The KFF Health Care Debt Survey is part of a broader investigative project on health care debt conducted by our colleagues at KHN in partnership with NPR. The survey was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF in collaboration with KHN journalists and editors. This Report contains findings from the survey as well as the topline and methodology. The KFF Health Care Debt Survey provides a broad measure of health care debt, including medical and dental bills people are unable to pay as well as different forms of debt accruing from health care bills such as payment plans, credit cards, bank loans, and borrowing from family and friends. It also explores the effects of health care debt on individuals and the financial and personal sacrifices they make due to their debt.

Diagnosis: Debt is a multimedia investigative journalism series by KHN and NPR that explores the scale, impact, and causes of health care debt in America. It represents a fusion of the investigative power of KHN and NPR, the public opinion survey expertise of the KFF polling team, and original data analysis.

Explore the project’s journalism:

Diagnosis Debt:100 Million People in America Are Saddled With Health Care Debt, published June 16, 2022.

Upended: How Medical Debt Changed Their Lives, published June 16, 2022.

NPR Morning Edition: Sick and struggling to pay, 100 million people in the U.S. live with medical debt, aired June 16, 2022.

Medical Bills Can Shatter Lives. North Carolina May Act to ‘De-Weaponize’ That Debt, published June 21, 2022.

In America, Cancer Patients Endure Debt on Top of Disease, published July 9, 2022.

Nursing Homes Are Suing the Friends and Family of Residents to Collect Debts, published July 28, 2022.

Few Places Have More Medical Debt Than Dallas-Fort Worth, but Hospitals There Are Thriving, published Sept. 28, 2022.

Introduction

This is a companion report by the KFF polling group for an investigative project on health care debt conducted by our colleagues at KHN in partnership with NPR. The KFF Health Care Debt Survey was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF in collaboration with KHN journalists and editors. The survey provides a broad measure of health care debt in the U.S. and explores the effects of health care debt on individuals and the financial and personal sacrifices they make due to their debt.

Rising health care costs have been a dominant concern in the U.S. for both individuals and for the nation as a whole for many years. For individuals, these rising – and sometimes unexpected – health care costs can often lead to debt. Discussions about the problem of health care-related debt in the United States have typically focused more narrowly on medical bills that people are unable to pay or those that have been sent to collections. However, the problem of health care debt is ultimately much larger when looking at different types of debt that are caused at least partially by medical or dental bills. Indeed, often individuals use other forms of borrowing or debt, such as payment plans, credit cards, bank loans, and borrowing from family and friends to pay their medical and dental bills. These forms of debt are sometimes not included in estimates of medical debt from other surveys and administrative data.

To fill this gap, KFF conducted an in-depth, nationally representative survey with 2,375 adults, including interviews with 1,292 adults with current health care debt. The survey defined health care debt as any money respondents currently owe or debt they have due to medical or dental bills for their own or someone else’s medical or dental care, including any bills that are past due or that they are unable to pay, any bills they are paying off over time directly to a provider, any debt they owe to a bank, collection agency, or other lender that includes debt or loans used to pay medical or dental bills, any bills they have put on a credit card and are paying off over time and any debt owed to a family member or friend for money they borrowed to pay medical or dental bills.

Executive Summary

Debt due to medical and dental bills is a widespread issue in the United States, affecting both uninsured and insured adults. Health care related debt encompasses more than just unpaid or past due bills from providers. Substantial shares of adults carry debt from medical and dental bills that they have paid off by taking on other forms of debt, including credit cards, personal bank loans, or loans from family and friends. The KFF Health Care Debt Survey finds that four in ten adults have some form of health care debt. Yet the likelihood of having health care debt is not evenly distributed. Uninsured adults, women, Black and Hispanic adults, parents, and those with lower incomes are especially likely to say they have health care-related debt.

Unexpected bills can be a major contributor to health care debt. Most adults with health care debt say the bills that led to their debt were from a one-time or short-term medical expense, which are often unexpected. Indeed, about half of adults – including three in ten of those who do not currently have health care debt – are vulnerable to falling into debt, saying they would be unable to pay a $500 unexpected medical bill without borrowing money. While about a third of adults with health care debt owe less than $1,000, even small amounts of debt can have significant financial consequences for some. Though a third of those with current debt expect to pay it off within a year and about a quarter expect to pay it within one to two years, nearly one in five adults with health care debt think they will never be able to pay it off.

In their efforts to service or pay off their debt, adults with health care debt report making a number of sacrifices and enduring substantial financial consequences. Most report cutting back on household spending, and more than four in ten say they or a household member have used up all or most of their savings due to their health care debt. Many also report more serious consequences like skipping payment on other bills, delaying college or buying a home, or changing their housing situation as a result of their debt. In addition, about half of adults with health care debt say they have made what they feel to be a difficult sacrifice in order to pay down their debt. These sacrifices have left some individuals feeling as if they could not provide a good life for their families, or with a general sense that they will never be able to extricate themselves from debt. Other reported consequences of debt, such as being contacted by debt collectors and having their credit scores negatively affected, can lead to additional financial problems such as difficulty buying vehicles needed for work or buying or renting a home.

Health care debt can also affect the ability of individuals to access needed medical or dental care. One in seven adults with health care debt say they have been denied care by a provider due to unpaid bills. In addition, adults with health care debt are more than twice as likely as those without debt to say they or someone they live with have postponed or skipped getting needed health care because of the cost.

The unequal consequences of health care debt are evident in the survey results. Among those with debt due to medical or dental bills, those with lower incomes and people of color (particularly Black adults), are more likely than their counterparts to report experiences like being contacted by collection agencies due to health care debt, being denied subsequent care, and making difficult sacrifices like changing their housing situation to pay down their debt.

Who Has Health Care Debt Due To Medical And Dental Bills?

The KFF Health Care Debt Survey finds that 41% of adults currently have some debt caused by medical or dental bills. To develop this measure, we asked respondents to think about any money they currently owe or debt they have due to medical or dental bills for their own medical or dental care or someone else’s care, such as a child, spouse, or parent. We then asked whether they currently have five different types of debt due to medical or dental bills: any bills that are past due or that they are unable to pay; any bills they are paying off over time directly to a provider; any debt they owe to a bank, collection agency, or other lender that includes debt or loans used to pay medical or dental bills; any bills they have put on a credit card and are paying off over time; or any debt owed to a family member or friend for money they borrowed to pay medical or dental bills.

