News Release

Democratic Women are More Motivated to Vote in States with Potential Abortion Ballot Initiatives than in Other States

Two Battleground State Polls: In Arizona, Two Thirds of Women Voters Favor Ballot Initiative to Protect Abortion Access; in Michigan, Women Voters Largely Say the Issue Was Settled By 2022 Initiative

Published: Jun 20, 2024

A new KFF poll of women voters reveals that the issue of abortion is boosting Democratic women’s eagerness to vote most in states with potential abortion-related ballot initiatives.

As of mid-June, there are 10 states where voters may be deciding on abortion access in November, including 4 states where abortion is already set to appear on the ballot. In these states, more than half (53%) of Democratic women voters say that they are more motivated to vote this year than in past elections, while in other states, more than half say they are just as motivated as in past elections or less motivated to vote this year (57%). 

In states with potential ballot initiatives, Republican and Democratic women voters are about equally likely to say they are certain to vote (82% and 83%, respectively). In all other states, however, Republican women voters are more likely than Democratic women voters to say that they’ll definitely vote in November (80% vs. 72%).

The greater motivation to vote among Democratic women voters in states that may have ballot initiatives occurs even though they are no more satisfied with President Biden’s job performance than Democratic women voters in states without similar initiatives – a sign that the ballot issues may be driving interest.

Another sign of the ballot initiatives’ potential impact shows up in women voters’ perceptions about the election’s impact on abortion access in their state. 

In states where abortion will or may be on the ballot, two thirds (67%) of Democratic women voters say the election will have a “major impact” on access to abortion in their state, more than double the share of Republican woman voters (30%) in these states.

In addition to the national sample of women voters, KFF conducted state polls of women voters in Arizona and Michigan, two battleground states, that highlight the way in which abortion-related ballot initiatives may affect turnout.

In Arizona, which is likely to have a constitutional amendment protecting abortion access on November’s ballot, two thirds of women voters say they support the ballot initiative, including strong support among independent (68%) and Democratic (91%) women voters. Most Republican women (61%) say they oppose the initiative.

About six in 10 (60%) Arizona Democratic women voters say specifically that if the initiative appears on the ballot in November, they will be more motivated to vote, compared to 52% of independent women voters and 37% of Republican women voters. In addition, three-quarters (74%) of all younger women voters in Arizona (under age 30) say having the initiative on the ballot would make them more motivated to vote. 

That contrasts with Michigan, which approved a constitutional amendment to protect abortion access two years ago. Now, most Michigan women voters (60%) – including most Democratic women voters (69%) – say that the issue of whether abortion is legal in their state has already been settled. This year Michigan women are largely focused on inflation, an issue in which President Biden struggles among his Democratic base. 

Extensive results from the polls can be explored using the project’s interactive dashboard. The dashboard includes findings on the top voting issues for key groups of women voters, views on reproductive health policies, and how various issues may be playing a role in voters’ decisions to turn out or stay home on Election Day for the national, Arizona and Michigan surveys. 

Other key findings include:

  • While inflation dominates as women voters’ top issue in the presidential race – four in ten (40%) say it is the most important to determining their vote – one in ten (10%) women voters identify abortion as their most important voting issue. This group strongly supports abortion access and skews more Democratic and younger than voters overall.
  • Two-thirds (67%) of women voters identify as pro-choice, and three in four (74%) say they want abortion to be legal in at least some cases, though partisanship plays a major role in determining support for specific policies. For example, while most (57%) Republican women voters support a national ban on abortions after 15 weeks, most Democratic (89%) and independent (74%) women voters support a law guaranteeing a national right to abortion.
  • Some policies are popular among women voters across partisan groups. For instance, there is consistent majority support among Democratic, independent, and Republican women voters for laws protecting access to abortion for patients experiencing pregnancy-related emergencies, and for a federal law protecting access to abortion in cases of rape or incest in all states.
  • While most women who voted in 2020 say they are going to pick the same candidate this year, about one in six women who voted for President Biden in 2020 say they will either not vote or will vote for a different candidate this year, including 7% who say they plan to vote for former President Trump. By contrast, just 1% of women voters who voted for Trump in 2020 say they plan on voting for President Biden in 2024.
  •  A path to victory for President Biden would need to include strong majority support from Black women voters, a group that he won overwhelmingly in 2020. At this time, the national poll shows that a majority of Black women voters say they plan on voting for President Biden (70%) in November, though one in six (17%) say they may either stay home on Election Day or vote for a third-party candidate. For half of Black women (53%), the most important issue determining their vote is inflation, and many (55%) disapprove of how Biden has handled the issue as president. 

The KFF Survey of Women Voters and companion surveys in Arizona and Michigan examine the attitudes, motivations, and voting intentions of women voters to provide insights how this diverse, dynamic, and influential voting group views the upcoming elections. Additional reports examining subgroups of women voters and key issues will be released in the weeks ahead.

Designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF, the KFF Survey of Women Voters was conducted May 23 – June 5, 2024, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 3,102 U.S. women registered voters in English and Spanish. The project includes separate samples of 928 registered women voters in Arizona and 876 registered women voters in Michigan. The national sample as well as the samples in Arizona and Michigan were from L2, one of the major providers of voter list samples. The margins of sampling error including the design effect for the national sample of women voters, Arizona women voters, and Michigan women voters are plus or minus 3 percentage points, 5 percentage points, and 4 percentage points respectively. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher.

KFF Survey of Women Voters Dashboard

The KFF Survey of Women Voters and KFF Survey of Women Voters: Revisited examine differing motivations, attitudes, and experiences among women by race and ethnicity, age, and partisanship heading into the 2024 election at two points in time: before Harris was the Democratic nominee, and after Harris’s nomination.

The initial survey results presented below are from a multi-mode survey of women voters from state-level voter files, fielded May 23-Jun. 5, 2024, including 1,383 women voters nationally, 928 women voters in Arizona, and 876 Michigan women voters. The resurvey — fielded Sept. 12-Oct. 1, 2024 — includes 649 women voters across the U.S. who took part in the initial national survey, giving a unique perspective on how this election has shifted over the past three months.

Published: 10/11/2024

Key Findings

Introduction

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In the three months since the initial KFF Survey of Women Voters, several major unexpected political events have taken place, impacting voters’ motivations and voting decisions for Election Day. This includes President Biden’s announcement that he would no longer seek reelection, with Vice President Harris quickly garnering the Democratic nomination as his replacement. To better understand how this and other events have impacted campaign dynamics and how voters feel leading into the November election, KFF resurveyed women voters and finds a very different female electorate one month before Election Day.

Top Issues

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Inflation, including the rising cost of household expenses, continues to be the most important issue for women voters overall, with over a third (36%) citing it as the “most important” issue in their vote for president. This is followed by threats to democracy (24%) and immigration and border security (13%). A slightly larger share of women voters now say abortion is the most important issue to them (13%) than earlier this summer (10%), perhaps a reflection of the increased emphasis placed on reproductive rights by the Harris-Walz ticket.

With Harris as the Democratic nominee heading into the election, about one in five (18%) Democratic women voters, rising to one in four (26%) Democratic women voters of reproductive age, say abortion is the most important issue to them. Even still, inflation remains the most important issue for Democratic and Republican women voters alike, unchanged from earlier in this campaign season.

Abortion is now the single most important issue to women under age 30, with about four in ten (39%) naming it as their top issue, followed by inflation (28%). This is a dramatic shift from earlier this summer, when half (48%) of women under age 30 cited inflation, and one in five (20%) cited abortion as their top issue. About one in ten women ages 30-54 (12%) or ages 55 and older (7%) say that abortion is their top issue, unchanged from earlier this summer.

Most Important Issues for Women Voters Heading Into the 2024 Presidential Election

Mood of the Election

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In early summer 2024, the initial KFF Survey of Women Voters reported that women voters were not largely enthusiastic about the upcoming 2024 presidential election. Resurveyed three months later, women voters are not only more satisfied about their options for president, but two-thirds (64%) say they are more motivated to vote in this election compared to previous presidential elections. And while many still feel “anxious” and “frustrated,” a majority now say they are “hopeful” and half say they are “enthusiastic” – marking a massive shift in how women voters see the 2024 election.

Democratic Women Voters Report Feeling More "Hopeful," A Majority Across Party Are Still Anxious, Frustrated
Most Women Voters Are Now Satisfied With Presidential Choices for 2024 Election, Though Republican Women Voters' Satisfaction Has Not Changed Since June
Majorities of Women Voters Across Race and Age Are Now More Motivated to Vote, Including Seven in Ten Democratic Women

For many, the increase in motivation isn’t just because it is closer to Election Day; half of voters (51%) say Vice President Harris becoming the Democratic nominee for president has made them “more motivated” to vote in the upcoming election. The share of voters who say Harris’ candidacy has made them more motivated increases to nearly six in ten Black women voters and Democratic women voters. The share of women voters who say they are more motivated this election cycle because of Harris’ candidacy also includes 55% of women voters who say abortion is the most important issue in determining their vote choice.

At Least Half of Democratic Women and Women Across Race Say Harris' Candidacy Has Made Them More Motivated to Vote

When asked explicitly why they are more motivated now that President Biden has decided not to run for reelection and VP Harris is the nominee, Democratic women offer responses saying she is a better candidate or that she has a better chance of beating former President Trump, and Republican women are more motivated because they see her as a greater threat.

In Their Own Words

“Why are you now more motivated to vote in the upcoming election now that Vice President Harris is the Democratic nominee?”

Among Democratic women voters: “She seems like a competent candidate closer to my age group and will understand issues that affect my generation more than Biden.” – Hispanic Democratic woman from California, age 37“She is younger, female and a person of color. I was concerned that President Biden could not win reelection. I now think we have a chance.” – White Democratic woman from Michigan, age 50“I think she is educated I think she is on top of it smart and intelligent and knows some of the ropes. If we need a change we might as well start with her.” – Black Democratic woman from Oklahoma, age 70

Among Republican women voters: “She hasn’t done anything to help the American people in four years, why would we want her to be commander in chief!” – White Republican woman from Ohio, age 75 “So President Trump will be reelected.” – Multi-racial Republican woman from Illinois, age 43 “She hasn’t done anything to help the American people in four years, why would we want her to be commander in chief!” – White Republican woman from Ohio, age 75 “Hoping she doesn’t become the first female president.” – White Republican woman from Texas, age 38“Because Kamala Harris is a threat to our country.” – White Republican woman from Nebraska, age 77

Economy and Inflation as an Election Issue

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With inflation and the rising cost of household expenses top of mind, Vice President Harris holds the edge among women voters when it comes to handling the rising cost of household expenses, with about half (46%) trusting her over former President Trump (39%). One in six women voters say they trust “neither” candidate to address costs. Harris’ overall advantage on this issue is especially notable because back in June, voters were split evenly on which party they trusted more to deal with this issue, giving neither party the advantage.

Also in June, the Democratic Party fared better than the Republican Party among Black and Hispanic women, though to a lesser extent. At the time, four in ten Black (41%) and Hispanic (43%) women voters said they trusted neither political party to best address costs.

VP Harris Holds Edge Over Former President Trump Among Women Voters To Address Cost of Household Expenses

Harris also has a strong advantage as the candidate women voters trust to do a better job addressing health care costs, with half saying they trust her and one in three (34%) saying they trust Trump.

Among Black women, Harris holds the strongest advantage, with three in four saying they trust the VP more on this issue, while just 5% say they trust Trump more. Hispanic women trust Harris more, at a 2 to 1 ratio (55% for Harris vs. 27% for Trump). White women are split evenly between the two candidates on who they would trust to lower the cost of health care for people like them (43% trust Harris vs. 42% trust Trump). Again, partisans are most likely to trust their party’s candidate on this issue, though nearly one in five Republican women (18%) and one in ten Democratic women say they trust neither candidate.

