News Release

A Fall Update on COVID-19 Cases and Deaths, Vaccinations, and Treatments by Race/Ethnicity

Published: Nov 17, 2022

KFF has updated its national analysis of race/ethnicity data of COVID-19 cases and deaths, vaccinations, and treatments as concerns grow over a potential increase in COVID-19 cases during winter and upcoming holiday gatherings and the low take-up of the COVID-19 bivalent booster vaccine among the eligible public.

Despite earlier progress narrowing disparities in COVID-19 vaccination, new disparities have emerged in take-up of boosters and treatment.

Federal data from earlier this month indicates that, among the eligible population, 10% of White people had received a COVID-19 bivalent booster dose, twice the rate of eligible Black (5%) and Hispanic (4%) people and nearly twice as high as for Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander people (6%). Eleven percent of Asian people and 8% of American Indian and Alaskan Native people had received a bivalent booster dose.

The bivalent booster data stands in contrast to the vaccination rates among racial and ethnic groups for at least one dose of the primary COVID-19 vaccine. The rate for a primary COVID-19 vaccine dose among White people stood at 56% earlier this month. The primary vaccine dose rate among Black people lagged at 50%, while other racial and ethnic groups had surpassed the rates among White people. Uptake of at least one dose of the primary COVID-19 vaccine began leveling off across all racial/ethnic groups in late winter 2021.

Racial and ethnic gaps are also found in the data on the treatment of COVID-19. As of mid-2022, among COVID-19 patients aged 20 and older, people of color were less likely to have been treated with the antiviral treatment Paxlovid. While the disparities were found across all age groups, the Paxlovid treatment gap was more evident among adults aged 50 or older and those who are immunocompromised (groups more at risk for serious health outcomes).

For the full analysis including a look at the trends in racial disparities in cases and deaths which have widened and narrowed over the course of the pandemic read, COVID-19 Cases and Deaths, Vaccinations, and Treatments by Race/Ethnicity as of Fall 2022.

 

COVID-19 Cases and Deaths, Vaccinations, and Treatments by Race/Ethnicity as of Fall 2022

Published: Nov 17, 2022

As the United States enters its third holiday season navigating a potential increase in COVID-19 cases as well as other respiratory illnesses, federal data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) show that as of November 9, 2022, 80% of the total population in the United States have received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine and only 10% of eligible individuals have received the updated, bivalent booster that was authorized for use among individuals 5 years of age and older in early Fall 2022. Individuals who have not received any booster dose are at higher risk of infection from the virus, and people who remain unvaccinated continue to be at particularly high risk for severe illness and death.

Over the course of the pandemic, racial disparities in cases and deaths have widened and narrowed. However, overall, Black, Hispanic, and American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) people have borne the heaviest health impacts of the pandemic, particularly when adjusting data to account for differences in age by race and ethnicity. While Black and Hispanic people were less likely than their White counterparts to receive a vaccine during the initial phases of the vaccination rollout, these disparities have narrowed over time and reversed for Hispanic people. Despite this progress, a vaccination gap persists for Black people. COVID-19 outpatient treatments, which can mitigate hospitalization and death from COVID-19, are also available. However, early data suggest racial disparities in access to and receipt of these treatments.

This data note presents an update on the status of COVID-19 cases and deaths, vaccinations, and treatments by race/ethnicity as of Fall 2022, based on federal data reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

What is the status of COVID-19 cases and deaths by race/ethnicity?