More specifically, about a quarter of adults (24%) say they currently have medical or dental bills that are past due or that they are unable to pay, about one in five (21%) say they have bills they are paying off over time directly to a provider, about one in six say they have debt they owe to a bank, collection agency, or other lender that for loans used to pay medical or dental bills (17%) or say they have medical or dental bills they have put on a credit card and are paying off over time (17%), and one in ten (10%) say they have debt they owe to a family member or friend for money borrowed to pay medical or dental bills.

Beyond the 41% of adults who currently have some form of health care debt, a further 16% of adults say they have had debt due to medical or dental bills in the past five years that has since been paid off.¹  This means in total, most adults (57%) have experienced owing money due to medical or dental bills at some point in the past five years.

Adults with lower levels of education and income are more likely than those with higher education and higher income to say they have current health care debt due to medical or dental bills. Nearly half of without a college degree (47%) say they have health care debt compared to about three in ten college graduates (31%). While a majority (57%) of adults with household incomes under $40,000 say they currently have debt due to medical or dental bills, it is also notable that health care debt is not entirely uncommon among those with higher incomes (26% of those in households earning $90,000 or more). Among adults with health care debt, those with higher incomes are more likely to report debt due to medical bills in the form of credit card debt or bank loans, while those with lower incomes are more likely to report being indebted to friends or family.

There are also differences by gender, race, and ethnicity when it comes to current health care debt. Nearly half of women say they have debt due to medical or dental bills, compared to about a third of men (48% vs. 34%). Across race and ethnic groups, at least half of Black (56%) and Hispanic (50%) adults say they have debt due to medical or dental bills, compared to fewer White adults (37%). Unsurprisingly, among adults under 65, those who are currently uninsured are more likely to say they have health care debt than those who currently have health insurance (62% vs. 44%), though it’s notable that over four in ten adults with health insurance also report current debt.

By age, health care debt peaks among those between the ages of 30 and 49, with 52% in this age group saying they have current health care debt. This is likely related to the fact that about half of people in this age group are parents of children under 18, and parents are significantly more likely than non-parents to report having health care debt from their own or someone else’s medical or dental bills (58% vs. 35%). Over one in five adults ages 65 and over (22%) say they currently owe money due to medical or dental bills. Medicare provides near universal coverage to seniors, but it has gaps that can leave beneficiaries with substantial out-of-pocket costs.

Notably, across regions of the country, almost half of adults in the South say they have health care debt, compared to about a third of adults in the Northeast and in the Western U.S. who say the same. In addition, nearly half of adults (47%) in the twelve states that have not expanded their Medicaid program under the Affordable Care Act say they have current health care debt, compared to 39% in Medicaid expansion states.

Health care debt does not have to be enormous for people to have problems paying it off, though some do report owing large amounts. About half of adults with current health care debt (56%) say they owe less than $2,500, including 16% who say they owe less than $500 and 18% who owe between $500 and $1,000. Nearly half (44%) report owing at least $2,500 due to medical or dental bills, including about one in eight (12%) who say they owe $10,000 or more.

Most (59%) adults with current health care debt think they will be able to pay off their debt within two years, including a third who think they will pay it off within a year. However, nearly one in five (18%) say they don’t think they will ever pay it off. Notably, about one in four Black adults (24%), adults with household incomes under $40,000 (26%), and those who are uninsured (25%) say they don’t think they will ever pay off their health care debt.

Expectations of paying off health care debt also vary widely by the amount of debt. Among those who owe less than $1,000, nearly two-thirds (63%) say they expect to pay it off within one year. By contrast, about half (53%) of those who owe $10,000 or more say they’ll never be able to pay it off.

Causes Of Health Care Debt

Debt due to health care bills can be driven by one individual’s medical care, but often multiple family members’ bills can contribute to overall debt. While about half (54%) of adults with health care debt say the bills that led to their debt were only for their own care, 12% say their health care debt stemmed from bills for someone else’s care and another third (34%) say that bills for both their own and someone else’s care contributed to the debt.

Highlighting how one acute medical or dental incident can lead to persistent debt, seven in ten adults with health care debt (72%) say the bills that led to their debt were for a one-time or short-term medical expense, such as a single hospital visit or treatment for an accident. Many in this group (24%, or 30% of all adults with health care debt) say the incident that led to their debt occurred three or more years ago. About a quarter of adults (27%) say their medical debt built up over time, such as treatment for a chronic illness.

Common health care needs such as lab and diagnostic test and doctor’s visits are also common sources of health care debt. Among adults with health care debt, about six in ten (59%) say some of the bills that led to their debt were due to lab fees or diagnostic tests and over half (56%) say bills from doctor visits contributed to their debt. Half of adults with health care debt say bills from emergency care (50%) caused their debt, again highlighting how one-time acute medical events can cause people to fall into health care debt.

About half of adults with health care debt (49%) say dental bills caused some of their debt. Notably, dental insurance, which typically has annual limits on coverage, does not necessarily protect individuals from falling into debt due to dental bills. Among those who say dental bills contributed to their health care debt, 60% say they or the person whose bills led to their debt had dental coverage at the time.

The types of bills that lead to health care debt vary by age. Notably, one of the most common types of bills leading to health care debt for older adults is dental care, likely because traditional Medicare does not provide dental coverage (though some beneficiaries in private Medicare Advantage plans do have dental coverage, with the scope varying widely). By contrast, older adults are less likely than their younger counterparts to say their health care debt resulted from lab fees, doctor visits, or emergency care.

Other types of bills are more common sources of health care debt among younger adults. A majority of adults with health care debt under age 50 say their debt was at least partially due to bills for emergency care, compared to about four in ten (41%) of those ages 50-64 and about three in ten (31%) of those ages 65 and over. Adults under age 30 are also more likely than their older counterparts to report their health care debt is due at least partially to bills for mental health services (31%).

For young families, pregnancy and childbirth can lead to health care debt. Among adults under age 30 who have health care debt, 22% say that bills from pregnancy and childbirth contributed to their debt, rising to 29% of women in this age range.

Lacking money to pay a bill is often a reason people fall into debt, but complications in billing and insurance practices may also be contributing factors for some. Two-thirds (67%) of those with health care debt say that in the past five years, they have not paid or only partially paid a medical bill because they didn’t have enough money to pay it. But a roughly equal share (68%) say they have not paid a bill in full because they were expecting their health insurance to pay the bill. About four in ten (44%) adults with health care debt say that they did not pay a bill in full in the past five years because they weren’t sure the bill was accurate.