Women Voters Trust VP Harris Over Former President Trump To Address Health Care Costs

Abortion as an Election Issue

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Women voters are more likely to say that this election will have a “major” impact on abortion access than they were June, when President Biden was still the Democratic nominee. Now, two-thirds (65%) of women voters—including large majorities across race, ethnicity, and age—think this election will have a “major” impact, up from just over half (54%) in June. . Even greater majorities of Democratic women of reproductive age now compared to June say this election will  majorly impact abortion access, though Republican women overall continue to see the stakes as relatively low.

A Majority of Women Voters Across Age, Race, and Ethnicity Say This Election Will Majorly Impact Abortion Access, Four in Ten Republican Women Voters Agree

Majorities across partisans as well as women of reproductive age say they think it is likely that former President Trump will sign a federal law banning abortions after 15 weeks in the U.S., if such a law is passed by Congress. Trump has repeatedly said that he will not sign a federal abortion ban. A federal ban on abortion is unpopular among women voters, with two-thirds overall saying they would oppose a nationwide ban on abortion at 15 weeks of pregnancy.

In contrast, most women across party lines, including about nine in ten (94%) Democratic women and three in four Republican women, say VP Harris is likely to sign a law restoring Roe v. Wade, protecting nationwide access to abortion, if she is elected and if such a law is passed by Congress. Seven in ten women voters support a nationwide right to abortion, including majorities of Democratic and independent women voters.

Notably, these women voters were less certain of President Biden’s intentions for abortion policy in his second term when he was the Democratic nominee; in June, about seven in ten (72%) women voters said it was likely Biden would sign a law guaranteeing a federal right to abortion until fetal viability, including about one-third (36%) who said this was “very likely.” At the time, Republican women were more likely to say this was “very likely” than Democratic women (46% vs. 32%), suggesting that the messaging from the Harris campaign has been clearer to Democratic voters.

Most Women Voters Think Harris Would Sign a Law Protecting Nationwide Abortion Access, if Congress Passed Such a Law
Most Women Think Trump Would Sign a Federal Law Banning Abortion if Congress Passed Such a Law

Nearly twice the share of women voters say they trust Vice President Harris to do a better job than former President Trump deciding policy related to abortion access in the U.S. (58% v. 29%), birth control access (60% vs. 25%) and IVF (55% vs. 29%).

Harris fares better on each of these issues than Biden did in June among women voters overall. While President Biden had the edge over Trump on each of these issues, a substantial share of women voters said they trusted “neither” candidate.

Nine in Ten Democratic Women Voters Trust Harris Over Trump on Reproductive Health Access; A Smaller Majority of Republicans Trust Trump

Topline, Methodology, and Report

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Download: Topline & MethodologyReport: Women Voters Revisited: Inflation, Abortion, and Increased Motivation in the 2024 Election Countdown

The International Health Regulations and the U.S.: Implications of an Amended Agreement

Published: Jun 18, 2024

This brief was updated on June 18 to reflect developments at the 2024 World Health Assembly.

In 2022, due to challenges and gaps exposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, member states of the World Health Organization (WHO) agreed to a process to review and potentially revise an existing international legal agreement known as the International Health Regulations (IHR). This agreement outlines rights and responsibilities of WHO and governments, including the U.S., in handling international public health events and global health emergencies such as pandemics. The IHR are separate from, though somewhat overlapping with, the potential “pandemic agreement” that has also been negotiated in parallel by WHO member states. The IHR negotiation process reached its conclusion at this year’s World Health Assembly (WHA) meeting, with member states formally approving a number of revisions to the IHR on June 1, 2024 (at the same time, member states did not reach consensus on a pandemic agreement text and those negotiations will continue into 2025).

The U.S. government, already a party to the IHR, was actively engaged in the negotiations since they began, with Biden Administration officials highlighting a number of U.S. priorities, many of which are in the final revised document. At the same time, Republican lawmakers have criticized the IHR, calling for comprehensive WHO reform before having the U.S. support any IHR amendments. More generally, the outcome of U.S. elections in November stands to significantly affect U.S. engagement with the WHO; if President Trump is elected, he is expected to initiate a process to end U.S. membership in the WHO, as he did when he was President, and as recommended by Project 2025, widely seen as a blueprint for another Trump administration.

Here we review what the IHR agreement is, the revisions that have been approved, and the role of and implications for the United States.

What are the International Health Regulations (IHR)?

The IHR are an international legal agreement adopted by all 194 member states1  of the WHO, authorized under Article 21 of the WHO Constitution, which allows the adoption of regulations concerning “sanitary and quarantine requirements and other procedures designed to prevent the international spread of disease.”  The agreement at WHO dates back to 1951 (when they were called the International Sanitary Regulations) and has been revised multiple times since then, including adoption of the IHR name as part of the revision in 1969. Before this year, the most recent version was approved in 2005, in the wake of the original SARS epidemic.

The agreement is legally binding for member states of the WHO, meaning parties have agreed to be subject to the implementation and other requirements in the IHR text (see below for further information on these requirements). However, there is no mechanism to ensure or enforce compliance by member states and WHO does not have a role in, or any means to, enforce their implementation in countries.

What are some key elements of the IHR?

The IHR set out definitions, principles, rules, and obligations for countries and the WHO in preparing for and responding to international public health emergencies. For example, through the IHR member states have agreed to:

  • report all potential international health threats (according to an agreed-upon rubric in Annex 2 of the IHR) to WHO within 24 hours of their detection whether they occur naturally, accidentally, or intentionally,
  • develop national “core capacities” to detect and respond to health threats, including in the areas of laboratories, surveillance, human resources, and national policy and legislation,
  • designate a National IHR Focal Point available for 24/7 communications with WHO, and
  • collaborate with and assist each other in meeting core capacity and other obligations, including through technical and financial assistance (especially in support of developing countries).

WHO roles and responsibilities under the IHR include:

  • collecting and assessing information about potential public health emergencies of international concern (PHEICs) from member states and other sources,
  • coordinating with and assisting, when applicable, member states to investigate and respond to potential PHEICs,
  • following a process to officially declare a PHEIC, including having an Emergency Committee of external experts provide input and recommendations to the WHO Director-General,
  • developing and regularly reviewing recommended health measures for countries to implement during PHEICs with input from an Emergency Committee, and
  • providing guidance and assistance to countries affected or threatened by a PHEIC as requested.

What have been U.S. obligations under the prior version of the IHR?

The U.S. has been a supporter of and state party to the IHR since their inception. In 1996, President Clinton issued a Presidential Decision Directive calling for the U.S. to support the process to amend the IHR. In 2005, countries agreed to a number of revisions, and that version of the IHR went into effect for the U.S. in July 2007. The IHR (2005) was adopted as a sole executive agreement (which means it did not require review and consent from the Senate). At the time, the Bush administration did submit a formal reservation and three understandings to the agreement, citing concerns for implementation in the U.S. related to federalism and national security, among others.

As a state party to the IHR, the U.S. has already been obligated to meet certain requirements. One is to designate a National IHR Focal Point to serve as the main point of contact for communications with WHO. The U.S. National IHR Focal Point includes the HHS Secretary’s Operation Center (SOC), Office of Global Affairs (OGA), and Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response (ASPR). The OGA is responsible for event assessments, managing IHR National Focal Point policies and procedures, and IHR monitoring and evaluation, the SOC monitors IHR communications 24/7, and the ASPR is the authorizing official for formal communications and notifications to the WHO.

In addition, the U.S. is obligated to develop and maintain capacities related to detecting and responding to public health emergencies. These capacities include surveillance, laboratory systems, human resources, financing, among others. Each year, state parties, including the U.S., are expected to submit a self-assessment report (known as the IHR States Parties Self-Assessment Report, or SPAR) on their progress in reaching and maintaining these capacities. While SPAR is the only mandatory reporting requirement, there are numerous other resources available to state parties to assess their implementation of the IHR, including the Joint External Evaluation (JEE). The JEE involves a joint evaluation of public health emergency response capabilities between the state party’s own experts and an external team. Though voluntary, the U.S. completed a JEE in 2016, and is planning to conduct a new JEE by the end of 2024. The U.S. has also supported other state parties in developing national plans for health security following a JEE.

What changes are included in the newly revised IHR?

Following the COVID-19 pandemic, WHO member states and other key global health stakeholders acknowledged gaps and areas that could be improved in the existing IHR, and recommended strengthening the agreement to improve global health emergency preparedness and response for future outbreaks and pandemics.

Potential revisions to the agreement have been negotiated by member states via the member state-led Working Group on the International Health Regulations (WGIHR), which has convened eight formal sessions since November 2022. The most recent session occurred from April 22 to April 26; a draft of the proposed text changes was provided to member states by WGIHR on April 17, 2024, and final wording changes continued to be negotiated over the next six weeks. Member states were able to reach consensus on the proposed text, and on June 1, 2024, formally approved revisions to the agreement.

Some of the key revisions and additions in the updated IHR (2024) agreement are presented in Table 1.

Key Revisions to the International Health Regulations (IHR), by Category

The IHR and pandemic agreement negotiation processes have happened in parallel, both with facilitation from the WHO. Both instruments are focused on the same basic issues: improving global capacity and coordination to address the threat of health emergencies such as outbreaks and pandemics. They have similar statements of purpose: the IHR’s purpose as stated in the current (2005) version is to “to prevent, protect against, control and provide a public health response to the international spread of disease” (Article 2), while the language in the latest draft (from April 22) of the pandemic agreement defines its purpose as “to prevent, prepare for and respond to pandemics” (Article 2). Among other areas of overlap, both instruments discuss obligations for member states to commit to capacity-building and mobilizing financing, particularly for developing countries.

However, there are also differences. Elements unique to the IHR that the pandemic agreement does not address include:

  • responsibilities and guidance for member states for reporting potential PHEICs, and the rules by which health emergencies are declared by WHO,
  • rules on points of communication between states and WHO, and
  • rules regarding points of entry and conveyances in the context of health emergencies.
  • Elements unique to the draft pandemic agreement that the IHR do not address include:
  • a proposed pathogen and benefits sharing (PABS) system,
  • the establishment of a “coordinating” financial mechanism for pandemic prevention and response, and
  • explicit inclusion of a “One Health” approach to pandemics (that addresses human, animal, and ecosystem considerations).

Further, the legal status of the two instruments could differ. While the IHR are considered a “regulation” that is authorized under Article 21 the WHO Constitution, the pandemic agreement is being positioned legally as a “treaty” authorized under Article 19. Approval of the pandemic agreement as a “treaty,” according to its advocates, would allow for it to be more ambitious and have a broader scope compared to the IHR, and potentially greater influence on the actions of member states.

How has the U.S. government been involved in IHR negotiations?

The U.S., under the Biden administration, was actively engaged in the process to amend the IHR. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) Office of Global Affairs (OGA) led the U.S. delegation in the negotiations. Additionally, the U.S. served as one of the vice-chairs for the WGIHR meetings. At the start of the negotiation process, the U.S. submitted a number of proposed amendments along with many other countries, and has identified the top U.S. priorities:

  • “clarify early-warning triggers” for health emergencies, including allowing for a tiered warning system instead of a simple binary PHEIC or no PHEIC decision,”
  • “ensure rapid information sharing,”
  • “improve WHO’s ability to use publicly available information to assess global health threats,” and
  • “create a mechanism to improve implementation and compliance with the IHR.”

These priorities are reflected in the revisions in the revised IHR. For example, the Director-General of WHO can now declare a “pandemic emergency”, which is considered to be a higher level of emergency compared to other PHEICs. The revisions also include a section creating a new States Parties Committee and have a new requirement that member states designate a National IHR Authority to help support implementation.

