures reported in 2021. According to a Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC) report, critical access hospitals and other rural hospitals appear to have received more Provider Relief Funds as a share of their operating expenses than other types of hospitals, although it is not clear if the assistance they have received will be sufficient to prevent additional closures that would further impact access. The various funding and other policy actions taken to support providers include:

  • Provider Relief Fund: The Provider Relief Fund was initially established under the CARES Act in response to concerns about the impact of the COVID-19 on hospitals and other health care providers across the country. Congress subsequently authorized additional amounts for the Provider Relief Fund in The Paycheck Protection Program and Health Care Enhancement Act and the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021 (Figure 1). Of the $178 billion in total amounts authorized for the Fund, HHS allocated $170.9 billion (including $8 billion to support vaccine and therapeutic development and procurement activities (previously known as Operation Warp Speed), leaving $7.1 billion unallocated as of December 2021, according to the Government Accountability Office (GAO) (Figure 2). As of December 2021, $143.5 billion has been disbursed.Initially, the funds were distributed to virtually all Medicare-enrolled health care providers in grants that amounted to at least 2% of their 2018 (or most recent complete tax year) annual total patient revenue to cover lost revenue and unreimbursed costs associated with the pandemic. This approach allowed HHS to disburse funds quickly, but also favored providers with a larger share of revenue from private insurance since private insurers tend to reimburse at higher rates than Medicare and Medicaid. The initial distribution also excluded Medicaid and CHIP providers who were not enrolled in Medicare (38% of all Medicaid/CHIP providers); these providers were unable to apply for federal Provider Relief Funds until June 2020. A MACPAC review of Provider Relief Fund applications submitted as of November 26, 2020 (after the phase three general distribution application deadline closed), found that about 18% of Medicaid and CHIP providers who are not enrolled in Medicare received federal Provider Relief Funds, compared to virtually all Medicare providers, and about 54% of all providers potentially eligible for relief funds. Certain providers—including skilled nursing facilities, safety net hospitals, and hospitals that treated a large number of COVID-19 patients early in the pandemic—were among those that later qualified for additional grants.The Phase 4 distribution of $17 billion announced in September 2021 is based on the change in providers’ operating revenues and expenditures for the period between July 1, 2020 and March 31, 2021. According to HHS, the objective is to reimburse smaller providers for their lost revenues and COVID-19 expenditures at a higher rate than larger providers, because according to HHS, smaller providers are more likely to operate on narrow margins and serve higher-need communities. The Phase 4 distribution also includes bonus payments to providers that billed state Medicaid programs, state CHIPs, and/or Medicare between January 1, 2019 to December 31, 2020. To ensure an equitable distribution, bonus payments will be based on Medicare payment rates, which are generally higher. These bonus payments will account for approximately 25% of Phase 4 funds.

    Of the $17 billion in Phase 4 Provider Relief Funds, HHS has distributed $11 billion, including $9 billion distributed in December 2021 and $2 billion distributed in January 2022. The average payment of the $9 billion distributed in December 2021 ranged from $58,000 for small providers to $1.7 million for large providers. Data on targeted distributions of Phase 4 payments by type of provider are not yet available. According to HHS statements published in an October 2021 GAO report, the remaining unallocated Provider Relief Funds are reserved for future contingencies and emerging needs.