Unsurprisingly, lack of money to pay a bill is particularly an issue for those with lower household incomes. More than three in four adults with health care debt whose income is under $40,000 (77%) say they have failed to pay a medical bill for because they did not have enough money, compared to fewer than half of those with incomes of $90,000 or more. Yet issues with insurance occur across income levels as majorities with health care debt across income groups say they have not paid a medical or dental bill that was sent to them because they expected their health insurance to pay.

The Consequences Of Health Care Debt

Debt due to medical and dental bills can have broad consequences for individuals and families. When asked about some specific problems they or someone in their household may have experienced in the past five years as a result of their health care debt, six in ten adults with health care debt say they cut back spending on food, clothing, and basic household items (63%). Nearly half say they used all or most of their savings (48%) and about four in ten say they increased their credit card debt for other purchases (41%), took on an extra job or worked more hours (40%), and skipped or delayed paying other bills or debt (37%) due to their health care debt. Fewer, but substantial shares, say they have taken money out of long-term savings accounts (29%), delayed buying a home or delayed education for themselves or their child (28%), taken out other loans (26%), sought aid from a charity (24%) or changed their living situation, such as living with family or friends because of their health care debt (19%).

Among adults with health care debt, majorities across race and ethnic groups and at least half across income groups say they have cut back on household spending due to their medical debt. However, lower-income adults are more likely than those with higher incomes to say they have experienced certain negative consequences due to their debt. For example, over half (55%) of those with health care debt whose household income is less than $40,000 say they used up all or most of their savings due to their debt, which may put them in a further precarious financial position if they encounter future medical or other expenses. Compared to those with higher incomes, larger shares of lower-income adults with debt say they have skipped or delayed paying other bills (43%) or sought aid from charity or non-profit organization (32%). Notably, about a quarter of lower-income adults (26%), Black adults (24%), Hispanic (25%) adults with health care debt say they had to change their housing situation, such as moving in with family or friends, as a result of their debt.

Sacrifices Made Due To Health Care Debt

In addition to the specific consequences discussed above, over half (54%) of adults with debt due to health care bills say they have had to make what they feel is a difficult sacrifice to pay down their debt, Including at least six in ten of those in households with incomes under $40,000 (60%), Hispanic adults (64%) and those with current debt who were uninsured at the time the debt was incurred (66%).

Not surprisingly, those with greater amounts of debt are more likely to report having to make sacrifices, with three in four of those with debts of $10,000 or more reporting making a difficult sacrifice. A significant share of adults with smaller debts, however, also say they’ve had to make sacrifices (44% of those with debts under $2,500).

The sacrifices adults with health care debt say they have had to make due to their debt are wide-ranging. When adults with health care debt were asked to describe in their own words the most difficult sacrifices they have made, the most commonly cited sacrifices include cutting back spending on food or eating less (14%), followed by cutting back on discretionary spending on things such as vacations and entertainment (8%), changing their housing or living situation (7%), and increasing work hours (7%). Other sacrifices mentioned include skipping or missing payments on other bills (6%), cutting back spending in general (5%), skipping medical or dental care (5%), taking money out of savings (5%), and delaying or not buying a vehicle or selling their vehicle (5%). Many of the sacrifices cited by adults with health care debt have their own consequences that can further negatively affect their financial and emotional wellbeing. Below, in their own words, are some examples of the difficult sacrifices that adults with health care debt say they have made to pay down their debt.

Financial And Housing Consequences

Health care debt can have significant financial consequences, including having bills going to collections, lowering credit scores, and for some can contribute to bankruptcy, home foreclosures or evictions. Nearly half of adults with health care debt say they or a member of their household has been contacted by a collection agency in the past five years because of medical or dental bills. In addition, a third of those with health care debt (35%) say it has negatively affected their credit score. Fewer say they have experienced more serious financial consequences in the past five years such as being sued by a provider (6%), declaring personal bankruptcy (3%), or losing their home due to foreclosure or eviction (3%).

Collections Agencies

Collection agencies are third-party, private companies contracted by lenders and creditors to recover funds that are past due. The Fair Debt Collection Practices Act (FDCPA) federally regulates debt collector’s malpractices to protect consumers from abusive, unfair, or deceptive practices. However, often those with debt can feel harassed and intimidated by collectors.

While half (47%) of adults with debt due to medical or dental bills say that they or someone in their household has been contacted by a collection agency because of these bills in the past five years, these shares are higher among Black adults (66%), those with lower incomes (55% of those with incomes under $40,000), and women (52%).

Credit Scores

Credit scores in the U.S. are important in determining financing for large purchases such as vehicles, for buying or renting a home, and for rates on future debts such as credit cards. Having a low credit score can be difficult to recover from and cause adults to go into further debt. Credit scores are determined by a number of factors, such as length of credit, unpaid balances, and missed or late payments. For many adults, it can be difficult to understand what factors are influencing the score. Recently, the three major credit bureaus in the U.S. announced that they would “no longer include medical collection debt under at least $500 on credit reports”, a move they estimate will remove nearly 70% of medical collection debt from credit reports.

The KFF Health Care Debt survey finds that more than a third (35%) of adults with health care debt say this debt has negatively impacted their credit score, yet a similar share (39%) say they are unsure if their debt has impacted their credit score. Credit score decreases are more commonly reported by Black adults with debt, as nearly half (46%) say their credit score has been negatively impacted by the health care debt they carry, compared to a third of White (32%) and Hispanic (33%) adults who say the same. Nearly four in ten (38%) adults with health care debt in households with lower incomes say their credit score has been negatively impacted by their debt, compared to one in four (24%) of those with debt in higher earning households.

The negative effect of health care debt on credit scores is noted by some adults with debt when asked to describe the sacrifices they’ve made. Some describe how poor credit scores have led to more severe financial consequences such as losing access to vehicles needed for work and to stable housing options.

Consequences For Getting And Receiving Health Care

The consequences of health care debt are not limited to finances. For many, taking on health care debt can affect their ability to get future health care services or continue ongoing treatment. Fifteen percent of adults who currently have health care debt say they have been denied care by a hospital or other medical or dental provider because of their debt. Larger shares of Black adults with health care debt (22%) report this happening to them than their White (14%) or Hispanic (14%) counterparts. One in five (19%) adults with debt in households making less than $40,000 report being turned away from a medical provider, compared to 13% of those with higher household incomes.