How might U.S. obligations change and what concerns have been raised?

Under the revisions in the revised IHR, there would be little expected change in terms of U.S. obligations, save for designating a National IHR Authority (likely to be at HHS where the current National IHR Focal Point is located) and providing the required implementation updates to WHO. In the event of a future PHEIC, U.S. obligations under the revised IHR would include supporting international efforts by providing information regarding U.S.-based health products and R&D, engaging with “relevant stakeholders” to contribute towards equitable global access to health products, and voluntarily assisting in the mobilization of financial resources for responses to health emergencies in developing countries.

Some U.S. policymakers, and conservative policy initiatives such as Project 2025 initiative, raised concerns about the IHR negotiations and what a new agreement could mean for the U.S. Below are the main issues that have been raised, and available evidence regarding these concerns:

  • Concerns about how the IHR might impact U.S. sovereignty.  Concerns have been raised about how the revisions to the IHR might impact U.S. sovereignty, such as requiring the U.S. to take certain actions during public health emergencies and that WHO or other multilateral organizations would have greater authority to ensure implementation of the IHR. The U.S. delegation to the WGIHR stated that they would not accept an agreement that in any way undermined U.S. sovereignty. Additionally, the WHO does not have authority or enforcement mechanisms to dictate countries’ domestic policies. Further, in the draft text, the States Parties Committee serves in a “non-punitive” manner and provide recommendations for country compliance, rather than serve as an enforcement mechanism. Lastly, one of the principles of the IHR acknowledges countries’ “sovereign right to legislate and to implement legislation in pursuance of their health policies.” This principle has not been changed in the draft revision.
  • Concerns around the requirements to share health data and the potential impact on individuals’ privacy. Some raised concerns that a revised IHR could require additional health data sharing and negatively impact individuals’ privacy. The 2005 version of the IHR provides safeguards for the processing of individuals’ personal data, including keeping data confidential and anonymous, and requiring states to only keep individuals’ personal data for as long as necessary. Additionally, travelers must explicitly consent to providing their individual health data if required by another state party for entry. These requirements are not changed in the updated IHR.
  • Concerns about transparency of the WGIHR process and worry that parties were not provided enough information about IHR amendments before governments voted on the revised version at the WHA. Concerns were raised that the WGIHR had not been transparent enough throughout the negotiating process, and that parties outside the negotiating rooms had not been able to see the package of amendments to be voted on with enough advance notice. While some WGIHR sessions were webcast and meeting materials made public, much of the negotiations did indeed take place in closed-door sessions among member states, and negotiating texts were released to the public infrequently, which made it a challenge for outside parties to track developments closely. Another concern raised is that according to the current IHR, member states were to have at least four months advance notice prior to voting on proposed amendments to the agreement. This requirement was met, however, because a full list of proposed amendments from member states was made available in 2022 and proposed revisions draw from this list; WGIHR negotiations focused on narrowing the set of amendments to be considered, and clarifying the exact language for inclusion in the revised agreement.

In addition to specific concerns raised about the IHR and the new revisions, some policymakers and stakeholders have called for broader reforms to the WHO following the COVID-19 pandemic. These calls for reform cite concerns related to WHO’s transparency and effectiveness, including WHO’s ability to promptly respond to conduct investigations and promptly respond to potential public health emergencies. Some policymakers have stated that the U.S. should focus on efforts to reform the WHO before adopting additional international agreements.

The outcome of the upcoming Presidential election will have significant implications for U.S. involvement with the WHO. If President Trump is re-elected, he may seek to initiate U.S. withdrawal from the WHO as he did in his last presidential term. If the U.S. were to withdraw from the WHO, this would have implications for the U.S.’s role in the governance of the WHO, as the U.S. currently serves as a member of the Executive Board. Additionally, a withdrawal may impact U.S. participation in the IHR.

What are the next steps for the IHR?

With countries approving a final set of IHR revisions on June 1, 2024, the updated text has now been formally adopted by WHO member states. The revisions do not take effect immediately, however, but will instead take effect according to an agreed upon timetable (expected to be two years after their recent approval).

The revision does not require further Congressional approval or ratification in the U.S. The U.S. can lodge reservations to the IHR revision (all member states have 18 months from time of approval to register reservations). The U.S. has frequently lodged reservations with international agreements and did so with the previous 2005 revision of the IHR.

  1. The WHO has 194 member states, which includes all UN member states except Liechtenstein, as well as the Cook Islands and Niue. The IHR has 196 “states parties” which include the 194 WHO member states plus “observers” Liechtenstein and the Holy See. In the brief we use the terms “member states” and “parties” interchangeably to refer to the 196 governments for which IHR obligations apply. However, as observers Liechtenstein and the Holy See do not have voting power at WHO. ↩︎

Five Things to Know About Medicare Site-Neutral Payment Reforms

Published: Jun 14, 2024

Amid rising concerns about health care spending and voters’ worries about health care affordability, there is growing, bipartisan interest in proposals to align Medicare payments for outpatient services across care settings, otherwise known as “site neutral” payments. The goal of this approach would be for Medicare to pay the same rate for the same service, whether it is provided in a hospital outpatient department (HOPD), ambulatory surgical center (ASC), or freestanding physician office, subject to patient safety and quality safeguards. Private payers could also achieve savings if they adopt similar payment policies. Policymakers have been focusing recently on site-neutral payment reform in response to concerns about health care costs and the rapid pace of consolidation, given that the differences in payment across settings for the same service create a financial incentive for hospitals to acquire physician practices.

Site-neutral payment reforms would lower costs by reducing the amount Medicare pays for certain services when conducted in more expensive settings and could also lower costs by reducing incentives for hospitals to buy up physician practices, a pattern which has also been associated with higher commercial prices. Through legislation and rulemaking, Medicare has moved incrementally forward by aligning payments for clinic visits provided at off-campus HOPDs and for all other services provided at off-campus HOPDs that started billing on or after November 2, 2015, with some exceptions. Some policymakers are pressing to broaden the reach of site-neutral payment reforms to include additional settings, such as on-campus HOPDs and off-campus HOPDS that were grandfathered and exempted from certain site-neutral payments under current law. In December 2023, for example, the House of Representatives passed the Lower Costs, More Transparency Act on a bipartisan basis, which would align Medicare payments for drug administration services in off-campus HOPDs, including those exempt under prior reforms.

Opponents, principally in the hospital industry, argue that site-neutral payment reforms would adversely affect patients’ access to services by reducing hospital revenues, raising particular concerns about access for rural and low-income populations. They also suggest that the higher payments for services in hospital outpatient settings are justified by the level of care patients need, the higher costs of providing care in hospitals (e.g., due to regulatory requirements), and the costs of maintaining emergency care and standby capacity.

This issue brief describes five things to know about Medicare site-neutral payment reforms for outpatient services. It does not discuss a related set of proposals to regulate outpatient facility fees charged by hospitals and other institutional providers in commercial markets, such as a bill introduced in the Senate. Those options are intended to achieve similar policy goals but are more complicated, in part, because prices in commercial markets are determined through negotiations between payers and providers rather than being set by the government.

1. Medicare often pays more for the same service when provided in a hospital outpatient department versus other settings

Traditional Medicare generally pays more for outpatient services when provided in HOPDs than in ASCs or freestanding physician offices—which is usually the least-expensive setting. For example, one report estimated that payments for initial preventive exams were 51 percent higher in 2023 when provided in an HOPD than in a freestanding physician office, based on national payment amounts. Another estimated that average reimbursement for drug administration services was 129 to 211 percent higher in HOPDs than in freestanding physician offices in 2021. (Both sets of number exclude HOPDs that are subject to existing site-neutral reforms).

Medicare generally pays the same amount for services provided by HOPDs whether the HOPD is on the main campus of the hospital—i.e., “on-campus”—or off-campus. Off-campus HOPDs often resemble physician offices and may have previously been freestanding physician offices that were acquired by a hospital.

Traditional Medicare Payment System for Outpatient Services by Care Setting*

Hospital outpatient department (HOPD). Under the standard reimbursement approach, Medicare makes one payment to the hospital under the outpatient prospective payment system (OPPS)—sometimes referred to as a “facility fee”—and a separate payment to clinicians using the physician fee schedule (PFS) rate for facility settings. Some hospitals are excluded from the OPPS, such as critical access hospitals (CAHs), which receive cost-based reimbursement.

Ambulatory surgical center (ASC). Medicare generally uses a similar approach to reimburse services provided in ambulatory surgical centers (ASC) as it does for services provided in HOPDs but with a facility fee that is lower than the OPPS rate.

Freestanding physician office. Medicare makes a single payment to the clinician using the physician fee schedule (PFS) rate for nonfacility settings.

*Traditional Medicare uses the same payment system across settings for outpatient therapy services, mammography tests, dialysis services, and clinical lab tests. Provider reimbursement under Medicare Advantage is negotiated between plans and providers, is not public, and may or may not differ from traditional Medicare rates.

Differences in Medicare payments across settings result in higher costs for Medicare and its beneficiaries. Differences in Medicare payments mean that, by definition, program spending is higher than it would have been if the program reimbursed for services based on the least-expensive setting. Higher Medicare spending leads to higher Part B deductibles and cost-sharing amounts in traditional Medicare. For example, MedPAC estimated that aligning Medicare payment rates for a set of outpatient service categories (described below) would have reduced total traditional Medicare Part B spending by $6.0 billion in 2021 and beneficiary cost sharing by $1.5 billion. Higher Part B spending would also contribute to higher premiums for beneficiaries, because Medicare premiums are based on total Part B spending.

Savings for beneficiaries attributable to site-neutral payment reforms would vary, in part, depending on the amount of outpatient services they use and where they receive their care. For instance, one recent study estimated that aligning reimbursement for drug administration services between off-campus HOPDs and freestanding physician services would have reduced cost sharing for traditional Medicare beneficiaries by about $1 on average in 2021 but $1,055 among beneficiaries with the greatest use of chemotherapy who receive care at off-campus HOPDs that are not subject to existing site-neutral reforms (in addition to reducing the standard Part B premium by about $1).

As with Medicare, prices paid by private plans for outpatient services can also vary across care settings. Research from the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association found that average prices paid for a large commercial population were 31% higher for clinic visits in 2022 when provided in an HOPD versus a freestanding physician office, 238% higher for chest x-rays, and 563% higher for prostate biopsies, among other differences. These differences could in part reflect Medicare’s reimbursement system to the extent that commercial payers are benchmarking to Medicare rates.

Higher commercial prices attributable to differences in payments by site of care lead to higher costs for employers, higher premiums and cost sharing for workers and other health plan enrollees, and potentially higher spending or lower revenues for the federal government. A CBO report discussing policies to reduce commercial prices stated that they would “would mainly affect the budget by lowering federal subsidies for health insurance.”

Higher Medicare payments for services provided in HOPDs than in freestanding physician offices create a financial incentive for hospitals to acquire physician practices, which could lead to higher costs. Both the CBO and MedPAC have observed that Medicare’s reimbursement system creates an incentive for hospitals to acquire physician practices. Doing so allows providers to bill Medicare at the higher rates for the same services when provided in an HOPD, leading to higher costs. Some studies provide evidence that differences in payments across settings have led to increases in consolidation of physician practices with hospitals and that consolidation has led to higher spending in Medicare and commercial markets, with unclear effects on quality.

2. While Congress enacted legislation in 2015 to align Medicare payments across settings in certain circumstances, there is interest in adopting additional site-neutral payment reforms

Proponents say that site-neutral payment reforms would reduce Medicare program and beneficiary spending, lead to spillover effects that reduce spending in commercial markets, and further decrease commercial prices by slowing the pace of consolidation. Through legislation and rulemaking, Medicare has aligned payments for clinic visits at off-campus HOPDs as well as for all other services at off-campus HOPDs that started billing on or after November 2, 2015, with some exceptions. More recently, policymakers have expressed some interest in applying these reforms to additional services and settings, based on Congressional hearings and legislation that passed the House of Representatives in 2023.