Racial disparities in COVID-19 cases and deaths have widened and narrowed over the course of the pandemic, but when data are adjusted to account for differences in age by race/ethnicity, they show that AIAN, Black, and Hispanic people have had higher rates of infection and death than White people over most of the course of the pandemic. Early in the pandemic, there were large racial disparities in COVID-19 cases. Disparities narrowed when overall infection rates fell. However, during the surge associated with the Omicron variant in Winter 2022, disparities in cases once again widened with Hispanic (4,341 per 100,000), AIAN (3,818 per 100,000), Black (2,937 per 100,000), and Asian (2,755 per 100,000) people having higher age-adjusted infection rates than White people (2,693 per 100,000) as of January 2022 (Figure 1). Following that surge, infection rates fell in Spring 2022 and disparities have once again narrowed. However, as of September 2022, the age-adjusted COVID-19 infection rates were still highest for Black and Hispanic people (192 per 100,000 for each group), followed by AIAN people at 188 per 100,000. White and Asian people had the lowest infection rates at 164 per 100,000 and 153 per 100,000, respectively. While death rates for most groups of color were substantially higher compared with White people early on in the pandemic, since late Summer 2020, there have been some periods when death rates for White people have been higher than or similar to some groups of color. However, age-adjusted data show that AIAN, Black, and Hispanic people have had higher rates of death compared with White people over most of the pandemic and particularly during surges. For example, as of January 2022, amid the Omicron surge, age-adjusted death rates were higher for Black (37.4 per 100,000), AIAN (34.7 per 100,000), and Hispanic people (29.9 per 100,000) compared with White people (23.5 per 100,000) (Figure 1). Following that surge, disparities narrowed when death rates fell. As of August 2022, age-adjusted death rates were similar for AIAN (4.9 per 100,000), Black (4.4 per 100,000), and White people (4.2 per 100,000) and lower for Hispanic (3.6 per 100,000) and Asian (2.7 per 100,000) people. Despite these fluctuations over time, total cumulative age-adjusted data continue to show that Black, Hispanic, and AIAN people have been at higher risk for COVID-19 cases, hospitalizations, and deaths compared with White people.

COVID-19 Monthly Age-Adjusted Cases in the United States per 100,000 by Race/Ethnicity, April 2020 to September 2022

What are COVID-19 vaccination and booster patterns by race/ethnicity?

While disparities in COVID-19 vaccinations have narrowed over time and have been reversed for Hispanic people, they persist for Black people. Ongoing KFF analysis shows that at both the federal and state level, there were large gaps in vaccination for Black and Hispanic people in the initial phases of the vaccination rollout, which narrowed over time and eventually reversed for Hispanic people. Despite this progress, a vaccination gap persists for Black people. According to the CDC, overall, 80% of people had received at least one COVID-19 vaccination dose as of November 9, 2022, and race/ethnicity was known for 75% of people who had received at least one dose. Based on those with known race/ethnicity, about half (50%) of Black people had received at least one dose compared with 56% of White people, two-thirds (66%) of Hispanic people, and over seven in ten Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander (NHOPI) (70%), Asian (72%), and AIAN (77%) people (Figure 2).

Overall, few people have received the updated bivalent booster vaccine dose, and Black and Hispanic people are about half as likely as White people to have received this booster so far. The updated bivalent boosters protect against both the original virus that causes COVID-19 and the BA.4 and BA.5 Omicron variants. These boosters became available for people ages 12 years and older on September 2, 2022, and for people ages 5-11 years old on October 12, 2022. The CDC recommends that people ages 5 years and older receive one bivalent booster at least 2 months after their last COVID-19 vaccine dose. The CDC reports that, overall, 10% of people over age five have received the updated bivalent booster vaccine dose as of November 9, 2022, with race/ethnicity data available for 88%. Based on those with known race/ethnicity, 11% of eligible Asian and 10% of eligible White people had received a bivalent booster dose, roughly twice the shares of eligible Black (5%) and Hispanic people (4%) (Figure 2). The bivalent booster dose rate was 6% for eligible NHOPI people and 8% for eligible AIAN people.

Percent of People Receiving At Least One Dose of the COVID-19 Vaccines by Race/Ethnicity, as of November 9, 2022

What are COVID-19 treatment patterns by race/ethnicity?