KFF polling has found that health care costs are a top concern for U.S. adults, and many—even those without debt—make decisions about whether to seek care based on how much it costs and whether they can afford it. This survey finds that those with health care debt are more likely to report delaying or skipping medical care due to costs, though significant shares of those without medical debt also say they or someone in their household has done these things as well. Adults with health care debt are more than twice as likely as those without debt to say they or someone in their family has put off health care they needed due to costs in the past 12 months (64% vs. 28%). Similarly, six in ten (62%) adults with health care debt, compared to about one-third (35%) of those without, say they have relied on home remedies or over-the-counter drugs in the last year instead of going to see a doctor due to costs. Adults with health care debt are also at least twice as likely as those without to say that in the past 12 months, because of the cost, they have skipped a medical test or treatment recommended by a doctor (51% vs. 21%), not filled a prescription, cut pills in half, or skipped doses of a medicine (39% vs. 12%), purchased or tried to purchase medications from outside the U.S. (14% vs. 7%), or obtained leftover medications that were prescribed to another person (12% vs. 5%).

Overall, about eight in ten (79%) of those with health care debt report taking at least one of these actions in the past 12 months because of the cost, compared to about half (49%) of those without health care debt.

When asked to describe the sacrifices they’ve made to pay down debt, many mention their reluctance to seek future medical or dental care for fear of incurring even greater bills.

A Precarious Position: Vulnerability To Health Care Debt

In addition to the four in ten adults who say they currently owe money due to medical or dental bills, many more may be one large bill away from landing themselves in this position. A KFF analysis has found that even among those with health insurance, many do not have the savings to pay typical health plan deductibles.

Among those with current health care debt, it is not surprising that the large majority say that if they got an unexpected medical bill for $500, they would either have to incur further debt to pay it (45%) or would not be able to pay the bill at all (30%). However, even among those who do not currently have health care debt, about three in ten say they would have to borrow money in order to pay such a bill (20%) or would not be able to pay it at all (10%).

Public’s Views Of Policy Interventions To Address Or Assist Those With Health Care Debt

Given the relatively widespread nature of health care debt and the sizeable share of adults who would have to turn to debt to pay for a $500 unexpected medical bill, policies aimed at limiting costs for patients could potentially help individuals avoid health care debt. Majorities of both those who have and haven’t experienced health care debt say they support the government setting limits on how much patients with health insurance can be asked to pay out of pocket for medical care. While government regulation of health care is generally less popular among Republicans, majorities across partisans support such a proposal (though the share supporting among Democrats is 16 percentage points higher than among Republicans). Notably those who are insured and under age 65 (72%) are more likely to support this policy proposal than those who are uninsured (51%), likely because it would directly impact them.

It is worth noting that while overall support for this policy is high, the question on this survey did not ask individuals to consider any potential trade-offs related to the policy, such as higher health plan premiums or increased financial pressure of health care providers.

Consumer assistance programs have been established in many states to help individuals resolve issues with insurance providers and disputed medical bills, though no federal funding has been appropriated for these programs since 2010. With two-thirds of adults with health care debt reporting they have not paid a bill because they were expecting their insurance to pay it, it follows that many would welcome assistance in navigating disputes with insurance providers. Indeed, seven in ten adults with health care debt say they think a state consumer assistance program would be helpful to them personally. Black (76%) and Hispanic (80%) adults with debt are particularly likely to think these programs would be helpful to them compared to slightly fewer White adults (66%) who say the same. Moreover, majorities of adults with health care debt across income groups think consumer assistance programs would be helpful to them personally.

Appendix

Below are studies and analyses with measures and estimates of medical debt from recent years, including some which utilize a more narrow definition of medical debt.

This KFF Health Care Debt Survey was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) in collaboration with KHN journalists and editors. The survey was conducted February 25 through March 20, 2022 online and via telephone, in English and Spanish, among a nationally representative sample of 2,375 U.S. adults. The sample includes 1,674 adults with current or past health care debt and 698 adults who have not had health care debt in the past five years. The majority of respondents (n=2,146) were reached online through the SSRS Opinion Panel. The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based web panel recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS). ABS respondents are randomly sampled through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS). (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample, through the SSRS Omnibus survey platform. To ensure representation of respondents less likely to be reached online, 177 interviews were conducted from a random digit dial telephone sample of prepaid cell phone numbers. Both the RDD sample for the SSRS Omnibus and the prepaid cell phone numbers were obtained through Marketing System Groups (MSG).

The survey was designed to reach adults who currently have health care debt or have had health care debt in the last five years. In order to do this, the probability panel sample included an oversample of panel members with annual household incomes less than $30,000, individuals with current or past health care debt (n=641) were included in the sample. In addition, 52 adults with past or current health care debt were reached by calling back respondents that had previously completed an interview on the SSRS Omnibus poll (and other RDD polls) and reported an annual household income of less than $25,000.

The combined online and telephone samples, excluding oversamples, were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the U.S. population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS). On the basis of this weighted sample, parameters for the debt and no-debt populations were extracted. Weighting parameters for each group included sex, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, education, and income, as well as patterns of civic engagement from the September 2017 Volunteering and Civic Life Supplement data from the CPS. The sample was also weighted to match population density parameters from the Census Planning Database 2020. The weights take into account differences in the probability of selection for each sample type. This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the cell phone sample, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. Kaiser Family Foundation public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

1. Since adults with health care debt may carry that debt burden over a number of years, the survey asked adults to recall any health care debt they may have had in the past five years. Recall of health care debt was limited to a five-year time horizon as it may be difficult for people to accurately remember specifics about the type and origin of any debts incurred prior. ↩︎

For decades, KFF polling has provided insights into national and state-level reproductive health care policy including multiple public opinion polls examining the experiences and attitudes of the general public as well as the group most impacted by such policies – women between the ages of 18 and 49. This latest KFF poll was fielded the week following the leak of a draft of the U.S. Supreme Court opinion on Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Center. If the final ruling in the case resembles the leaked draft, the Court would overturn Roe v. Wade and end the constitutional right to abortion. This analysis examines the public’s attitudes and understanding of the future of reproductive health and abortion access in the U.S. and looks at the role abortion and a decision on Dobbs may play in the upcoming midterm elections this November.