The Bipartisan Budget Act (BBA) of 2015 introduced site-neutral payment reforms for services provided at relatively new off-campus HOPDs. Under this change, Medicare began to pay for services in some HOPDs at a lower amount more closely aligned with what would be paid in a freestanding physician office. The BBA provisions applied to off-campus HOPDs that started to bill Medicare under the OPPS on or after the date that the law was enacted (November 2, 2015), while grandfathering off-campus HOPDs that existed and billed earlier. The BBA of 2015 and subsequent legislation (the 21st Century Cures Act of 2016) created additional exemptions for off-campus HOPDs, including for those that are dedicated emergency departments, are related to a dedicated cancer hospital, or were under construction when the BBA was enacted. Under current law, exempt off-campus HOPDs are permitted to bill under the OPPS for new services provided, for example, as a result of incorporating additional physician practices.

In 2015, the CBO estimated that the BBA site-neutral payment reforms would save about $9 billion over ten years. CMS implemented this reform by reducing facility fees for affected services to 50% of OPPS rates beginning in 2017 and to 40% beginning in 2018, with the intent of aligning payment in these settings with freestanding physician offices.

In practice, this reform has been relatively modest in scope. According to MedPAC, services provided in non-exempt off-campus HOPDs and paid at lower amounts account for less than one percent of all OPPS spending.

In 2019, CMS extended Medicare’s site-neutral payments to cover clinic visits at all off-campus HOPDs that submit claims to Medicare under the OPPS. This includes all off-campus HOPDs that were exempt under the BBA of 2015. CMS reduced the facility component of reimbursement for clinic visits to 40% of OPPS rates, which it intended to phase in over 2019 and 2020. Implementation was temporarily interrupted when the American Hospital Association (AHA) and others filed a lawsuit against the Department of Health and Human Services, arguing that CMS had exceeded its authority. However, a federal appeals court rejected the industry’s claim in 2020 and the Supreme Court declined to consider an appeal in 2021, which allowed CMS to fully implement the rule. In 2022, CMS announced that rural sole community hospitals would be exempted from this site-neutral payment reform beginning in 2023.

Two-thirds of HOPD clinic visits are provided in on-campus HOPDs and so are not subject to the lower rates.

Given the limited reach of current site-neutral payment policies, MedPAC and others have recommended that Congress implement additional site-neutral reforms for outpatient services. MedPAC’s recommendation is that Congress “more closely align payment rates across ambulatory settings for selected services that are safe and appropriate to provide in all settings and when doing so does not pose a risk to access,” with CMS choosing the services. MedPAC presented one approach that would align HOPD and ASC payment rates with freestanding physician offices for 57 service categories that are most commonly provided in that setting, which the Commission views as an indication that they can be safely provided there. This includes services such as clinic visits, drug administration, and certain imaging services. MedPAC’s approach would also align HOPD payment rates with ASCs for 9 service categories that are most commonly provided in that setting, such as certain types of colonoscopies. The approach would increase aligned payments when related to emergency visits or trauma care. Site-neutral payment reforms have also been endorsed by groups from across the political spectrum— including Families USA, Americans for Prosperity, the Bipartisan Policy Center, and former Secretaries of Health and Human Services (HHS) Kathleen Sebelius and Alex Azar—as well as by the Government Accountability Office and the HHS Office of Inspector General.

In December of 2023, the House of Representatives passed legislation to apply Medicare site-neutral payments to drugs administered in an outpatient setting. The House of Representatives passed the Lower Costs, More Transparency Act (320-71) in December 2023, which would align Medicare payments for drug administration services—such as for chemotherapy—in off-campus HOPDs with rates for freestanding physician offices. Policymakers have considered a variety of other proposals, including proposals to apply site-neutral reforms to cancer diagnosis and treatment services at off-campus HOPDs, all services provided at off-campus HOPDs, or services provided at all HOPDs (off-campus and on-campus) and ASCs when they are most commonly provided in less expensive settings, such as freestanding physician offices (in line with the MedPAC approach). Former President Trump’s 2021 budget proposal included relatively broad site-neutral payment reforms (as described below). President Biden did not include similar proposals in the Administration’s budgets for 2022 through 2025.

Despite bipartisan interest, and a House-passed bill, site-neutral payment reforms were considered but ultimately excluded from a government spending package that was enacted in March 2024. Proponents are pushing for these reforms to be included in a year-end spending package.

3. Site-neutral payment proposals vary in scope, with CBO estimates of savings ranging from less than $5 billion to more than $100 billion over ten years

Estimated savings from proposed site-neutral payment reforms vary widely (see Figure 1). For example, CBO estimated that the provision in the Lower Costs, More Transparency Act that would align payments for drug administration services in off-campus HOPDs would save $4 billion over ten years. In contrast, in their evaluation of former President Trump’s 2021 budget proposal, CBO estimated that a proposal to extend reforms to all services in off-campus HOPDs would have saved $39 billion over ten years. The Trump budget proposal to align payments for on-campus HOPDs for services commonly provided in non-hospital settings would have saved $102 billion over ten years. Differences in savings to the government would also correspond to varying savings for beneficiaries.

Congressional Budget Office (CBO) Estimates of Site-Neutral Payment Reforms Have Ranged From Less Than $5 Billion to More Than $100 Billion Over Ten Years

Large differences in expected savings reflect the varying scope of site-neutral payment reforms:

  • Which sites of care are covered? Proposals vary based on whether they would apply to off-campus HOPDs alone or all HOPDs. Site-neutral payment reforms for a given set of services could lead to substantially larger savings if they were also applied to on-campus HOPDs. One study estimated that on-campus HOPDs accounted for 87 percent of Medicare’s spending on hospital outpatient services in 2022 and, as noted above, on-campus HOPDs account for two-thirds of clinic visits provided at HOPDs. Another study estimated that aligning payments for the services identified by MedPAC would save Medicare $18 billion over ten years if applied to off-campus HOPDs alone but $127 billion over ten years if on-campus HOPDs were also included.Nonetheless, most reforms have focused on off-campus HOPDs, which may be less controversial given that off-campus HOPDs often resemble physician offices (and may have been freestanding physician offices that were acquired by a hospital). While several options would align rates in HOPDs with freestanding physician offices, some would align rates in HOPDs with ASCs and in ASCs with freestanding physician offices for certain services, resulting in additional savings.
  • What services would be covered? Proposals vary in the services that would be covered, which in turn affects the estimated savings. For example, proposals relating to off-campus HOPDs vary in whether they would align payment for cancer diagnosis and treatment, drug administration (estimated by one group to save Medicare $5 billion over ten years), services most commonly provided in less expensive settings as identified by MedPAC (estimated to save $18 billion over ten years), or all services (estimated to save $28 billion over ten years). Recent proposals relating to on-campus HOPDs have focused on services commonly provided outside of hospitals. Proposals also vary in terms of whether they would carve out or augment payments for services related to emergency care or that are provided in dedicated emergency departments.
  • Which providers would be given special consideration or exempted? Proposals vary in whether they include provisions to limit or offset the impact on certain providers, such as by excluding rural hospitals, capping losses for hospitals that care for a relatively large number of low-income patients, or targeting new resources to safety-net or rural hospitals.
  • Are proposals designed to be budget neutral? Site-neutral payment reforms are often designed to reduce government spending but could be pursued in a budget neutral manner. For example, MedPAC noted that its recommendation to Congress would not have an immediate effect on total OPPS spending due to budget neutrality requirements under current law, which would result in offsetting increases in reimbursement for hospital outpatient services that are not affected by site-neutral reforms. However, policies that are implemented in a budget neutral fashion may nonetheless lower Medicare spending over time by reducing the incentive for hospitals to acquire physician practices.
  • Timing. Proposals vary in how quickly they would be implemented and whether they would be phased in over time.

Some site-neutral reform proposals would require that off-campus HOPDs provide a separate, unique identifier from the main campus when submitting claims, which is expected to produce modest savings. This provision would make it easier for private insurers to identify and prohibit facility fees and could improve the accuracy of Medicare payments to off-campus HOPDs. CBO estimated that one version of this proposal would reduce federal spending by about $2 billion over ten years, primarily through its effect on commercial markets.

4. Opponents say site-neutral reforms would adversely affect patient care

Critics of site-neutral payment reforms, primarily hospital industry representatives, have voiced concern about the likely impact on hospital revenues and patient care. Opponents warn that decreases in Medicare reimbursement attributable to site-neutral reforms could lead some hospitals to scale back or eliminate services that they offer in HOPDs or other departments. Just as reforms could lead to savings for the government and patients, they could also lead to decreases in revenues for hospitals. For example, MedPAC estimated that its approach—i.e., aligning payments for services provided in on- and off-campus HOPDs and ASCs that are mostly commonly provided in less-expensive settings—would reduce Medicare revenues among OPPS hospitals by about 3.8% if implemented without budget neutrality requirements. Critics say that the revenue losses would be especially challenging for hospitals in light of financial challenges facing the sector, including higher costs due to labor shortages. Hospital employment now exceeds pre-pandemic levels, and industry reports indicate that finances have been improving, though some hospitals continue to struggle.

Revenue losses would be larger for some hospitals than for others. For example, MedPAC estimated that its approach would lead to relatively large decreases in Medicare revenues for smaller and rural hospitals. Other research has found that off-campus HOPDs—the focus of some reforms—account for a smaller share of total hospital or facility outpatient revenues in rural versus urban areas. Relatedly, according to research supported by the AHA, Medicare beneficiaries treated in HOPDs are more likely than those treated in physician offices to be dual-eligible individuals.

The potential impact of site-neutral payment reforms on rural hospitals has been a sticking point for some Members of Congress amid broader concerns about the financial stability of these facilities. As described below, some have proposed options that are intended to soften the impact on hospital finances and mitigate access concerns. Previous site-neutral payment reforms and many proposals to expand upon these reforms do not apply to Critical Access Hospitals (CAHs)—which are typically in rural areas—because these facilities are reimbursed by Medicare under a separate payment system.

Critics of site-neutral payment reforms say that higher payment rates for outpatient hospital services are justified by higher overhead costs (including those due to stricter regulatory requirements for hospitals) and higher costs associated with maintaining certain essential services, including 24/7 emergency care and standby capacity for public health crises and other emergencies. Proponents counter that rates should not be based on hospital costs but on the costs of providing the service in the least-expensive setting that is safe and appropriate. Some have proposed to refine payments to provide a mechanism to pay for emergency care and standby services, rather than building in the cost of these services through higher reimbursement for outpatient services more generally.

Opponents of site-neutral payment reforms have also suggested that reimbursement should be higher for HOPDs because they care for patients with more complex care needs who are more costly to treat. For example, research supported by the AHA found that Medicare beneficiaries treated in HOPDs are more likely than those treated in physician offices to have a major complication and comorbidity or have had a recent emergency department visit or hospital stay. However, another analysis found that differences in patient severity across HOPDs and physician offices are small. MedPAC has also noted that the services they have focused on typically have low complexity—and may not necessarily cost more to provide for sicker patients—and that hospitals can often bill for additional services under the OPPS if patients need them.

In addition, physician groups and others suggest that Medicare reimbursement rates under the physician fee schedule—i.e., the basis for aligned payment rates—are inadequate. The preponderance of research finds that Medicare beneficiaries do not have problems accessing clinicians, although the AHA argues that hospital acquisitions of physician practices have helped preserve access. Some have raised the option of using savings from site-neutral reforms to increase payment rates for physicians, which could help to mitigate these concerns.