New data from CDC show racial disparities in receipt of COVID-19 oral antiviral treatments, including Paxlovid, the most widely prescribed antiviral. As of November 2022, there are four COVID-19 outpatient treatments, including: Paxlovid and Lagevrio, oral antivirals that were both approved in December 2021; Veklury, an IV infusion antiviral that was approved in January 2021; and Bebtelovimab a monoclonal antibody that was approved in February 2022. Outpatient COVID-19 treatments are recommended for people who have tested positive for COVID-19 with mild to moderate symptoms and who are at high risk of developing severe illness. Prior KFF analysis pointed to potential disparities in access to COVID-19 treatments for counties with the highest poverty rates and those that are majority Black, Hispanic, and AIAN. Other analyses have documented disparities in monoclonal antibody treatments by race and ethnicity as well as disparities in oral antiviral treatment by zip-code vulnerability. An October 2022 CDC Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report adds to these findings showing that, through July 2022, people of color were less likely to receive currently available outpatient antiviral COVID-19 treatments compared with their White counterparts. Specifically, between April to July 2022, the percentage of COVID-19 patients aged 20 years and older treated with Paxlovid was lower among Black (21%) and Hispanic (21%) patients than among White (32%) and non-Hispanic (30%) patients, respectively (Figure 3). The shares of AIAN and NHOPI (25%) and Asian (26%) patients receiving prescriptions were also smaller compared to the share of White patients. These disparities were observed across all age groups and were more evident among adults ages 50 and older and immunocompromised patients. Racial and ethnic disparities existed for treatment with other medications, but differences were small given overall low levels of treatment with these other medications.

Percent of COVID-19 Patients Ages 20 Years and Older Treated with Paxlovid, by Race and Ethnicity

Discussion

While disparities in cases and deaths have widened and narrowed over the course of the pandemic, age-adjusted data show that AIAN, Black, and Hispanic people have had higher rates of cases and death compared with White people over most of the course of the pandemic and that they have experienced overall higher rates of infection, hospitalization, and death.

Data point to significantly increased risks of COVID-19 illness and death for people who remain unvaccinated or have not received an updated bivalent booster dose. During the initial vaccine rollout, Black and Hispanic people were less likely to receive vaccines than their White counterparts. However, these disparities have narrowed over time and reversed for Hispanic people, though they persist for Black people. Despite this progress in initial vaccination uptake, overall uptake of the updated bivalent booster dose has been slow so far, and there have been racial disparities in receipt of these booster doses, with eligible Black, Hispanic, and NHOPI people about half has likely to have received an updated booster than their White counterparts. Data also point to disparities in receipt of COVID-19 treatments, with patients of color less likely to receive oral antivirals, including Paxlovid, compared to White patients.

Overall, these data show that although the pandemic has contributed to growing awareness and focus on addressing racial disparities, they persist, reflecting the underlying structural inequities that drive them. The findings highlight the importance of a continued focus on equity and efforts to address inequities that leave people of color at increased risk for exposure, illness, and death as well as to close gaps in access to health care, including COVID-19 treatments. Addressing these gaps is of increasing importance as these disparities may be exacerbated when federal funding for COVID-19 vaccines, treatments, and tests runs out and some people may face increased out-of-pocket costs to access these services. Addressing these inequities is key for narrowing the disparate effects of COVID-19 going forward as well as for preventing similar disparities associated with future public health threats.

Abortion Bans May Limit Essential Medications for Women with Chronic Conditions

Authors: Brittni Frederiksen, Matthew Rae, Tatyana Roberts, and Alina Salganicoff
Published: Nov 17, 2022

The Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade and send the decision to ban or permit abortion back to the states will likely have health implications beyond banning abortion in many states. There have already been reports of clinicians and pharmacists denying women access to medications like methotrexate and misoprostol to manage their chronic conditions, such as autoimmune diseases and gastric ulcers, because the drugs are also used for medication abortions and treatment of ectopic pregnancies. In these reports, pharmacists have denied or delayed filling prescriptions unless specific codes for non-pregnancy related conditions are given. Some providers are also requesting patients take a pregnancy test to confirm a non-pregnant status before they will prescribe the medications. This analysis finds that the majority of those who use these drugs are women who are not pregnant but have diagnoses for other chronic conditions and rely on these medications to manage their health. Consequently, women of reproductive age with chronic conditions will be most impacted by these actions.