Key Findings:

• Majorities of U.S. adults are aware of the leaked draft of the pending Supreme Court decision, and majorities across gender and partisanship say it is either “very likely” or “somewhat likely” the Supreme Court will be overturning Roe v. Wade this year. With this in mind, nearly two-thirds of adults do not want to see the decision overturned, and a large majority (74%) say abortion should be a personal choice and not something that is regulated by law.
• Among those who live in the 17 states¹  where abortion is certain or very likely to be banned if Roe v. Wade is overturned, majorities are aware that getting an abortion would be much harder in their state as a result of such a decision. However, partisans differ on whether this increased difficulty is a good or a bad thing, with Republicans more likely to say it would be a “good thing” that abortion would be harder to access in their state and Democrats more likely to view it as a “bad thing.”
• Looking ahead to the role this decision could play in the anticipated Republican Wave in the midterm elections this November, most voters (57%) say a Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade would not make a difference in their motivation to vote in the upcoming midterms and some (6%) say it would make them less motivated to vote. On the other hand, nearly four in ten voters (37%) say such a decision would make them more motivated to vote, including at least half of all Democratic voters (55%) and Democratic voters in states where abortion is likely or certain to be banned if Roe is overturned (51%). Majorities of Republican voters (73%) and Republican women voters (74%) say it would not make a difference in their motivation to vote.
• While a Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade doesn’t appear to motivate a majority of voters overall, there is a small share of voters (20%) who say they would be more motivated to vote and that they would only support a candidate who shares their view and wants to protect access to abortion. This includes nearly four in ten Democratic voters, Democratic women voters, and one-fourth of women voters ages 18-49. A smaller share of voters (4%) says they would be more motivated to vote by the Supreme Court decision, but in the opposite direction – to only support candidates who want to limit access to abortions.
• There is an age divide among voters who prefer candidates who want to protect abortion access, that crosses partisanship and gender lines, with voters under age 50, regardless of party identification and gender, more likely to prefer such candidates compared to their older counterparts. For example, while fewer than four in ten male voters ages 50 and over (37%) say they prefer a candidate who wants to protect abortion access, this rises to a majority (56%) of male voters ages 18-49. Most voters who prefer a candidate who wants to protect access to abortion say they would not vote for a candidate who disagreed with them on this issue (63%), compared to half of those who prefer a candidate who wants to limit access to abortion.
• If the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, states will set their own abortion policies without any federal constitutional standards. This poll finds there is some support for state restrictions on abortions, such as requiring women to wait 24 hours between a meeting with a health care provider and getting an abortion (67% support). However, majorities oppose other state laws, including at least three-fourths who oppose laws that would make it a crime for women to get an abortion (79%), allowing private citizens to sue people who provide or assist women in getting an abortion (80%), or making it a crime to cross state lines to obtain an abortion (80%).
• This KFF poll also finds that there are significant knowledge gaps on the prevalence and the overall safety of abortions. Additionally, a majority of adults (73%) and of women between ages 18-49 (60%) have not heard of mifepristone or medication abortion, the method in which most abortions occur in the U.S.

The Supreme Court Draft Opinion Leak

On May 2, 2022, Politico published a leaked draft opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court on Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Center that would overturn the precedent set by Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey, eliminating federal protections to the right to an abortion. The Supreme Court acknowledged the authenticity of the draft but stated, “it does not represent a decision by the Court or the final position of any member on the issues in the case.” If the draft opinion is indicative of the final opinion to be released later this month, the constitutional right to an abortion established by the 1973 case would be overturned and it would be again up to individual states to decide whether to restrict or uphold a right to abortion services. Unlike other cases regarding abortion rights since Roe v. Wade, the Dobbs case comes at a time when the ideological composition of the Supreme Court is conservative by a strong majority 6-3, and the case’s plaintiffs, the state of Mississippi, have asked, the Court to outright overturn Roe v. Wade.

Awareness of the Leaked Supreme Court Opinion Draft

Majorities of the U.S. public, across gender and partisanship, say they have heard at least some about the draft opinion that was leaked to the press, including more than one-third (37%) who say they have heard “a lot” about it. Notably, the group most likely to be impacted by this decision – women of reproductive age (ages 18 to 49)²  – report hearing the least about the leak, with a quarter (23%) saying they have heard “a lot” and nearly half saying they’ve heard “little” (24%) or “none at all” (23%).

There is some confusion among the public about what the leaked draft of the Supreme Court opinion portends for the current and future state of abortion access in the country. The poll, conducted immediately following the leak of the draft opinion, finds that while about two-thirds (64%) are aware Roe v. Wade remains the law of the land, a small share (3%) incorrectly believe it has already been overturned and another third (33%) are unsure. Women are more likely than men to say it has already been overturned or that they are not sure (40% v. 33%). Nearly half of women ages 18-49 either say it has already been overturned (6%) or they are not sure (40%).

Two-thirds of adults say it is either “very likely” (22%) or “somewhat likely” (42%) that the Supreme Court will overturn Roe this year. While few (6%) women ages 18-49 incorrectly believe Roe v. Wade has already been overturned, most say that it is “very likely” (12%) or “somewhat likely” (45%) that Roe will be overturned. About one-third (35%) of women ages 18-49 do not think this is likely to happen this year.

Supreme Court and Motivation in the Midterm Elections

If Roe v. Wade is overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court and the decision on abortion legislation is left to the states, the latest KFF polling finds a candidates’ positions on abortion could be a salient issue for a certain segment of Democratic-leaning voters but only motivates a small share of voters.

While a majority of voters (57%) say the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade would not make a difference in their motivation to vote in the upcoming midterm and some (6%) say they would be less motivated, about four in ten voters (37%) say such a decision would make them more motivated to vote. As many election forecasters are projecting a Republican wave in the upcoming midterms, the poll finds the Supreme Court decision may motivate Democratic voters but fewer Republican or independent voters. More than half (55%) of Democratic voters say the Supreme Court decision will make them more motivated to vote. Majorities of Republican voters (73%), independent voters (62%), and Republican women voters (74%) say it would not make a difference to their motivation.

A majority of voters who are motivated by the Supreme Court decision are pro-choice (75%), younger (55% under age 50), half are Democrats (51%), and about four in ten are liberal (38%). Similar shares of Black voters (40%), Hispanic voters (37%), and White voters (35%) report a Supreme Court decision overturning Roe would make them more motivated to vote. In addition, about one in five voters who say they would be motivated by the Supreme Court decision are Republican (18%), want a candidate who will limit access to abortions (19%), are conservative (21%) and independent (22%).

How Candidates’ Stance On Abortion May Impact Voters

If the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, between now and the midterm elections, one would expect the issue will become more salient in the midterms with increased attention in campaign advertisements and candidate talking points.³  The KFF Tracking Poll finds this salience may play an important role in persuading a small share of voters.