5. Site-neutral payment reforms could be designed to limit or offset the impact on certain providers, such as rural or safety-net hospitals

To address concerns about the effect of site-neutral payment reforms on hospital finances and the implications for access to care and quality, policymakers could include provisions that limit or offset the impact on vulnerable hospitals, such as rural or safety-net hospitals. Options include the following:

  • Use savings to fund targeted assistance to vulnerable hospitals. Examples of targeted assistance include increasing reimbursement for rural or safety-net hospitals for services, delaying scheduled cuts to Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) payments, increasing and improving the targeting of Medicare uncompensated care and DSH payments, extending Medicare payment designations for Medicare Dependent Hospitals and Low-Volume Hospitals, expanding Medicare Critical Access Hospital (CAH) designations to additional facilities, and investing in the rural health care workforce.
  • Cap losses for vulnerable hospitals. An alternative approach would limit the reduction in Medicare revenues to a specified percent for any given hospital meeting certain criteria (e.g., that care for a relatively large share of low-income beneficiaries) on a temporary or permanent basis. One tradeoff of this approach is that it would retain some of the incentives under Medicare’s current reimbursement system to acquire physician practices, as the effect of the reform would be eliminated above the cap. One approach for addressing this would be to calculate what the offset would have been prior to implementation and then using that amount as the basis for future offsets (which would therefore not be affected by later acquisitions).
  • Exclude certain hospitals altogether. Previous site-neutral payment reforms and many proposals to expand upon these reforms do not apply to CAHs, which accounted for 61 percent of rural hospitals in 2021. Former President Trump’s 2021 budget proposal would have excluded rural hospitals from proposed site-neutral reforms for on-campus HOPDs, without defining how broadly this exemption would be applied. Excluding hospitals would reduce the savings, although extending the policy to on-campus HOPDs produces substantially larger savings than policies that are limited to off-campus HOPDs. One study estimated that off-campus HOPDs affiliated with rural facilities would account for about six percent of traditional Medicare program and beneficiary savings under the Lower Costs, More Transparency Act’s site-neutral payment reform. The tradeoff of excluding rural hospitals altogether is that it would necessarily eliminate the potential benefits of site-neutral payment reform for rural areas, such as lower spending for beneficiaries and reduced consolidation.
Key terms

Ambulatory surgical center (ASC). ASCs are distinct health care providers that mostly provide outpatient surgical procedures to patients who do not need to stay overnight.

Critical access hospital (CAH). More than 1,300 hospitals are designated as a CAH by Medicare on the basis of having 25 or fewer beds and meeting other requirements. Medicare reimburses CAHs based on costs, rather than under the inpatient or outpatient prospective payment systems. CAHs are typically in rural areas.

Facility fee. Fees charged by hospitals and other institutional providers that are meant to cover the operational costs of running the facility. These are distinct from professional fees for the care provided by physicians and other health care professionals.

Freestanding physician office. Freestanding physician offices operate independently from a hospital. Services in freestanding physician offices are reimbursed by Medicare using the physician fee schedule (PFS). When a hospital acquires a freestanding physician office, the same services can be billed under Medicare’s reimbursement system for care provided in hospital outpatient departments, which generally results in higher payments. In that scenario, Medicare makes a payment to the clinician under the PFS at a rate that is typically lower than for freestanding physician offices but also makes a separate payment to the hospital under the outpatient prospective payment system (OPPS).

Hospital outpatient department (HOPD). Hospital departments that provide outpatient services, such as clinic visits, injections, and outpatient surgeries. There has been a large increase in Medicare spending on HOPD services over time as care has shifted from inpatient to outpatient settings and as hospitals have acquired physician practices and directly employed more physicians.

Off-campus HOPD. HOPDs that are not part of the hospital campus (i.e., are not physically close to the main hospital buildings). Off-campus HOPDs often resemble physicians’ offices and may have previously been freestanding physician offices that were acquired by a hospital.

On-campus HOPD. HOPDs that are part of the hospital campus (i.e., are part of or physically close to the main hospital buildings).

Outpatient prospective payment system (OPPS). The payment system that Medicare generally uses to cover hospitals’ costs for HOPD services, such as for nursing services, medical supplies, equipment, and rooms. OPPS rates vary geographically and based on the complexity of the service, among other things. Medicare also provides a separate payment to clinicians under the PFS for services provided in an HOPD.

Physician fee schedule (PFS). Medicare’s payment system for physician and other health care professional services. This accounts for clinicians’ labor, practice expenses (such as for rent, equipment, and staff), and malpractice insurance. The PFS includes separate rates for facility and nonfacility settings. The PFS rate for services provided in HOPDs (the rate for facility settings) is typically smaller than for services provided in freestanding physician offices (the rate for nonfacility settings), which reflects the fact that HOPDs cover many expenses otherwise incurred by clinicians in freestanding offices and are reimbursed for these costs under the OPPS.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Looking to the Future: Implications of the SCOTUS Ruling on Mifepristone

Published: Jun 13, 2024

SCOTUS has ruled on the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA, a case that had the potential to severely restrict access to mifepristone, one of the pills used in the medication abortion regimen across the nation. The verdict was unanimous. The defendants lacked standing to sue the FDA for injury.

So, what does this mean for access to medication abortion pills? The status quo is unchanged. The ruling preserves abortion access to mifepristone. Today, over 6 in 10 abortions are medication abortions, and according to data from #WeCount, a national study that is tracking use of abortion services after Dobbs, many of those pills are going to women who live in states where abortion is banned. One in five abortions are provided to pregnant people through telemedicine. This newer approach to distribution is a result of the changes in the FDA’s protocol regarding how mifepristone can be prescribed and dispensed and by whom. Telemedicine visits and mailing the pills are still approved, and advance practice clinicians and doctors can distribute if they are certified. Many states without abortion bans also restrict access to telemedicine by requiring in-person visits for abortions or mandating that all abortion patients receive an ultrasound.

In addition to the abortion issues, there was potential for this case to set a precedent for doctors to challenge FDA decisions and the Court to overrule an FDA action that was based on years of experience and research. In fact, the Court did not even get to this issue and decided that there was no evidence of harm to the plaintiffs and sent it back to the lower court. This lawsuit not only got the attention of those focused on abortion, but also the pharmaceutical industry, which was troubled about what this case could mean for the other drugs that have long been approved but could be caught in the crosshairs of today’s culture wars.

While this decision preserves the status quo, there will be other efforts to limit access to medication abortion, which has been a major avenue of abortion access for those who live in one of the 14 states where abortion is completely banned.

A few things to keep in mind:

  • While SCOTUS has said that these anti-abortion doctors and organizations lack standing, there are other cases that are still trying to ban or limit access to mifepristone, notably including anti-abortion state Attorneys’ General who have intervened in this case. It’s not clear how this action will shape the case when it goes back to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals and then back to the originating federal court, presided over by anti-abortion conservative Judge Kacsmaryk in Amarillo, Texas.
  • A new Louisiana law that has classified mifepristone (and misoprostol) as Class IV controlled substances which will even further restrict access to these drugs. Louisiana already has a complete abortion ban. Look for other anti-abortion states to start copying this law.
  • On the abortion rights side, there is a pending case filed by the state AGs, led by Washington state. It’s the mirror image of the anti-abortion state claims. They are claiming that the FDA does not need to place any restrictions on how mifepristone can be dispensed, and that the medication should be available without the current restrictions. Some anti-abortion states sought to intervene in this case, but the district court denied their request. The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals heard their appeal of this motion in March and will likely rule soon.
  • Finally, potentially looming on the horizon is whether the Comstock Act , an 1873 anti-vice law that has not been enforced in many years, will be resurrected. Enforcing the Comstock Act has been raised as priority issue by a coalition of conservative anti-abortion groups seeking to advise Trump on priorities for his next administration should he win the election. Democrats are exploring options to repeal the law.

Access to mifepristone is a significant resource for abortion access and is going to be a central focus to efforts to both protect and limit abortion access.

While the Court has ruled, the case for mifepristone access is not closed.

VOLUME 1

Raw Milk Myths, Vaccine Falsehoods, and Reproductive Health Narratives

This is Irving Washington and Hagere Yilma. We direct KFF’s Health Misinformation and Trust Initiative and on behalf of all of our colleagues across KFF who work on misinformation and trust we are pleased to bring you this edition of our bi-weekly Monitor. 

Welcome to the first edition of the Health Misinformation Monitor, a key component of KFF’s Misinformation and Trust Initiative which is aimed at tracking health misinformation in the U.S, analyzing its impact on the American people, and mobilizing media to address the problem. The Monitor will provide everyone working on health misinformation and trust with a short report, every two weeks, summarizing the latest developments and research on health misinformation. Of course it’s free of charge, as is all KFF information. We will track health misinformation policy, news, online narratives, and public opinion on health misinformation and trust in the United States. Look for our report on the second and fourth Thursdays of each month.


Summary

This first edition of the Health Misinformation Monitor explores misinformation about raw milk amid bird flu outbreaks on dairy farms, false vaccine narratives that continue to spread, and legal challenges against abortion pill reversal claims. Additionally, a growing number of states have required public schools to show fetal development videos that some have called biased and inaccurate. This Monitor report also provides a snapshot of new KFF misinformation polling on TikTok and discusses the early challenges faced by The World Health Organization’s new AI tool SARAH in providing accurate answers to health questions.


Recent Developments

Social Media Influencers Promoted Raw Milk as Bird Flu is Found on Dairy Farms

Social media influencers have been promoting raw milk despite FDA warnings about its health risks as bird flu has appeared in dairy cows. One report from CBS News shows how these influencers and celebrities make claims that raw milk has more health benefits than pasteurized milk, which has been refuted by public health officials. In response to growing demand for raw milk and some outbreaks of H5N1 bird flu on dairy farms, the FDA and CDC have strengthened their warnings that raw milk can harbor dangerous germs and urging people to consume only pasteurized products

Addressing Vaccine Misinformation Amid Measles and Continuing COVID-19 Challenges

Measles cases in the United States have significantly increased in 2024, with unvaccinated individuals accounting for 80% of this year’s cases. KFF Health News reported on how misinformation from various public figures has influenced parents to avoid vaccinating their children. Vaccine misinformation has downplayed the severity of diseases and questioned the necessity and safety of vaccines, despite extensive scientific evidence establishing their efficacy and safety. Skeptics’ claims, including those that vaccines are unnecessary or harmful, contradict well-documented research and have led to dangerous public health consequences.

New COVID-19 variants, known as FLiRT, part of the omicron family, have emerged as the dominant strain in the U.S. In one recent example of an effort to address vaccine misinformation, the Kentucky Lantern consulted with the CDC, the FDA, and other sources to debunk several false or misleading claims made by some lawmakers that the vaccine leads to serious health issues like sudden cardiac events and miscarriages. Their story shared information from the CDC and FDA that emphasized that vaccines are safe and effective.

Legal Challenges Against Abortion Pill Reversal Claims

According to CBS, Heartbeat International, along with other anti-abortion groups, is being sued by New York and California attorneys general for alleged false advertising and fraud by promoting “abortion pill reversal” as a safe and effective method to halt medical abortions. Heartbeat International is countersuing, citing First Amendment rights and asserting the safety and efficacy of abortion pill reversal.


Emerging Misinformation Narratives

Potentially Misleading Fetal Development Video, Baby Olivia, Mandated in Several Public-School Curricula

A growing number of states have passed or are considering bills that require public schools to show “Baby Olivia,” a video on fetal development made by the anti-abortion group Live Action. According to The Guardian, at least 10 states have introduced bills this year requiring “Baby Olivia”, or a similar video, following North Dakota’s lead last year. Live Action claims that the video is scientifically credible, but, according to the Associated Press, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists warned in an email that the video spreads misinformation and manipulates viewers’ emotions rather than providing evidence-based, scientific information. The Guardian also noted that the medical experts mentioned by Live Action are part of alleged anti-abortion or anti-LGBTQ+ groups.