Allocation of Provider Relief Fund (as of December 2021)
  • Additional Funds for Rural Health, Community Health Centers and Other Providers: The American Rescue Plan (ARP) included $8.5 billion for rural health care providers to help cover lost revenue and costs associated with COVID-19 (Figure 1). In November 2021, HHS began distributing $7.5 billion of the $8.5 billion in ARP rural payments to providers. According to HHS, payments to providers varied widely, ranging from $500 to approximately $43 million. Providers or suppliers are eligible for ARP rural payments if they bill Medicare, Medicaid, and/or CHIP, and operate in or serve patients in a rural area. Therefore, eligible providers do not have to be located in a rural area to get an ARP payment. In other words, large health systems in urban centers who serve rural patients are also eligible. Other eligible providers include rural health clinics, critical access hospitals, in-home health, hospice, or long-term care providers. Similar to bonus payments under Phase 4 Provider Relief Funds, ARP rural payments are generally based on Medicare rates to allow an equitable distribution of funds. HHS has not announced the timing for the distribution of the remaining $1 billion of the $8.5 billion appropriated for rural health care providers.The ARP also included $7.6 billion for community health centers, more than $6 billion of which was awarded by HHS in April 2021. The ARP also included $200 million to support infection control and vaccination uptake at skilled nursing facilities.The ARP also included a 10 percentage point increase in the federal matching rate (FMAP) for state spending on Medicaid HCBS from April 1, 2021 through March 31, 2022, an estimated $11 billion nationally, to support home and community based services (HCBS) programs and strengthen the direct care workforce. States may use the enhanced funds for a variety of purposes, including supporting direct care workers, expanding HCBS eligibility and/or services, and improving IT systems. However, a KFF survey of state Medicaid HCBS programs found that 2/3 of responding states (25 out of 38) reported a permanent HCBS provider closure during the pandemic, with most of these states experiencing permanent closure of more than one HCBS provider type.
  • Temporary suspension of Medicare automatic payment reductions (sequestration): Congress has provided additional financial protection for hospitals and other health care providers by continuing to waive the automatic 2% reduction in Medicare payments that would be required under budget rules, known as sequestration. COVID-19 relief legislation originally suspended the sequestration payment adjustment of 2% from May 1, 2020 through December 31, 2021.1  On December 10, 2021, the Protecting Medicare and American Farmers from Sequester Cuts Act, S.610, was enacted into law, which continues to exempt Medicare from sequestration until March 31, 2022 (Figure 1). For the next three months (April 1, 2022 to June 30, 2022), the reduction will be phased in at 1% before resuming to 2% thereafter. However, for fiscal year 2030, payment reductions will be increased to 2.25% during the first 6 months and 3% for the next 6 months of that fiscal year, offsetting the federal budgetary effects of the recent sequestration suspensionsThis recently-enacted law (S. 610) will also delay, until 2023, a separate Medicare sequestration of 4% which would otherwise be triggered in 2022 under statutory Pay-As-You-Go (PAYGO). Specifically, any budgetary effects recorded for the fiscal year 2022 “PAYGO scorecards” will be delayed and added to the amounts for the fiscal year 2023 scorecard. Additionally, S.610 provides a 3% increase in Medicare Physician Fee Schedule (PFS) payments for 2022 in order to mitigate scheduled budget neutral cuts resulting from a 3.75% increase in PFS payments in 2021. These legislative changes provide relief for hospitals and other health care providers serving Medicare patients across-the-board, rather than take a more targeted approach to relieve financially troubled hospitals and other health care providers that were significantly impacted by COVID-19.
  • Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) and Other Loans: Many health care providers were eligible for some of the loan programs included in the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, including the PPP. Under the PPP for small businesses, loans are forgiven if employers do not lay off workers and meet other criteria. By August of 2020, health care providers received nearly $68 billion of the $525 billion in PPP loans that were distributed in 2020. In 2021, health care providers received another $29 billion of the $278 billion in PPP loans that were distributed that year. The CARES Act also appropriated $454 billion for loans to larger businesses—including hospitals. According to recent preliminary estimates by MedPAC, health care providers have received approximately $100 billion in total PPP loans.