About half (52%) of voters overall say they are more likely to vote for a candidate in the upcoming election who wants to protect access to abortion, about one-quarter (27%) are more likely to vote for a candidate who will limit access to abortion, and one in five voters say a candidate’s position on abortion does not matter to their vote. Eight in ten (79%) Democratic voters say that they are more likely to vote for a candidate in the upcoming election who wants to protect access to abortion, 9% prefer a candidate who wants to limit access to abortion, and 11% say a candidate’s position on abortion would make no difference to their vote. At least half of Republicans say they want to vote for someone who wants to limit access to abortion (56%), 15% prefer a candidate who wants to protect access to abortion, and a sizeable three in ten (29%) Republican voters say it does not make a difference to their vote. Half (54%) of independent voters prefer a candidate who wants to protect access to abortion while half are split between preferring a candidate who wants to limit abortion (24%) or that it does not matter to their vote (22%).

Across key demographics, groups that typically lean more Democratic consistently report they want a candidate who will protect access to abortions. For example, more than half of Black voters (58%) and Hispanic voters (52%) say they are more likely to vote for such a candidate. In addition, younger voters are more likely than their older counterparts to say they want a candidate who will protect access to abortion, with six in ten (59%) voters ages 18-49 saying they are more likely to vote for a candidate who wants to protect access to abortion, compared to less than half (44%) of voters ages 50 and older.  This age divide on the issue of abortion is consistent with other studies and this poll finds the age divide exists across partisans and gender, with younger independents, Republicans and men being more likely than their older counterparts to say that they are more likely to vote for a candidate that wants to protect access to abortion.

While the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade doesn't appear to motivate a majority of voters overall, there is a small share of voters (20%) who say they would be more motivated to vote, and they would only support a candidate who shares their view, and they want candidates to protect access to abortion. This includes nearly four in ten Democratic voters, Democratic women voters, and one-fourth of women voters ages 18-49. A smaller share of voters (4%) say they are more motivated to vote by the Supreme Court decision, but in the opposite direction - to support candidates who want to limit access to abortions.

In Their OWn Words, Voters Say What About Overturning Roe Motivates Their Vote

When asked to say in their own words what it is about a Supreme Court decision overturning Roe that would make them more motivated to vote, about one-fourth cite a need to protect women’s rights to choose, rights to privacy and bodily autonomy (23%), about one in five mention wanting legislation to codify the right to an abortion or to vote for people who will protect abortion rights (18%), and 8% say that Roe v. Wade is the law and should not be overturned. About one in ten (9%) say they are motivated by wanting legislators who will ban abortions or support overturning Roe v. Wade. Five percent of voters who are motivated by Roe say that it is about having their voices heard and wanting legislators who represent their beliefs.

Public’s Opinion on Overturning Roe v. Wade, State Restrictions

KFF polling has consistently found that a majority of the public do not want to see Roe v. Wade overturned and the latest KFF poll is no different. About two-thirds (64%) U.S. adults say they do not want to see the Supreme Court overturn Roe v. Wade, while one-third of adults say they would like to see the case overturned. Majorities across gender and racial and ethnic groups say they don’t want to see it overturned, but there are differences by partisanship. Six in ten (61%) Republicans want to see the law overturned while a large majority of Democrats (85%) and six in ten independents (62%) do not want the Supreme Court to overturn Roe.

Once again, saliency lies on the side of those who want to protect abortion rights. While a large majority of Democrats (70%) say they feel “very strongly” that Roe v. Wade should not be overturned, Republicans are not as coalesced, with the about half as many Republicans (37%) feel “very strongly” that it should be overturned. A further one-quarter (24%) of Republicans feel “somewhat strongly” that Roe should be overturned, and a similar share (22%) feels “somewhat strongly” that it should not be overturned.

The public has mixed feelings on the potential for the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade and allowing states to ban abortion, with about half of adults reporting that they would feel “sad” (53%) or “angry” (47%), and fewer saying they would feel “hopeful” (34%), “indifferent” (27%) or “enthusiastic” (22%) about this decision.

Partisans have very different emotional responses to the possibility of the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade, with nearly three-fourths of Democrats reporting they would be “sad” (74%) or “angry” (72%), while more than half of Republicans saying they would feel “hopeful” (57%) and four in ten would be “enthusiastic” (41%).

While a majority of women report they would be “sad” (56%) or angry” (51%) if the Supreme Court overturned Roe, there are differences among women – and men – across age groups. Majorities of adults under age 50 – both men and women – say they would feel “sad” or “angry” if Roe were overturned while four in ten older men and women say they would feel “hopeful” if this occurred.

Most Say Abortion Should Be Personal Choice Rather Than Regulated, Some Support For Limited State Regulations

Despite divided views on the future of Roe v. Wade, the public is somewhat more aligned in believing that getting an abortion should be a personal choice rather than one regulated by the government. Three in four U.S. adults say generally, getting an abortion should be a personal choice (74%), while one in four say it should be something that is regulated by law. Large majorities of Democrats (90%) and independents (74%) say it should be a personal choice, while Republicans are split (52% saying it should be a personal choice and 48% say it should be regulated by law). Eight in ten (79%) women ages 18-49 say that getting an abortion should be a personal choice, including majorities across party; nine in ten (90%) Democratic women, eight in ten (80%) independent women and about six in ten (59%) Republican women ages 18-49 say this should be a personal choice.

Awareness Of State-Specific Abortion Legislation

Just over four in ten (45%) of those living in the 17 states with laws that would likely ban abortion immediately, known as trigger laws, or abortion bans still in place since before Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973, are aware that if Roe v. Wade is overturned, abortion will no longer be legal in their state, while four in ten (42%) are not sure, and 13% say it would continue to be legal. While a small majority (55%) of women ages 18-49 in these states are aware that abortion would immediately be banned in their state, nearly half are either not sure (33%) or incorrectly believe abortions would continue to be legal (12%).

Two-thirds (63%) of those living in states where the right to an abortion is explicitly protected are aware that abortion would continue to be legal if the case was overturned, while three in ten are unsure, and few (8%) think it would no longer be legal in their state.

Large majorities of adults who reside in states with trigger laws or pre-Roe abortion bans know that for various groups of women, getting an abortion will prove more difficult in their state if Roe is overturned. In the states where the right to an abortion will be most vulnerable, eight in ten say that a Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade will make it harder for young women (82%), lower-income women (78%), Black and Hispanic women (76%), and the women in their life (77%) to get an abortion in their state.