The “Baby Olivia” video appeared online in August 2021 when the group Live Action published a three-minute video about fetal development titled, “A Never Before Seen Look at Human Life in the Womb – Baby Olivia”, on its website. Live Action then shared the video on Facebook. Nearly all of the 298 comments on the initial post were in support of the video, and some promoted false claims about abortion such as, “Mom’s don’t realize their babies are butchered and sold for body parts”

Conversations about the Baby Olivia video have been driven by the group’s own social media posts—primarily on Facebook. Since 2021, Live Action has reshared the video on Facebook during upticks in local and national conversation about abortion—in November 2021, after Tennessee upheld its 48-hour abortion waiting period (149 comments); in June 2022, when Roe v. Wade was overturned (4,700 comments); in November 2022, just after midterm elections (444 comments); and in March 2024, when Kentucky, West Virginia, and Iowa advanced bills that would require the Baby Olivia video to be shown in schools (87 comments).

The majority of comments on Live Action’s Facebook posts about the Baby Olivia video have expressed support for the video, but comments expressing concerns about the video spiked each time bills requiring the video to be shown in schools were introduced or passed. Still, the overall number of posts about the video was small in the context of the number of daily Facebook posts and overall media use in the U.S., reaching a high of 4,700. Additional social media engagement and general news media coverage may have created a larger echo chamber for the video.

Social media users commenting on Live Action’s Facebook posts debated whether or not an embryo is an “unborn baby” and whether or not abortion is murder. Some social media users applauded the video for what they believed to be its accuracy with comments like, “Biology at its finest” and “Development happens so quickly. It’s amazing how much is going on so early in development.” Others acknowledged the video’s false claims with comments like, “That is not the right timeline give me a break.” Some supporters of the video wrote that Baby Olivia should be shown to people who are seeking abortions and that the video should be “mandatory viewing” in schools. As more states consider legislation related to the Baby Olivia video, further spikes in engagement and conversation may occur. What appears interesting, and a subject for ongoing research, however, is that the overall “noise” surrounding the Baby Olivia video appears to be much greater than the actual volume of conversation about it on social media which has been modest.

Health Discussions to Watch

Abortion Pill Regulation: In May, Louisiana legislators passed, and the governor signed, a bill that categorizes abortion pills (both mifepristone and misoprostol) as controlled dangerous substances, initiating online conversation about abortion pills across multiple social media platforms. A KFF Fact Sheet explains that Mifepristone was approved by the FDA in 2000 and is already tightly regulated by the FDA and has not been classified by the FDA and Federal Drug Enforcement Agency as a controlled substance at risk for addition or abuse. Misoprostol is commonly used for other gynecologic and obstetric procedures. As of May 28, the bill was mentioned 7,800 times on X and in news articles with 38,800 engagements (e.g., likes, comments, shares). This story was also mentioned 256 times on Facebook, where it garnered 19,000 engagements. Most social media posts about the bill expressed criticism.

Gender-Affirming Health Care: A recent viral social media post from psychologist and author Jordan Peterson falsely claimed that gender-affirming health care causes children to die by suicide. As of May 28, there were 154 social media posts about Peterson’s claim across all platforms, and they garnered 10,800 total engagements. Some social media users questioned the safety and effectiveness of gender-affirming health care, while others pointed out that gender-affirming health care leads to better mental health outcomes.

Opioid Settlement Funds: On a recent episode of the late-night television show Last Week Tonight, host John Oliver said that opioid settlement funds should be used to support harm reduction programs, prompting online conversation about harm reduction across multiple social media platforms and in news articles. As of May 28, the YouTube video of this episode was viewed more than 2.3 million times and received 4,603 comments. There were 341 social media posts about Oliver’s segment on X, Facebook, and Instagram, attracting 3.9 million total engagements. Some social media users expressed support for harm reduction, while others claimed, “There is no opioid crisis.”


Polling Spotlight

A new KFF Health Misinformation Tracking Poll, as part of our Misinformation and Trust Initiative, explores how often people encounter health information on TikTok, how much they trust it, and whether it impacts their behavior. Fewer than half of TikTok users trust health information on the app, while four in ten say they trust such information “a great deal” (9%) or “somewhat” (32%; Figure 1). Younger users, particularly those aged 18-29, show higher trust levels, with 53% saying they trust health information at least somewhat, including 17% who trust it a great deal. Black and Hispanic TikTok users are somewhat more likely than White adults who use TikTok to say they trust health information on the app. Among daily TikTok users, who are predominantly younger adults, 58% trust health information on the platform at least somewhat.

About Four in Ten TikTok Users Say They Trust Health Information They See on the App, Including Larger Shares of Younger Users, Black or Hispanic Users, and Daily Users

The poll also investigated how often people saw health information about various topics on the platform and found that a majority of users report seeing health-related content on the app, most commonly information about mental health (66%) and weight loss (66%). About a third (36%) of TikTok users report seeing information about abortion on the platform. Younger users, particularly those aged 18 to 29, are more likely to encounter this content, with 59% having seen abortion-related information.

Approximately 42% of TikTok users say they have seen information or advice about vaccines on the platform. Most users report that the content they’ve encountered hasn’t affected their confidence in vaccine safety and effectiveness, with about 15% saying it made them less confident and 12% saying it made them more confident (Figure 2). Among parents who use TikTok, 17% report feeling less confident in vaccines due to content on the app, compared to similar shares (11%) who feel more confident. Previous KFF polling has found that about a quarter of parents believe false information about measles vaccines. Notably, Republican users on TikTok are more likely to say content on the app has decreased their confidence in vaccines, with 24% of Republicans saying TikTok content has led them to feel less confident compared to 7% say it has made them feel more confident.

Republican TikTok Users Are More Likely to Say Content They’ve Seen on the App Has Made Them Less Confident in Vaccines

Research Updates

Study Explores Challenges in Reducing Resistance to Vaccine Messaging

In this Monitor, we report on a study published in the journal Health Communication that explored ways to reduce “reactance”, or feeling like your personal freedom is threatened, when given vaccine-related communication. The researchers tested if the practice of “inoculation” or warning people about feeling reactance before a message promoting a fake vaccine would reduce reactance. They found that the warning didn’t reduce resistance or change minds about vaccines; sometimes it even caused more resistance in some of the participants. The study ultimately found that people who are naturally more resistant (high-reactant) were less willing to get vaccinated, especially when the message threatened their freedom a lot. But those less resistant (low-reactant) were more open to vaccines, especially with a high-threat message.

Source: Karlsson, L. C., Mäki, K. O., Holford, D., Fasce, A., Schmid, P., Lewandowsky, S., & Soveri, A. (2024). Testing psychological inoculation to reduce reactance to vaccine-related communication. Health Communication, 1-9.

Perceptions of Fact-Checking Labels Vary by Political Affiliation

study published in the Harvard Misinformation Review looked at how people view fact-checking labels, like those you might see on social media posts. They found that labels from professional fact checkers were seen as the most effective, followed by labels from news media. Labels by algorithms and users were seen as less effective. Republicans tended to trust these labels less than Democrats did. People who trust news media and have positive views of social media tend to see these labels as more effective. Also, if people had seen these labels before, they were more likely to trust them, especially if they trusted news media or had positive views of social media.

Source: Jia, C. & Lee, T. (2024). Journalistic interventions matter: Understanding how Americans perceive fact-checking labels. Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) Misinformation Review. https://doi.org/10.37016/mr-2020-138


AI & Emerging Technology

Features and Challenges of WHO’s New AI Tool

While not directly spreading misinformation, the World Health Organization’s new AI tool, SARAH, has faced challenges providing accurate health information, highlighting the potential for AI-generated content to contribute to the spread of misinformation inadvertently. SARAH is designed to provide health information through a human-like avatar that operates 24/7 in multiple languages to educate users on various health topics. However, according to Bloomberg, SARAH has outdated medical data and occasionally provides wrong or made-up answers, due to its reliance on ChatGPT 3.5. (deleted because unclear what this means). Despite these limitations, SARAH is seen as a first step towards using AI to enhance public health education. WHO seeks input to improve SARAH’s accuracy and utility, especially in emergency health situations. WHO also emphasizes that AI chatbots like SARAH are not substitutes for professional medical advice.

About The Health Information and Trust Initiative: the Health Information and Trust Initiative is a KFF program aimed at tracking health misinformation in the U.S., analyzing its impact on the American people, and mobilizing media to address the problem. Our goal is to be of service to everyone working on health misinformation, strengthen efforts to counter misinformation, and build trust. 


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The Monitor is a report from KFF’s Health Information and Trust initiative that focuses on recent developments in health information. It’s free and published twice a month.

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Support for the Health Information and Trust initiative is provided by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF). The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of RWJF and KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities. The Public Good Projects (PGP) provides media monitoring data KFF uses in producing the Monitor.


Poll Finding

KFF Health Misinformation Tracking Poll: Health and Election Issues on TikTok

Authors: Alex Montero, Grace Sparks, Marley Presiado, and Liz Hamel
Published: Jun 13, 2024

Findings

With the rise of social media use and growing concerns about health misinformation that accelerated during the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been increased attention to the role that various social media platforms play in the dissemination of health information, both accurate and inaccurate. Previous KFF polling has found that while few adults say they put a lot of trust in health information they come across on social media, those who use social media more frequently for health advice are more likely to believe false statements about issue like COVID-19 vaccines, reproductive health, and gun safety. This new KFF Health Misinformation Tracking Poll focuses on health and election-related information on the popular social media app TikTok in light of recent developments related to the platform.

In late April, President Joe Biden signed into a law a bill that would ban TikTok in the U.S. if its Chinese-owned parent company does not sell the platform within a year. The bill passed both chambers of Congress with bipartisan support, with many lawmakers, including President Biden, largely citing national security risks. At the same time, some media reports have documented the spread of various different types of health misinformation on the app, including misinformation related to prescription birth control.

Key Findings

  • Most adults who use TikTok report seeing health-related content on the app, with the largest shares saying they’ve seen content about mental health (66%) and weight loss (66%). Younger users are particularly likely to report being exposed to health information on TikTok, with large shares of users ages 18-29 reporting seeing advice or information about several different health topics on the app, including mental health (91%), weight loss (79%), while many other younger users report seeing advice or information about abortion (59%), and birth control (52%).
  • While about four in ten TikTok users say they trust information about health issues they see on the app, just one in eight say they have ever talked to a doctor (13%) or sought mental health treatment (12%) at least in part because of something they saw on TikTok. Larger shares of younger users ages 18-29 say they trust health information on TikTok (53%), and younger users are also more likely than older users to say they followed up with a doctor (19%) or sought mental health treatment (26%) due to content they’ve seen on the app.
  • Most TikTok users say the content they’ve seen on the app has not affected their confidence in science and scientists, birth control, or vaccines. Overall, about one in seven users say content on TikTok has made them “less confident” (15%) in the safety and effectiveness of vaccines and a similar share (12%) say it has made them “more confident.” Among Republican TikTok users, however, a larger share say content on the app has made them “less confident” in vaccines (24%) rather than “more confident” (7%).
  • When it comes to TikTok content centered on election issues, most users report either not seeing content related to these issues or seeing content that is a mix of different opinions on these topics. For the most part, TikTok users who identify as Democrats and Republicans report seeing a somewhat different mix of political content on the platform. On the issue of abortion, however, TikTok users across the political spectrum are much more likely to say the content they see on the app is mostly pro-choice or supportive or abortion rights rather than anti-abortion or supportive of abortion restrictions. Even among Republican TikTok users, the share who say they mostly see pro-choice content on the app is roughly three times the share who say they mostly see anti-abortion content (17% v. 5%).