  • Medicare Accelerated and Advance Payment Programs: Health care providers that participate in traditional Medicare were eligible for loans through the Medicare Accelerated and Advance Payment Programs, which helps providers facing cash flow disruptions during an emergency. About 80% of the $100 billion in loans went to hospitals. Repayment for the loans was originally set to begin in August of 2020, but Congress delayed the start date for repayments until one year after providers received the loans, which CMS says began as early as March 30, 2021 for those providers and suppliers that received loans on March 30, 2020. Once repayment begins, a portion of the new Medicare claims are reduced to repay the loans (25% during the first 11 months of repayment and 50% during the next six months). CMS is no longer accepting applications for accelerated or advanced payments as they relate to the COVID-19 Public Health Emergency.
  • Increase in Medicare COVID-19 inpatient reimbursement: Medicare has increased all inpatient reimbursement for COVID-19 patients by 20% during the public health emergency (PHE), which has been renewed through April 14, 2022. Additionally, under the New COVID-19 Treatments Add-on Payment (NCTAP) policy, eligible providers in the inpatient setting receive additional payments for certain COVID-19 treatments, such as remdesivir or convalescent plasma. In order to incentivize inpatient hospitals to continue providing new COVID-19 treatments beyond the end of the PHE, CMS recently extended the NCTAP for certain eligible technologies through the end of the fiscal year in which the PHE ends. Beneficiaries receiving inpatient care for treatment of COVID-19 are subject to cost sharing (deductible and copayments for extended stays).
  • Reimbursement for COVID-19 vaccination administration: Medicare increased its reimbursement for COVID-19 vaccine administration from $17 for an initial dose in a series and $28 for the final dose in a series to approximately $40 per dose. This also applies to booster doses approved by the FDA under the emergency use authorizations. As of June 2021, Medicare also pays an additional $35 per dose for administering the COVID-19 vaccine in the home for certain Medicare patients. Most states have policies in place to increase Medicaid payments for COVID-19 vaccine administration to 100% of the Medicare rate. Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries are not subject to any cost sharing for the COVID-19 vaccine and administration. For the uninsured and underinsured, a portion of the Provider Relief Funds are being used to reimburse providers for administering COVID-19 vaccines to uninsured or underinsured individuals.
  • Medicaid options to support providers: The coronavirus pandemic resulted in financial strain for health care providers who tend to care for a disproportionate share of Medicaid patients. As of July 1, 2021, 41 states increased provider payment rates for a range of provider types via Disaster-Relief State Plan Amendments (SPAs) or other administrative authority, 40 states did so for HCBS waivers specifically using Appendix K, and two states received approval for Section 1115 waivers that increased payment rates for HCBS. States were also able to use retainer payments for certain HCBS providers as well as directed payments through managed care. In a survey of state Medicaid programs, more than two-thirds of responding states (33 of 47) indicated that one or more payment changes made in FY 2021 or FY 2022 were related in whole or in part to COVID-19. Across provider types, the vast majority of COVID-19-related payment changes were rate increases. COVID-19-related payment changes were most commonly associated with nursing facilities (27 states) and HCBS providers (26 states). Additionally, states reported a variety of other FFS payment changes in FY 2021 or planned for FY 2022 in response to COVID-19 including: increasing COVID-19 vaccine reimbursement rates to 100% of the Medicare rate and allowing a broader range of providers to be reimbursed for vaccine administration such as pharmacists, home health agencies, ambulance providers, renal dialysis clinics, and outpatient behavioral health clinics; making retainer payments to HCBS providers and bed hold payments to institutional providers; and making supplemental or add-on payments to certain providers, especially nursing facilities, for COVID-19 patients.
  • Other support for safety net providers, underserved populations and testing: There has been additional funding allocated to health centers ($9.6B), reimbursements for testing for the uninsured ($2B) and telehealth support for safety net providers ($300M). In addition, $61.4B has been allocated for broader testing activities, beyond what is described in this brief, including for community-based testing programs and the Indian Health Services. That allocation includes funding from several pieces of legislation, including $4.8 billion from ARP announced by HHS in May 2021. It is unclear if this allocation includes funding for at-home tests being distributed through the United States Postal Service or now eligible for reimbursement by private health insurance. It is not yet clear how the federal government is paying for at-home tests being distributed through USPS and the fiscal impact of providing this coverage.