Indications for Use of Methotrexate and Misoprostol

Methotrexate is indicated for treatment of rheumatoid arthritis and other autoimmune diseases that disproportionately affect women. The drug works by suppressing the immune system. Additionally, many chemotherapy regimens include methotrexate for treatment of adult and pediatric cancers, such as leukemia and breast cancer, where it works to slow or stop the growth of cancer cells. It also has some off label uses for common conditions like Crohn’s disease, lupus, and eczema. The drug is also a common treatment for ectopic pregnancies where it stops cells from dividing by interfering with the folic acid in your body.

Beyond methotrexate, another drug that may be limited because of its use in pregnancy terminations is misoprostol. Misoprostol is a prostaglandin that causes cervical softening and dilation, as well as uterine contractions. It is frequently used in obstetrics and gynecology for procedures like the medical management of miscarriage, induction of labor, cervical ripening before surgical procedures, and the treatment of postpartum hemorrhage. It is also indicated for reducing the risk of nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAIDs like aspirin and ibuprofen) induced gastric ulcers in patients at high risk of complications from gastric ulcers. In combination with mifepristone, misoprostol can be used to terminate an intrauterine pregnancy through 70 days gestation. Access to methotrexate and misoprostol is essential for patients, especially women, with these cross-cutting conditions. A more detailed version of Table 1 can be found in the Appendix.

Common Conditions Treated with Methotrexate and Misoprostol

Findings

We examined the gender, age, and diagnosis of people with methotrexate and misoprostol prescriptions and injections in claims from the IBM MarketScan Encounter Database in 2019, a database of claims paid on behalf of enrollees of large employer private health plans. We looked at utilization for both men and women enrollees ages 0-64, with a focus on reproductive aged women, ages 15-49, who did not have indication of a pregnancy in the year. The claims used in this analysis only reflect use under the benefit plan and do not include services for which the enrollee did not file a claim such as a medication abortion that was paid for out-of-pocket without using insurance, which could result in an underestimate of individuals using these drugs.

Methotrexate

We find that women make up the majority of people (71%) with a methotrexate prescription in the 2019 IBM MarketScan Encounter Database compared to 29% of methotrexate prescriptions going to men (Figure 1). Over a quarter (29%) of people with a methotrexate prescription are women of reproductive age, ages 18-49, while 39% are women ages 50-64.

7 in 10 People With a Methotrexate Prescription Are Women

Among reproductive-aged women with a methotrexate prescription claim, 92% had no indication of pregnancy in the measurement year (Figure 2). Among those who were not pregnant, over half (55%) of reproductive-aged women with a claim for a methotrexate prescription had a diagnosis code for rheumatoid arthritis at some point during the year. Nearly a third (33%) had a diagnosis for another autoimmune disease we looked at and just over one in five (18%) had a cancer diagnosis at some point in the year (Table 2).

Methotrexate Is Used Primarily for Conditions Unrelated to Pregnancy
Methotrexate is Commonly Used for Autoimmune Conditions and Cancer

Misoprostol

Among misoprostol prescriptions, 97% are prescribed to women compared to 3% for men. The majority of women using misoprostol are of reproductive age (80%) (Figure 3).

The Majority of People With a Misoprostol Prescription Are Women

Among reproductive-aged women with misoprostol prescription, 61% had no indication of pregnancy in the year (Figure 4). Over half (52%) of non-pregnant women of reproductive age had a diagnosis for conditions where misoprostol would be indicated for cervical ripening, such as for an IUD insertion, while another one in three (36%) had a diagnosis code for abnormal bleeding (Table 3).