TikTok Use and Exposure to Health Information

Just under half of adults say they use the social media app TikTok, including at least six in ten younger adults, Black adults, and Hispanic adults. About four in ten (44%) adults say they use TikTok, including larger shares of younger adults ages 18-29 (66%) and ages 30-49 (54%) and fewer adults ages 50 and older (27%). The app is more popular among people of color with about six in ten Hispanic adults (63%) and Black adults (62%) saying they use TikTok compared to about one-third of White adults (34%). Women are more likely than men to use say they use TikTok (47% v. 40%).

Similar shares – or at least four in ten – Democrats, independents and Republicans report using TikTok. About one in five adults (18%) report using the app every day, including nearly four in ten adults ages 18 to 29 (37%) and a similar share of Hispanic adults (36%).

One in Five Adults Say They Use TikTok Daily, with Use Highest Among Younger Adults, Black and Hispanic Adults, and Women

Most TikTok users report seeing health-related content on the app, including a majority who say they’ve seen information or advice about mental health (66%) or weight loss (66%). About four in ten TikTok users say they’ve seen information or advice about vaccines (42%) on the platform, while about a third say the same about abortion (36%), prescription drugs (34%), and birth control (34%). Younger TikTok users are more likely than older users to say they’ve seen some of these topics on TikTok, with larger shares of users ages 18 to 29 saying they’ve seen information or advice about mental health (91%), weight loss (79%), abortion (59%), or birth control (52%). Women are more likely than men who use TikTok to say they have seen information or advice about mental health (71% v. 61%) or birth control (41% v. 25%) on the app. About half of women of reproductive age – or those ages 18 to 49 – report seeing information or advice on TikTok about prescription birth control on (54%) or abortion (48%). Democrats (35%) and independents (41%) who use TikTok are more likely than Republican users (23%) to report seeing information or advice about birth control on the app; however, similar shares across partisans report seeing information about most of these other subjects.

Perhaps not surprisingly, there is a relationship between frequency of TikTok use and the amount of health-related content people report seeing on the app. Adults who use TikTok “every day” are more likely than those who use the app monthly or less often to say they’ve seen information or advice about each of the health-related topics included in the survey. Notably, larger shares of younger adults and women report using the app every day compared to older adults and men, respectively, which may at least partially explain why these groups report seeing more health-related content on the app.

Mental Health and Weight Loss Are Among the Top Health-Related Subjects TikTok Users Say They Have Seen Information or Advice About on the App

Trust and Conversations about Health Information on TikTok

Fewer than half of TikTok users say they trust information about health issues that they see on the app, but younger users, Black adults, and Hispanic adults report higher levels of trust. Overall, four in ten TikTok users say they trust information they see about health issues on TikTok at least “somewhat,” including 9% who say they trust such information a “great deal.” Most users say they trust health information on TikTok “not much” (36%) or “not at all” (23%).

TikTok users between the ages of 18-29 are more likely than older adults to say they trust health information on TikTok, with about half (53%) of these younger adults saying they trust information about health issues on the app at least somewhat – including one in six (17%) who say they trust health information on TikTok “a great deal” – compared to smaller shares of older TikTok users. Similar shares of women and men who use TikTok say they trust information about health issues that they see on the app.

Among those who report using TikTok every day (18% of all adults), six in ten (58%) say they trust information about health issues they see on the app at least “somewhat.” Adults who use the app less frequently are less likely than daily users to report trusting health information they see on TikTok. Notably, daily TikTok users are disproportionately made up of younger adults ages 18 to 29.

About Four in Ten TikTok Users Say They Trust Health Information They See on the App, Including Larger Shares of Younger Users, Black or Hispanic Users, and Daily Users

Few TikTok users overall and across demographics say they’ve talked to a doctor or sought mental health treatment because of something they saw on the app, but younger users and women are more likely than older users and men to report doing so. About one in eight adults who use TikTok say they have ever talked to a doctor or other health care provider at least in part because of something they saw on TikTok (13%) or decided to seek mental health treatment at least in part because of something they saw on the app (12%). Younger users are more likely than older adults to report either of these, with a quarter (26%) of TikTok users between the ages of 18 and 29 saying they decided to seek mental health treatment and one in five (19%) saying they talked to a doctor or health care provider because of something they saw on the app. Among TikTok users, women are about twice as likely as men to say they talked to a doctor or health care provider (17% v. 7%) or decided to seek mental health treatment due to something they saw on the app (15% v. 8%). The share who report talking to a doctor or seeking mental health treatment at least partly because of something they saw on TikTok rises to about one in five among those who use TikTok every day (20% and 18%, respectively). Nonetheless, most of these daily users say they have not followed up with a doctor or sought mental mental health treatment due to content they’ve seen on the app.

Few TikTok Users Say They Have Ever Talked to a Doctor or Sought Mental Health Treatment Because of Something They Saw on the App

While most TikTok users say content they’ve seen on the app has not affected their confidence in science and scientists, prescription birth control, or the safety and effectiveness of vaccines, users are more likely to say content on the app has made them more confident in science and scientists rather than less confident. At least seven in ten TikTok users say information they’ve seen on the app has not affected their confidence in the safety of prescription birth control (76%), the safety and effectiveness of vaccines (73%), or science and scientists (70%).

When it comes to trust in science and scientists, TikTok users are nearly three times as likely to say content they’ve seen on the app has made them more confident in science and scientists rather than less confident (22% vs. 8%). By contrast, when it comes to confidence in prescription birth control and the safety and effectiveness of vaccines similar shares of TikTok users say content they’ve seen on the app has made them more confident as less confident (12% each for birth control, 12% and 15% for vaccines). Similar shares of women and men – including women of reproductive age under the age of 50 — who use TikTok say content on the app has made them either more or less confident in prescription birth control, with about three in four saying it has not made a difference.

Most TikTok Users Say the App’s Content Has Not Impacted Their Confidence in Science, Birth Control, or Vaccines

Most TikTok users across demographics say content on the app has not affected their confidence in the safety and effectiveness of vaccines, however Republicans are more likely to say TikTok content has made them less confident in vaccines rather than more confident. Overall, about one in seven users say content on TikTok has made them “less confident” (15%) in the safety and effectiveness of vaccines and a similar share (12%) say it has made them “more confident.” For most groups across age, partisanship, race and ethnicity, the shares saying TikTok content increased their confidence in vaccines is similar to the share who say it decreased their confidence.

However, one group breaks with this pattern: Republican TikTok users are about three times as likely to say content on the app has made them “less confident” in the safety and effectiveness of vaccines rather than “more confident” (24% v. 7%).

Vaccine misinformation may affect parents’ confidence in vaccinating their young children, and recent KFF polling has shown that about a quarter of parents report believing false information about measles vaccines. Just under one in five (17%) parents who use TikTok say content they’ve seen on the app has made them “less confident” in the safety and effectiveness of vaccines while a similar share of parents say it has made them “more confident” (11%). However, most parents who use TikTok say the content they’ve seen on the app hasn’t affected their confidence in the safety and effectiveness of vaccines.

Republican TikTok Users Are More Likely to Say Content They’ve Seen on the App Has Made Them Less Confident in Vaccines

Election Issues on TikTok

As the 2024 presidential election approaches, TikTok users may be exposed to election-related topics and one-sided political discourse, particularly as growing shares of U.S. adults report regularly getting their news from the app. However, like other social media platforms, the content users see on their TikTok feeds may vary from person-to-person, as it is curated by the app’s proprietary algorithm.

When it comes to TikTok content centered on some key election issues, including the presidential candidates, abortion, guns, and immigration, most users report either not seeing content related to these issues or seeing content that is a mix of different opinions on these topics. For the most part, TikTok users who identify as Democrats and Republicans report seeing a somewhat different mix of political content, particularly when it comes to presidential candidates, but these patterns are not universal across the topics included in the survey.

It’s important to note that this survey measures self-report views of TikTok content, which may not necessarily match up with other studies that look at actual content in users’ video feeds.

Overall, few TikTok users report mostly seeing one-sided content related to the presidential candidates, but slightly larger shares say the content they see on the app is mostly pro-Donald Trump or anti-Joe Biden rather than mostly pro-Biden or anti-Trump, with even larger tilts toward pro-Trump or anti-Biden content among Republican users and young adults. The shares of TikTok users who say the content they see on the app is mostly Pro-Donald Trump or anti-Joe Biden (14%) is slightly higher than the share who say the content they see is mostly pro-Joe Biden or anti-Donald Trump (10%), with one in three (34%) saying the content they see is a mix of both viewpoints, and four in ten saying they don’t see content related to either Trump or Biden on TikTok.

Perhaps not surprisingly, Republican TikTok users are about three times as likely to say the content they see is mostly pro-Trump/anti-Biden rather than pro-Biden/anti-Trump (29% v. 10%), while Democrats are about twice as likely to say the content they see mostly favors Biden rather than Trump (16% vs. 7%).

Notably, TikTok users ages 18 to 29 and Hispanic TikTok users are about twice as likely to say most of the content they see is pro-Trump or anti-Biden rather than pro-Biden or anti-Trump (21% vs. 11% for young users and 18% vs. 8% for Hispanic adults).

Younger TikTok Users and Republican Users Are More Likely to Report Seeing Pro-Trump or Anti-Biden Content on the App

Across partisanship and other demographics, the share of TikTok users who say the content they see on the app is mostly pro-choice or supportive of abortion rights (24%) is far larger than the share who say the content they see is mostly anti-abortion or supportive of abortion restrictions (4%). The share of TikTok users who say they mostly see pro-choice content rises to four in ten (42%) among those ages 18 to 29 – larger than the shares who say the same among those ages 30 to 49 (22%) and 50 and older (8%). These younger users are also more likely than older adults to report seeing any abortion-related content on TikTok.

Few users across partisan groups (including just 5% of Republicans) report seeing mostly anti-abortion content on TikTok, though Democrats who use TikTok are more likely than Republican users to say the content they see is mostly pro-choice of supportive of abortion rights (32% v. 17%).

Overall, men and women who use TikTok are each much more likely to report seeing mostly pro-choice content than to say they see mostly anti-abortion content. While about three in four (27%) women who use TikTok say the content they see is mostly pro-choice, this rises to about one-third (34%) among women ages 18 to 49.

Despite these differences, most users – including at least half across partisanship, age, and gender – say the content they see related to abortion on TikTok is either a mix of both pro and anti-abortion viewpoints (22%) or they don’t see this content related to abortion at all (50%).

TikTok Users Across Demographics Are More Likely to Report Seeing Content on the App That Is Mostly Pro-Choice or Supportive of Abortion Rights

Most TikTok users who report seeing gun-related content on the app say they see a mix of viewpoints, but Democrats and younger users are more likely to report seeing mostly anti-gun content. One quarter of TikTok users say they see a mix of gun-related viewpoints on the app, while about one in ten each say they mostly see pro-gun content (8%) or anti-gun content (10%) and over half (57%) report not seeing gun-related content on TikTok.

Democrats who use TikTok are about twice as likely to say they mostly see anti-gun content as opposed to pro-gun content on the app (16% v. 7%). Younger TikTok users ages 18 to 29 are about twice as likely to say they mostly see anti-gun content than pro-gun content (18% v. 9%), while other age groups report seeing either viewpoint in similar shares.

Among all TikTok users, and across these demographic groups, most users say the content they see is either a mix of both pro and anti-gun or say they do not see gun-related content on the app.