The Long-Term Impact of the Pandemic Across Providers and Communities Remains Uncertain

When hospitals and other health care providers experienced steep drops in revenue early in the pandemic, Congress stepped in with an infusion of funds to bolster the finances of these providers. Collectively, the infusion of funds and other forms of support have generally maintained or improved providers’ financial performance in 2020.  However, not all providers had equal access to these funds, including providers serving a disproportionate share of Medicaid patients, who were less likely to have received federal Provider Relief Funds or more likely to wait longer to receive these Funds.  With emerging virus variants, including the Omicron variant which has caused rapid increases in COVID-19 infections and hospitalizations, the financial impact of the pandemic across providers and communities still remains unclear. More recently, hospitals have been pressing Congress for additional funds, in light of rising hospital admissions attributable to the Omicron variant. At this time, Congress’ intent on making any statutory changes in response to these concerns is not clear.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

  1. The CARES Act, H.R.748, originally suspended the sequestration payment adjustment of 2% from May 1, 2020 through December 31, 2020, followed by the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, H.R.133, that extended the suspension period to March 31, 2021, and then H.R. 1868 delayed the reinstatement until December 31, 2021. On December 10, 2021, the Protecting Medicare and American Farmers from Sequester Cuts Act, S.610, was enacted into law, continuing to exempt Medicare from sequestration until March 31, 2022. ↩︎
News Release

Millions of Medicare Beneficiaries Use Prescription Drugs That Could Be Subject to Price Negotiation, But Build Back Better Act Provision Exempts Many Drugs With High Federal Spending

Published: Jan 27, 2022

Twenty drugs and dozens of insulin products used by 8.5 million Medicare beneficiaries would be subject to government drug price negotiation if the Build Back Better Act (BBBA) were enacted and fully implemented in 2022, according to a new KFF analysis.

The 20 drugs include 18 drugs available to beneficiaries covered under Medicare Part D (typically drugs purchased at the pharmacy) and two drugs covered under Medicare Part B (physician-administered drugs). The list includes drugs used to treat cancer, diabetes, asthma, multiple sclerosis, auto-immune diseases, glaucoma, and osteoporosis, among other ailments. All 42 insulin products currently covered under Part D would be subject to drug price negotiation.

The analysis, which uses Medicare drug spending data for 2019, shows the potential reach of the BBBA drug price negotiation proposal, under the scenario that negotiated prices for 20 top-spending Part B and Part D drugs, and all insulin products, were to take effect this year, in 2022, rather than in 2028, as the legislation calls for. Under the BBBA, negotiated prices for all insulin products plus up to 10 Part D drugs would be available in 2025, while negotiated prices for up to 15 Part D and Part B drugs could be available in 2027.

The analysis finds that the provision still could lower drug prices for some of the top-spending drugs covered under Medicare Part B and Part D, but many of the drugs with the highest total Medicare spending would be exempt from negotiation based on the BBBA criteria that exempts high-spending drugs within a certain number of years from FDA approval or if generic equivalents come to market. 

The Congressional Budget Office has estimated that the current proposal would save the federal government about $80 billion over 10 years, compared to projected savings of $450 billion associated with the earlier legislation.

The House has passed the legislation and sent it to the Senate, which has not taken up the bill. While allowing the federal government to negotiate drug prices is strongly favored by the public, prospects for the bill’s passage in Congress remain unclear.

Simulating the Impact of the Drug Price Negotiation Proposal in the Build Back Better Act

Published: Jan 27, 2022

Issue Brief

The Build Back Better Act (BBBA), the budget reconciliation package that passed the House in November 2021 and is currently being considered by the Senate, includes a range of health and other proposals supported by President Biden, including a proposal to allow the federal government to negotiate the price of some prescription drugs covered under Medicare Part B (administered by physicians) and Medicare Part D (retail outpatient drugs). The negotiation proposal in the BBBA would apply to a limited number of drugs or biologics, as well as all insulin products. The negotiated prices for the first set of selected drugs covered under Part D would take effect in 2025. For drugs covered under Part B, the earliest negotiated prices could first take effect is 2027.

Compared to previous legislation passed by the House in 2019, the BBBA scales back the number of drugs that could be eligible for negotiation and also includes specific criteria for excluding drugs from the negotiation process. In additional to negotiating the price of all insulin products starting in 2025, the BBBA allows price negotiation for no more than 10 Part D drugs in 2025, 15 Part D drugs in 2026, 15 Part D and Part B drugs in 2027, and 20 Part D and Part B drugs in 2028 and later years. In contrast, the earlier proposal would have allowed the government to negotiate drug prices for up to 250 single-source Part B and Part D plus all insulin products. Both legislative proposals would negotiate prices only for those drugs lacking generic or biosimilar competitors. The BBBA also exempts drugs from the negotiation process if they are within several years of their FDA approval date – 9 years for small-molecule drugs and 13 years for biologics – an exemption not included in the earlier proposal.