While there is widespread awareness of the impacts on certain populations, partisans differ on their assessment of whether this is a “good thing” or a “bad thing,” with larger shares of Republicans saying it is a “good thing” that it would be harder for each of these groups to get an abortion in their state and larger shares of Democrats viewing it as a “bad thing.” Notably, at least one in five Republicans say that it would be a “bad thing” that it would be more difficult for these groups to obtain an abortion.

Among women of reproductive age in these states, about six in ten believe overturning Roe v. Wade would make abortion harder to access in their state and that this is a “bad thing”, while between two and three in ten say making abortion harder to access would be a “good thing.”

State Legislation On Abortion

The Supreme Court’s 1992 decision for Planned Parenthood v. Casey established the right of states to regulate abortion services before viability as long as the regulation does not place an “undue burden” on women seeking an abortion. “Undue burden” is shorthand for a state regulation that has been found to have the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a person seeking an abortion. Since the Casey decision in 1992, many states have enacted a wide range of restrictions such as counseling, ultrasound and waiting period requirements; parental notification and consent requirements, restrictions on insurance coverage for abortion, and regulations specific to facilities and clinicians providing abortions. If the Supreme Court overrules Roe v. Wade, states will be able to enact abortion regulations without having to pass the “undue burden” standard and states could pass restrictions that could effectively block abortion access without actually passing a ban on abortion.

Among the public, there is some support for certain state-level restrictions on women seeking abortions, but majorities of the U.S. public oppose criminalizing women, doctors, or people who assist those seeking abortion care. Waiting periods are a common regulation on abortion and 27 states have enacted waiting periods ranging from 18 to 72 hours after contacting the clinic. Two-thirds of the public (67%) support laws requiring women to wait 24 hours between meeting with a health care provider and getting an abortion. Gestational limits are another type of law that states have enacted to limit how far into a pregnancy an abortion can be performed. Recently, several states have passed laws banning abortions after the time in which fetal cardiac activity can be detected, around 6 weeks of pregnancy (which is often before a person knows they are pregnant). While many of these laws have been blocked, this type of ban on all but the earliest abortions is currently in effect in Texas. Forty-four percent of adults support laws prohibiting abortions “once a fetal heartbeat is detected, which is usually around six weeks” (44%), while 54% are opposed to these types of laws. While this is unchanged from a 2019 KFF poll, that poll found that when the public was told that six weeks is usually before many women know they are pregnant, opposition to this policy increased to six in ten.

Large majorities oppose making it a crime for doctors to perform abortions (73%) or for women to get abortions (79%). With the impending Supreme Court decision on Roe, some states have passed restrictions to ban abortions using civil enforcement and penalties. Oklahoma and Texas have laws in effect that allow private citizens to sue people who provide or abet women in getting an illegal abortion. Some state legislators have considered making it a crime to travel across state lines to obtain an abortion, but such a law is not currently in effect in any state. KFF polling finds that eight in ten oppose each of these types of laws. It is also worth noting that several states have taken action to uphold the right or expand access to abortion and also protect doctors practicing in their states from criminal or civil liabilities for performing abortions in their state.

There is also majority opposition to many of these state policies on abortion among those who reside in states where there are trigger laws or pre-Roe abortion bans. At least two-thirds of people living in these 17 states oppose criminalizing doctors for performing abortions (69%), making it a crime for women to cross state lines to get an abortion (76%), making it a crime for a woman to get an abortion (74%), or allowing private citizens to sue people who provide or assist in abortions (78%).

Partisans differ in their level of support for these state-level abortion policies. A majority of Republicans support a 24-hour waiting period (90%) and prohibiting abortions once there is cardiac activity (70%). However, less than half of Republicans now support making it a crime for doctors to perform abortions that would result in fines or prison time (47%, down from 58% in 2019), making it a crime for women to get an abortion (36%, down from 49% in 2019), allowing private citizens to sue people who provide or assist women in getting abortions (32%) or making it a crime for a woman to cross state lines to get an abortion (35%). Independents are also less likely than they were in 2019 to support laws that would criminalize doctors (25%, down from 34% in 2019). About one in five independents continue to support criminalizing women seeking an abortion (19% v. 23% in 2019).

With the exception of the law that requires women to wait 24 hours between meeting a health care provider and getting an abortion, fewer than half of Democrats and independents support these laws.

In states that have protected the right to an abortion, there is growing momentum to provide public funding to support their clinics to provide abortion care to out-of-state women who seek an abortion in their state. Among those who live in a state that has laws in place protecting the right to an abortion, majorities oppose (56%) using public funding to cover these costs. However, two-thirds (64%) would support a law that would require all employer provided health insurance plans to cover an abortion.

If abortion is banned in many states across the country, the costs associated with obtaining an abortion will increase for those who are able to travel out of state to obtain abortion services. Some employers have begun offering to cover travel expenses for employees who need to travel out of state to obtain an abortion. Asked if they would support or oppose employers paying the travel costs for an employee to travel out-of-state to obtain an abortion if abortion is not available where they reside, a slim majority (51%) of U.S. adults say they would support this and 47% oppose. Seven in ten (72%) Democrats support this, and nearly eight in ten (78%) Republicans oppose. Independents are divided, with about half saying they support (53%) or oppose (44%) this workplace benefit. Younger adults across gender are more likely than their older counterparts to support this benefit.

Gaps Remain in Public’s Knowledge About Abortion, Birth Control

This KFF poll examines what Americans know about abortion services and finds there are significant knowledge gaps on the prevalence and the overall safety of abortions.

Two-thirds of U.S. adults (64%) say that they or someone they know has had an abortion, including at least six in ten Democrats, independents and Republicans, men, and women. Yet, about half of U.S. adults (49%) incorrectly say that less than 10% of women in the U.S. have had an abortion, when the actual share is closer to one-quarter. Men are more likely than women to underestimate the share of women who have had an abortion, with six in ten (56%) of men saying it is true that less than 10% of women have had an abortion.

A large majority of the public (87%) across partisan and age groups correctly says that it is false that a woman who has gotten an abortion has a higher risk of getting breast cancer. However, a small share (9%) of all adults, rising to 13% of Republicans, believe this to be true. Three quarters (72%) of U.S. adults correctly say that a woman who has gotten an abortion will not have a harder time getting pregnant again, while one-fourth (26%) say that this statement is true, rising to one-third of  Republicans.