Most TikTok Users Who See Gun-Related Content Report Seeing a Mix of Viewpoints, but Democrats and Younger Users Are More Likely to See Anti-Gun Content

TikTok users report seeing a mix of immigration-related content on the app, with no clear differences by partisanship. For immigration-related content, somewhat larger shares of TikTok users say the content they see is mostly pro-immigration (15%) compared to those who say they mostly see anti-immigration content (10%). Most users, however, say the content they see is either a mix of both pro and anti-immigration viewpoints (27%) or they don’t see this content on TikTok (47%). Despite often bitter partisan debates over the country’s approach to immigration policy (an issue that has ranked high among voters’ top issues ahead the 2024 election) among Democrats, independents and Republicans who use TikTok, similar shares say the content they see on the app is either mostly pro-immigration or anti-immigration, with at least one in five across these groups saying they see a mix of viewpoints.

Younger TikTok users ages 18 to 29 are about twice as likely to say the content they see on the app is mostly pro-immigration rather than anti-immigration (25% v. 13%), but among older age groups, similar shares report seeing either mostly pro-immigration content or mostly anti- immigration content.

While About Half of TikTok Users Report Seeing Immigration Content on the App, Relatively Few Say the Content Is Mostly One-Sided

Methodology

This KFF Health Tracking Poll/Health Misinformation Tracking Poll was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF. The survey was conducted April 23-May 1, 2024, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 1,479 U.S. adults in English (1,396) and in Spanish (83). The sample includes 1,201 adults (n=65 in Spanish) reached through the SSRS Opinion Panel either online (n=1,176) or over the phone (n=25). The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to three reminder emails.

Another 278 (n=18 in Spanish) interviews were conducted from a random digit dial telephone sample of prepaid cell phone numbers obtained through MSG. Phone numbers used for the prepaid cell phone component were randomly generated from a cell phone sampling frame with disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity groups within each frame.

Respondents in the phone samples received a $15 incentive via a check received by mail, and web respondents received a $5 electronic gift card incentive (some harder-to-reach groups received a $10 electronic gift card). In order to ensure data quality, cases were removed if they failed two or more quality checks: (1) attention check questions in the online version of the questionnaire, (2) had over 30% item non-response, or (3) had a length less than one quarter of the mean length by mode. Based on this criterion, two cases were removed.

The combined cell phone and panel samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. adult population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2023 Current Population Survey (CPS), September 2021 Volunteering and Civic Life Supplement data from the CPS, and the 2023 KFF Benchmarking survey with ABS and prepaid cell phone samples. The demographic variables included in weighting for the general population sample are sex, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, civic engagement, frequency of internet use, political party identification by race/ethnicity, and education. The sample of registered voters was weighted separately to match the U.S. registered voter population using parameters above plus recalled vote in the 2020 presidential election by county quintiles grouped by Trump vote share. Both weights account for differences in the probability of selection for each sample type (prepaid cell phone and panel). This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the cell phone sample, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points and is plus or minus 4 percentage points for registered voters. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. KFF public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total1,479± 3 percentage points
Total registered voters1,243± 4 percentage points
Republican registered voters372± 7 percentage points
Democratic registered voters417± 6 percentage points
Independent registered voters323± 7 percentage points
 
Have ever used GLP-1 drugs
Yes189± 9 percentage points
No1,288± 4 percentage points
TikTok use
TikTok users677± 5 percentage points

 

House Appropriations Committee Approves the FY 2025 State and Foreign Operations (SFOPs) Appropriations Bill

Published: Jun 12, 2024

The House Committee on Appropriations approved the FY 2025 State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPs) appropriations bill and accompanying report on June 12, 2024. The SFOPs bill includes funding for U.S. global health programs at the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). Funding for these programs, through the Global Health Programs (GHP) account, which represents the bulk of global health assistance, totaled $9.3 billion, a decrease of $1.3 billion (-12%) below the FY 2024 enacted level and $559 million (-6%) below President Biden’s FY 2025 request. As compared to FY 2024 enacted levels, funding for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (Global Fund) and family planning and reproductive health (FP/RH) declined (the Global Fund decrease is related to a funding match requirement that limits the amount the U.S. can contribute — a cap of 33% of total contributions to the Global Fund for all other donors), while all other areas either remained flat or increased slightly; funding for global health security was not specified.[i]  The bill does not include funding for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), World Health Organization (WHO), or Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). The bill also eliminates funding for the International Organizations & Programs (IO&P) account, which has historically been the source of U.S. contributions to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).[ii]

Policy provisions in the bill include:

  • the Helms amendment, a standard provision that is regularly included in appropriations bills (see the KFF fact sheet here),
  • an expanded Mexico City Policy (Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance) that was put in place by President Trump and rescinded by President Biden (see the KFF explainer here),
  • a provision stating that support for multilateral organizations through the Contributions to International Organizations (CIO) account must comply with statutory prohibitions and requirements related to abortion,
  • a provision stating that if the President/Executive Branch agrees to the pandemic treaty at the World Health Assembly without first submitting it to the Senate and receiving Senate approval, no funding for global health security may be obligated (see the KFF brief on the Pandemic Treaty here),
  • a provision for the Secretary of State to submit a report to the Committee on Appropriations within 90 days of the Act detailing the origins of COVID-19,
  • and a restriction on provision of funding to any domestic or international NGO that provides gender-affirming care.

See other budget summaries and the KFF budget tracker for details on historical annual appropriations for global health programs.

KFF Analysis of Global Health Funding in the FY25 House State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPs) Appropriations Bill

[i] The explanatory statement accompanying the House FY25 SFOPs appropriations bill does not provide specific funding amounts for FP/RH or global health security (GHS) under the GHP account. After the funding amounts specified for all other areas (e.g., HIV, TB, MCH, etc.) are removed, $864.71 million remains under the GHP account at USAID, which is funding that could be used for FP/RH and GHS (or other areas as determined by the Administration). Since the House FY25 bill text states that “of the funds appropriated by this Act, not more than $461,000,000 may be made available for family planning/reproductive health” without specifying an account, it is possible the Administration could fund all or a portion of this amount through the GHP account with the remainder directed to GHS (or other areas as determined by the Administration). If the Administration funds the full $461 million through the GHP account, this could represent a significant decrease to GHS funding; if the Administration funds the full $461 million through non-GHP accounts, this could represent an increase to GHS funding.[ii] It is possible that funding for UNICEF may be provided through another account.

The Facts About the $35 Insulin Copay Cap in Medicare

Published: Jun 12, 2024

Compare the records and policy positions of President Trump and Vice President Harris on drug costs and other health issues. 

In a recent post on his social media platform, Donald Trump claimed credit for lowering insulin copayments to $35 for “millions of Americans,” stating – inaccurately – that President Biden had “nothing to do with it.” This brief walks through the facts about actions taken under both the Trump and Biden Administrations related to capping insulin copayments for people with Medicare and explains the differences between their approaches.

What did the Trump Administration do?

In 2020, the Trump Administration established a voluntary, time-limited model under the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation known as the Part D Senior Savings Model. Under this model, participating Medicare Part D prescription drug plans covered at least one of each dosage form and type of insulin product at no more than $35 per month. The model was in effect from 2021 through 2023, and less than half of all Part D plans chose to participate in each year.

What did the Biden Administration do?

In 2022, President Biden signed into law the Inflation Reduction Act, which included a provision that requires all Part D plans to charge no more than $35 per month for all covered insulin products, and also limits cost sharing for insulin covered under Part B to $35 per month. Deductibles no longer apply to insulins under Part D or Part B. These provisions took effect in 2023 (January 1 for Part D; July 1 for Part B).

What are the key differences between these approaches?

There are three key differences between these approaches (Figure 1):

This text chart is Comparing $35 Insulin Copayment Caps Under the Trump and Biden Administrations
  • Applies to all Part D plans? The Trump Administration’s model relied on voluntary Part D plan participation, while the Biden Administration copay cap applies under all Part D plans. In 2022, a total of 2,159 Part D plans participated in the Trump Administration’s model, including both stand-alone prescription drug plans and Medicare Advantage drug plans, which is 38% of all Part D plans that year. Under the Inflation Reduction Act, the $35 copay cap is available in all 6,000 Part D plans available in 2024.
  • Applies to all covered insulins in Part D? Under the Trump Administration’s model, participating plans were not required to cover all insulin products at the $35 monthly copayment amount, just one of each dosage form (vial, pen) and insulin type (rapid-acting, short-acting, intermediate-acting, and long-acting). Under the Biden Administration, the $35 copay cap in Part D extends to all insulin products that a Part D plan covers.
  • Part D and Part B? The Trump Administration’s model applied only to insulin covered under Part D. The Biden Administration copay cap applies to insulins covered under both Part D and Part B.

While Trump claimed that he extended lower insulin pricing to “millions of Americans,” CMS estimates that around 800,000 insulin users had access to $35 insulin copays under the Part D Senior Savings Model in 2022. In contrast, the $35 copay cap under President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act provision is available to all insulin users enrolled in all Medicare Part D plans – an estimated 3.3 million in 2020, based on KFF estimates – as well as those who take insulins covered under Part B.

The Trump Administration’s $35 insulin copay model had a more limited reach than the insulin copay cap now in place under the Inflation Reduction Act that President Biden signed into law, because the model was voluntary and because Part D plans could select which of their covered insulin products they wanted to make available at the $35 monthly copay. Under the insulin copay cap that took effect under the Inflation Reduction Act, insulin users in all Part D plans pay no more than $35 per month for any insulin product covered by their Part D plan.

What the November election could mean for people who need insulin

President Biden has proposed to extend the $35 monthly cap on insulin out-of-pocket costs to people with commercial insurance. The Biden Administration and Senate Democrats included a similar provision in the Inflation Reduction Act, but that provision was stripped from the final legislation after the vast majority of Republicans voted to remove it. According to KFF analysis, more than 1 in 4 insulin users in the individual and small group markets and about 1 in 5 insulin users with large employer coverage paid, on average, more than $35 per month out-of-pocket for insulin in 2018.

The House Republican Study Committee proposed a full repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act in its FY2025 budget proposal. While it is unclear whether Trump supports repealing this law in its entirety, doing so would eliminate the $35 insulin copay cap for millions of insulin users with Medicare and leave in its place only voluntary efforts offered by the three major insulin manufacturers, which apply to many people irrespective of their health coverage.

News Release

Costly GLP-1 Drugs are Rarely Covered for Weight Loss by Marketplace Plans

For Drugs Used to Treat Diabetes, Plans Almost Always Require Prior Authorization or Other Utilization Management

Published: Jun 12, 2024

Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace plans rarely cover GLP-1 drugs approved solely for obesity treatment, according to a new KFF analysis of 2024 federal plan data. Wegovy, a drug that is approved for weight loss, is covered by just 1% of Marketplace prescription drug plans, compared to 82% of Marketplace prescription drug plans for Ozempic, which contains the same active ingredient as Wegovy (semaglutide) but is approved only for diabetes.

When GLP-1 drugs are covered for diabetes treatment, almost all plans use at least one utilization management strategy to control costs, such as prior authorization or quantity limits. Of the few Marketplace plans that cover GLP-1 drugs approved for obesity, all require prior authorization.

Utilization management tools are intended to balance cost control and access but may still pose barriers for people with a medical necessity to take these drugs. While insurers receive rebates to offset some of their costs, the list prices of GLP-1 drugs are about $1,000 per month, and growing demand for these medications could put upward pressure on premiums.

This analysis examines publicly available formularies of plans available on the federally facilitated ACA Marketplaces in 2024 and does not include states that run their own Marketplaces, where coverage patterns may differ. The ACA Marketplaces represent a small share of people with private health insurance, as most people with private coverage have plans sponsored by their employers. While information on employer plan formularies is not publicly available, these plans may be more likely to cover drugs for weight loss than ACA Marketplace plans given the desire to attract workers, though they may employ similar utilization management strategies.