This brief illustrates the potential scope of the drug price negotiation proposal in the BBBA. In the first part of our analysis, we show the 20 drugs covered under Medicare Part B and Part D that, along with all insulin products, would be subject to negotiation under the BBBA if the proposal was fully implemented this year (rather than in 2028). This analysis is designed to highlight the types of Medicare-covered drugs that could be subject to negotiation. Because the actual implementation date is 2025 (for Part D drugs) and 2027 (for Part B drugs), the list of Part B and Part D drugs that would be subject to negotiation if the BBBA was enacted would likely be different than what our analysis shows, since it would be based on future spending and market dynamics (in particular, the introduction of generic equivalents).

In the second part of our analysis, we show which of the current top-spending drugs covered by Part B and Part D could be subject to price negotiation, and in what years, starting in 2025 (Part D) and 2027 (Part B) when the BBBA proposal would take effect, assuming no generic or biosimilar entry in the intervening years. We also highlight which of the current top-spending drugs would not be subject to negotiation at any point due the BBBA provision that excludes drugs with generic or biosimilar equivalents from the negotiation process.

To derive our list of 20 negotiated drugs, we followed the selection process specified in the BBBA. Drugs were selected for negotiation if they ranked among the top 20 drugs in a combined ordering of Part B and Part D drugs based on Medicare drug spending data for 2019 (the most current publicly available data), ranked by total gross spending for drugs and biological products without generic or biosimilar equivalents, after eliminating products exempt from negotiation based on criteria specified in the BBBA. The gross spending amount used to determine top-spending Part D drugs under the BBBA includes Medicare spending and beneficiary liability but does not exclude the value of rebates. (See Methods for additional details on our analysis.)

Findings

If the drug price negotiation proposal in the BBBA was fully implemented in 2022, the 20 negotiated drugs based on total gross spending would include 18 Part D drugs and 2 Part B drugs, in addition to 42 insulin products. These drugs were used by 8.5 million Medicare beneficiaries in 2019.

  • Total gross spending on the 20 Part B and Part D negotiated drugs in our simulation in 2019 ranged from a high of $4.0 billion for Xarelto, a Part D drug used to treat blood clots, down to $0.5 billion for Combivent Respimat, a Part D drug for chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (Table 1). The number of beneficiaries who used these 20 drugs in 2019 ranged from a high of 1.1 million Part D enrollees using Xarelto down to 1,600 Part B enrollees using Soliris, an immunosuppressive drug.
  • In total, 3.2 million Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in Part D used one of the 42 insulin products covered under Part D in 2019 that would be subject to price negotiation, including 1.7 million beneficiaries who did not receive low-income subsidies (Table 2). In addition to the potential for cost savings attributable to lower negotiated prices, Part D enrollees who do not receive low-income subsidies may see lower out-of-pocket costs for insulin products based on the BBBA proposal requiring Part D plans to charge no more than a $35 monthly copayment or 25% of the negotiated price for insulin.
  • Taken altogether, a total of 8.5 million Medicare beneficiaries in 2019 used one or more of the 20 drugs that would be subjection to negotiation based on their gross spending amount and the 42 insulin products that would also be subject to negotiation, accounting for nearly one in five (18%) of the 47.7 million Medicare Part D enrollees in 2019. This total includes 4.8 million beneficiaries who did not receive low-income subsidies, accounting for 14.4% of the 33.7 million Part D enrollees not receiving low-income subsidies in 2019.

Of the top 20 Part B drugs and top 20 Part D drugs with the highest total Medicare spending in 2019, negotiated prices could be available for nearly half of these drugs starting in 2025 for Part D drugs or 2027 for Part B drugs if no generics or biosimilars come to market and they remain among the top spending drugs.

  • Among the top 20 Part D drugs ranked by total gross spending in 2019, 11 drugs would meet the criteria for negotiated prices beginning in 2025 and 1 would meet the criteria in 2028 if no generics or biosimilars come to market and they remain among the top Part D drugs by total spending (Table 3). (Note, however, that the BBBA only allows negotiated prices for up to 10 Part D drugs in 2025.) However, 8 of the top 20 Part D drugs would not qualify for negotiation at any time because they are a reference product for a generic or biosimilar. This includes several drugs with relatively high average out-of-pocket spending by Part D enrollees, such as Revlimid, Imbruvica, and Humira.
  • Among the top 20 Part B drugs ranked by total spending in 2019, 7 drugs could be eligible for negotiated prices in 2027 and 6 could be eligible between 2028 and 2031 if no generics or biosimilars come to market, they remain among the top Part B drugs by total spending, and they rank high enough in a combined ranking of Part B and D drugs (Table 4). However, 7 drugs would not qualify for negotiation at any time because they are a reference product for a generic or biosimilar, including Part B drugs with relatively high average beneficiary liability, such as Rituxan, Alimta, and Herceptin.