Many also do not know at what point in pregnancy most abortions occur. Majorities (65%) incorrectly say most abortions occur after eight weeks of pregnancy, while one-third (32%) correctly say most occur fewer than eight weeks into pregnancy. Few, however, believe that most abortions occur more than 20 weeks into pregnancy (2%).

Cost can be a barrier for women seeking abortion care, as many adults cannot afford the expense and not all health insurance plans cover abortion services. In fact, among women ages 18 to 49 who are insured, more than eight in ten (84%) say that they do not know if their insurance plan covers the cost of an abortion. Just 6% say that their insurance plan does cover the cost of an abortion, and one in ten say it does not. Most women of reproductive age do not know the cost of an abortion during the first trimester in the U.S. Just 14% correctly say that the cost out-of-pocket for a first-trimester abortion is between $500 and $700, while one-third (32%) are unsure of the cost, and many both over and underestimate the cost of this procedure.

Medication Abortion

While medication abortion now accounts for more than half of all abortions in the U.S., fewer than three in ten U.S. adults (27%) say they have heard of the medication abortion pill known as mifepristone, up slightly from 2019 (21%). Women ages 18-49 (40%) are twice as likely as women ages 50 and older (19%) and men (23%) to say they have heard of the medication abortion pill.

Of those who had heard of it, 63% (17% of total) correctly say that mifepristone can be effectively used to end a pregnancy up to the first 10 weeks. Few (12%) incorrectly say it is effective at any point during pregnancy. Six in ten of those who have heard of mifepristone (59%, 16% of total) know that a prescription is required to get medication abortion pills, while four in ten either incorrectly say it is available without a prescription (13%) or that they are unsure (28%).

Small Majorities Support requiring in-person appointments for Medication Abortion Prescriptions

Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, medical providers have been expanding their use of telehealth to consult with patients on issues that do not require in-person appointments. The expansion of telehealth has given some people access to health care when they otherwise would not be able to due to barriers to access, time, and distance required to travel to providers. The FDA no longer requires mifepristone to be dispensed in-person in a clinical setting, which has enabled people in many states to obtain the medications through the mail rather than having to go to a clinic or provider to receive the medication.

However, some states have explicitly banned the use of telehealth for abortion and others have instituted policies such as ultrasound requirements that necessitate the physical presence of the prescribing clinician, despite the FDA’s finding that the use of telehealth for medication abortion is safe.⁶  Among the 27% of U.S. adults who have heard of mifepristone, six in ten (16% of all adults) say they support the policy already in effect in 19 states that requires patients to have an in-person appointment to obtain a prescription for medication abortion pills, while 40% (11% of all adults) are opposed to such a requirement.

Some Confusion remains about difference between Emergency Contraceptive Pills and Medication Abortion

Some state lawmakers have discussed the possibility of placing additional restrictions or limits on the use of emergency contraceptive pills. Most U.S. adults (92%), have heard of emergency contraceptive pills, sometimes called the morning after pill or “Plan B,” similar to the share who had heard of it in 2019 and up from 85% in 2003, shortly after it was approved by the FDA. Yet some knowledge gaps remain when it comes to how the pills work. While most are aware that emergency contraceptive pills are not the same as the abortion pill (62%), and that some types are available over-the-counter without a doctor’s prescription (72%), a substantial share (73%) incorrectly think that emergency contraceptive pills can end a pregnancy in its early stages.

This KFF Health Tracking Poll was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF). The survey was conducted May 10-19, 2022, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 1,537 U.S. adults. Interviews were conducted in English and in Spanish (n=95). The sample includes 1,285 adults reached through the SSRS Opinion Panel either online (n=1,246) or over the phone (n=39), with an oversample of women aged 18 to 49 (n=615). The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to four reminder emails.

Another 252 interviews were conducted from a random digit dial telephone sample of prepaid cell phone numbers obtained through MSG. Phone numbers used for the prepaid cell phone component were randomly generated from a cell phone sampling frame with disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity groups within each frame.

The combined cell phone and panel samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. adult population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS). Weighting parameters included sex, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, and education. The sample was also weighted to match patterns of civic engagement from the September 2017 Volunteering and Civic Life Supplement data from the CPS. The sample was also weighted to match frequency of internet use from the National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) for Pew Research Center.  The weights take into account differences in the probability of selection for each sample type (prepaid cell phone and panel). This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the cell phone sample, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. Kaiser Family Foundation public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

1. States that have enacted trigger bans or have a pre-Roe ban include: AL, AZ, AR, ID, KY, LA, MS, MO, ND, OK, SD, TN, TX, UT, WV, WI, WY. While Michigan has a pre-Roe abortion ban on its books, a Michigan judge recently blocked this law while litigation challenging the law as violating the Michigan State Constitution proceeds. ↩︎
2. Data and research often assume cisgender identities and may not systematically account for people who are transgender and non-binary. This survey aims to be as inclusive as possible, allowing non-binary and transgender individuals to answer questions that best reflect their identity. ↩︎
3. The Wesleyan Media Project finds that after the leak of the Supreme Court draft opinion, the number of U.S. House, Senate and gubernatorial ads mentioning abortion increased substantially, with 22% of pro-Democratic House ads and 24.5% of pro-Republican House ads mentioning abortion in the week following the opinion leak, up from 6.2% and 13.5% the week prior to the leak respectively. ↩︎
4. States that have enacted trigger bans or have a pre-Roe ban include: AL, AZ, AR, ID, KY, LA, MS, MO, ND, OK, SD, TN, TX, UT, WV, WI, WY. While Michigan has a pre-Roe abortion ban on its books, a Michigan judge recently blocked this law while litigation challenging the law as violating the Michigan State Constitution proceeds. ↩︎
5. States that have enacted protections for the right to an abortion: CA, CO, CT, DE, HI, IL, ME, MD, MA, NV, NJ, NY, OR, RI, VT, WA, DC. ↩︎
6. Laws in AZ, AR, MO, LA, TX, and WV specifically ban telehealth for abortion consultations. ND, SD, NE, KS, OK, MS, AL, TN, KY, IN, NC, and SC “have enacted laws that require the clinician providing a medication abortion to be physically present during the procedure, effectively prohibiting the use of telehealth to dispense medication for abortion remotely.” All other states allow telehealth to be used for dispensing medication abortion in line with FDA regulations. See more from a KFF fact sheet on medication abortion here. ↩︎