Discussion

This analysis shows the potential reach of the BBBA drug price negotiation proposal, under the scenario that negotiated prices for 20 Part B and Part D drugs were to take effect in 2022, rather than in 2028. We find that most drugs selected for negotiation in our simulation would be Part D drugs, not Part B drugs. This is not unexpected since most Medicare-covered drugs are covered under Part D, rather than Part B. We also find that nearly 1 in 5 Part D enrollees in 2019 used one of the 20 negotiated drugs or 42 insulin products in our analysis. In addition, we find that more than half of the 20 Part B drugs and 20 Part D drugs with the highest gross total spending in 2019 would meet the criteria for negotiation between 2025 and 2028 (for Part D) or between 2027 and 2031 (for Part B) if no generics or biosimilars come to market. At the same time, many of the top-spending drugs covered under Medicare currently have generic or biosimilar equivalents, and therefore are not eligible for negotiation under the BBBA criteria.

Overall, our analysis suggests that the negotiation proposal in the Build Back Better Act could help to lower drug prices for some of the top-spending drugs covered under Medicare Part B and Part D, but some of the drugs with the highest total Medicare spending currently would be exempt from the negotiation process. These selection and exclusion criteria help to explain why the Congressional Budget Office estimated significantly lower 10-year federal savings from the drug price negotiation proposal in the BBBA (~$80 billion) compared to earlier legislation (~$450 billion).

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. We value our funders. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Tables

Table 1: 20 Negotiated Drugs in 2022 Under a Simulation of the Drug Price Negotiation Provision in the Build Back Better Act
Table 2: Medicare Part D Use and Spending on Insulin Products in 2019
Table 3: Top 20 Medicare Part D Drugs by Total Spending in 2019
Table 4: Top 20 Medicare Part B Drugs by Total Spending in 2019

Methods

For this analysis, we simulated the process of selecting negotiation eligible drugs under the approach proposed in the Build Back Better Act (BBBA), using 2020 as the first year of selecting products for negotiation. Using the same two-year timeframe as the negotiation process in the BBBA, drugs selected for negotiation in 2020 would have their negotiated price available in 2022. We determine whether any of those drugs would be eligible for the negotiation process based on the approval date, orphan drug status and indications, whether the total expenditure exceeds the $200 million expenditure floor, and status as a reference product for a biosimilar/generic.

For top-spending Part B and Part D drugs, negotiation eligible drugs would be a selected drug in 2020 based on the following criteria:

  • for biologics, approved/licensed prior to 2009 (since that is at least 11 years from a hypothetical February 1, 2020 selected drug publication date, assuming implementation in 2022 for this analysis)
  • for small-molecule drugs, approved/licensed prior to 2013 (since that is at least 7 years from a hypothetical Feb 1, 2020 selected drug publication date, assuming implementation in 2022 for this analysis)
  • does not have an approved generic/biosimilar
  • is not designated as an orphan drug; has approved orphan drug designations for more than one rare disease/condition; or is past the orphan exclusivity period
  • above $200 million in total Part B drug spending and total Part D spending combined
  • is not derived from human whole blood or plasma

For drugs with multiple formulations and/or dosage amounts we combine the drugs into one and use the same criteria. We use the earliest, non-discontinued FDA approval date among the combined drugs and consider them to have a generic/biosimilar or orphan exclusivity if any one does. The BBBA provides some latitude to the Secretary of Health and Human Services for handling drugs with multiple formulations and/or dosage amounts which may result in differences with our methodology during a negotiation selection process.

To calculate the spending and count of beneficiaries for a drug, we used 2019 claims data for Part B drugs and 2019 prescription drug event data for Part D drugs from a 20% sample of Medicare beneficiaries, removing drugs taken by fewer than 11 beneficiaries in the sample. Part B claims include beneficiaries in traditional Medicare only; Part D claims include beneficiaries in stand-alone prescription drug plans and Medicare Advantage drug plans. Using HCPCS for Part B drugs, claims were pulled from the outpatient, carrier, and durable medical equipment (DME) files, removing packaged drugs, vaccines, and claims from Maryland hospitals, Critical Access Hospitals, and dialysis facilities. Data on the approval date, generic/biosimilar reference status, and orphan status come from the FDA Orange Book (for small-molecule drugs) and Purple Book (for biologics).

To derive the top 20 separately payable Medicare Part B drugs and top 20 Medicare Part D drugs by total spending in 2019, we adjust the spending and beneficiary counts to be representative of the population. For drugs with multiple formulations and/or dosages, we add the individual total spending amounts together and count the number of unique beneficiaries (if a beneficiary switched between formulations during the year, they would only be counted once). Total spending includes the amount paid by Medicare and the beneficiary liability amount. Part D spending does not account for rebates; however, under the BBBA, Part D drugs would be ranked based on total gross spending not accounting for rebates.

News Release

New FAQ Video Series Focuses on Pregnancy, Fertility and the COVID-19 Vaccines

OB-GYNs, Nurse and Midwife Featured in Latest Installment of THE CONVERSATION / LA CONVERSACIÓN

Published: Jan 27, 2022

January 27, 2022 – OB-GYNs, a nurse and midwife affirm the safety of the COVID-19 vaccine during pregnancy and debunk myths about the impact on fertility in 40+ new FAQ videos from THE CONVERSATION / LA CONVERSACIÓN. This installment of the campaign is produced by KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation) under its Greater Than COVID public information response and is funded by the California Health Care Foundation.

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), approximately one in three people currently pregnant are not fully vaccinated, a higher rate than in the general population. Earlier data indicated Black and Hispanic pregnant people were less likely to have received a COVID-19 vaccine. These lower rates of vaccination have raised concerns, as pregnant people may face more serious complications if infected with COVID-19, including an increased risk of miscarriage and pre-term birth.

“Pregnancy is a condition that, by definition, causes immunosuppression. Your immune system is already working overtime to keep you and your baby safe,” explains Dr. Monica McLemore, PhD, RN, MPH, in a video for the series.

Dr. Joia Crear-Perry, OB-GYN, Dr. Yolanda Tinajero, OB-GYN and Eva Goodfriend-Reaño, CNM join Dr. McLemore in addressing an array of common questions and concerns about the COVID-19 vaccines before, during and after pregnancy in the new series, including: Is it safe in the first trimester? Do my antibodies pass to my baby? Can I get it when breastfeeding? Will the vaccine affect future fertility? and more.

“Lack of information, and explicit misinformation, about the safety of the COVID-19 vaccines in pregnancy and on fertility have kept many from getting this protection for themselves and baby,” said Tina Hoff, Senior Vice President for KFF and Director of KFF’s Social Impact Media Program.

According to a recent KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor, only 39 percent of those who were pregnant or planning to become pregnant said they were either “very confident” or “somewhat confident” the COVID-19 vaccines are safe for pregnant people. Nearly six in ten (57%) say they are not confident the vaccines are safe for them. Healthcare workers are consistently named as those most trusted to address questions about the COVID-19 vaccines.

The CDC, American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, American College of Nurse-Midwives and American Association of Nurse Practitioners, among other leading medical groups, all strongly recommend the COVID-19 vaccine for those currently, recently or considering pregnancy.

The messaging also reinforces the benefits of getting vaccinated in protecting the newborn. As Dr. Crear-Perry, who founded and leads the National Birth Equity Collaborative, says in a video, “If you’re thinking about what can I do to really be healthy, because I’m nervous about COVID and I want my baby to be healthy and I want to be healthy, the vaccine is the best way for you and your baby to be healthy.”

THE CONVERSATION / LA CONVERSACIÓN offers an expansive, living video library of more than 300 FAQ videos featuring a diverse group of more than 30 healthcare workers of color. Since launching in March of 2021, the campaign has had more than 118 million video views on digital/social media, totaling more than 62 million minutes watched, with a focus on Black and Latinx communities. It is presented with the Black Coalition Against COVID and Unidos US. The American Academy of Pediatrics is a partner on a series for parents and caregivers about the COVID-19 vaccine and children. YouTube, Google, Facebook, Twitter and Pinterest are promoting the messaging on their platforms as part of efforts to amplify trusted voices on COVID-19.

All content is available rights-free and designed to be shared on social media and can be easily embedded on websites. A community toolkit provides additional graphics and promotions to extend reach of the messaging.

For more information about THE CONVERSATION / LA CONVERSACIÓN go to:www.BetweenUsAboutUs.org l www.EntreNosotrosSobreNosotros.orgwww.youtube.com/GreaterThanCOVID

KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation) is a national nonprofit leader in health policy analysis and polling, journalism and social impact media. No affiliation with Kaiser Permanente. Visit the COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor Dashboard, Racial Equity and Health topic page and KHN.

Greater Than COVID is a public information initiative from KFF to help individuals take charge of their health during the evolving COVID-19 public health crisis. Tailored media messages and community tools address information needs about the vaccines.

News Release

$3.9 Million Helmsley Charitable Trust Grant Helps KFF Establish Kaiser Health News Rural Health Reporting Desk

Reporters Will Produce Explanatory, Enterprise, and Investigative Reporting on Rural Health Care

Published: Jan 27, 2022

Jan. 27, 2022 — SAN FRANCISCO and SIOUX FALLS, S.D. — KFF is expanding its KHN (Kaiser Health News) operation by establishing a rural health reporting desk supported by a $3.9 million grant from The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley Charitable Trust.

KFF will expand KHN’s editorial staff and build a team of journalists and social media experts in the states of Iowa, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming. Full-time reporters and freelancers from those states and KHN’s national newsroom will produce and distribute explanatory, enterprise, and investigative stories on health care issues relevant to rural communities.

The team of journalists will provide unbiased, accurate, and trusted reporting on a wide range of complex issues, including the ongoing pandemic, access to health coverage and care, the burden of health care costs on consumers, housing and education, the opioid epidemic, mental health, hospital closures, the lack of critical lifesaving equipment, and burgeoning changes in telehealth and medicine. KHN will partner with local media throughout the region to produce deeply sourced stories that shed light on underreported issues.

As with all its journalism, KHN stories produced by the Rural Health Desk will be made freely available for publication by media outlets across the country, published on kffhealthnews.org and distributed through KHN’s social media platforms.

“Rural America’s low population density provides significant challenges in the delivery of health care services, yet at the same time dedicated providers are delivering top-notch care through innovative practices, like state-of-the-art telemedicine,” said Walter Panzirer, a Trustee for the Helmsley Charitable Trust. “KHN’s new rural health reporting desk will dive deep into these challenges and highlight efforts that ensure a person’s ZIP code doesn’t determine their healthcare outcomes.”

“Rural health needs more attention, and with this grant we can deliver that,” said KFF President and CEO Drew Altman, who is also KHN’s founding publisher. “We are excited to expand our work in this essential area, and we are grateful for the support of the Helmsley Charitable Trust.”

The establishment of the Rural Health Desk follows news last summer that KHN is opening an Atlanta-based Southern Bureau to produce more journalism focused on health, race, equity, and poverty in the region. KHN also operates regional bureaus in California, the Midwest, and the Mountain States.

Media organizations interested in working with KHN should contact us at KHNPartnerships@kff.org and those interested in joining our efforts to expand and improve health journalism in rural America and beyond should contact KFF at healthjournalism@kff.org. Employment opportunities for the Rural Health Desk will be posted soon here.

About KFF and KHN

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

About the Helmsley Charitable Trust

The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley Charitable Trust aspires to improve lives by supporting exceptional efforts in the U.S. and around the world in health and select place-based initiatives. Since beginning active grantmaking in 2008, Helmsley has committed more than $3 billion for a wide range of charitable purposes. Helmsley’s Rural Healthcare Program funds innovative projects that use information technologies to connect rural patients to emergency medical care, bring the latest medical therapies to patients in remote areas, and provide state-of-the-art training for rural hospitals and EMS personnel. To date, this program has awarded more than $500 million to organizations and initiatives in the states of North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Wyoming, Minnesota, Iowa, Montana, and Nevada. For more information, visit here.