Six in Ten Reproductive Age Women Who Used Misoprostol Are Not Pregnant
Misoprostol is Frequently Used for Purposes Outside of Abortion

Implications

As abortion bans are implemented in states in the South and Midwest, reproductive-aged women with autoimmune diseases or cancer could see delays or denials in receiving medications like methotrexate and misoprostol, used to manage their chronic conditions. The abortion bans also have implications for the management of a broad range of conditions that impact women. This analysis finds that limitations and barriers to these treatments will have a disproportionate impact on women, beyond limiting the availability of abortions to terminate pregnancies.

Providers and pharmacists in states where abortion is banned could refrain from prescribing or dispensing these drugs out of fear of prosecution. In response to concerns about access to these medications, on July 13, 2022, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services issued guidance reminding retail pharmacies that as recipients of federal financial assistance, including Medicare and Medicaid payments, that they are prohibited from discriminating based on sex and other bases (i.e., race, color, national origin, age, and disability) under Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act. The administration’s stance is that decisions to limit access to these medications could be discriminatory based on age, sex, and disability and could violate Section 1557 of the ACA. This is one of the many unanticipated consequences of the Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade and states actions to ban abortion.

Methods

We analyzed prescription drug claims from the 2019 IBM Health Analytics MarketScan Commercial Claims and Encounters Database, which contains claims information provided by a sample of large employer plans. Non-elderly enrollees in MarketScan were included if they were enrolled for at least 6 months. This analysis used claims for almost 14,000 million non-elderly people representing about 17% of the 85,453,000 million people in large group plans (employers with a thousand or more workers) in 2019. To make MarketScan data representative of enrollment in large group plans nationally, weights were applied to match counts in the Current Population Survey for enrollees and their dependents employed by firms of a thousand or more workers by sex, age and state. Weights were trimmed at eight times the interquartile range. In total, there were claims for 3,816,000 women of reproductive age (18-49), representing 16% of those in a large group plan.

This data collects the utilization of retail prescription drugs but does not include a diagnosis associated with the prescription. ICD-10 diagnosis codes were used to classify illnesses and conditions. Individuals are classified as having a diagnosis if they had either an outpatient or inpatient claim within the year which included one of the identified diagnoses. Persons with a pregnancy claim were first identified with diagnoses including any ICD-10 diagnosis code beginning with O, Z33, Z34, Z3A, Z322, Z3201, Z36, Z39 or Z37. After excluding persons with a pregnancy claim, we identified persons with a claim for rheumatoid arthritis or cancer using the disease definitions developed by the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (HCUP). Persons using the drugs who had another autoimmune disease, cervical ripening, or abnormal bleeding were identified using a select group of diagnosis codes available upon request. The claims used in this analysis only reflect use under the benefit plan and do not include services for which the enrollee did not file a claim, which could result in an underestimate of individuals using these drugs.

Appendix

Pregnancy and Non-pregnancy Related Indications for Methotrexate
Pregnancy and Non-pregnancy Related Indications for Misoprostol
News Release

Abortion Bans May Limit Access to Certain Drugs Used to Treat Women with Cancer, Autoimmune Diseases, and Ulcers

Published: Nov 17, 2022

A new KFF analysis finds that women comprise the majority of patients who rely on certain drugs that may be restricted in response to state abortion bans. Following the Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, some women in abortion-banning states have reported that clinicians and pharmacists denied them access to medications like methotrexate and misoprostol that are used to manage chronic conditions but are also used for medication abortions and treatment of ectopic pregnancies.

Clinicians prescribe methotrexate, which is harmful to fetuses and used to treat ectopic pregnancies, to also manage autoimmune diseases including Crohn’s disease and lupus as well as certain cancers. Misoprostol is one of the drugs that is taken as part of a medication abortion typically with mifepristone, and is also prescribed for miscarriage management, to induce labor, and reduce the risk of ulcers caused by medications like aspirin and ibuprofen. 

This analysis used a large claims database of enrollees in large employer plans to look at the gender, age, and common diagnoses of people with methotrexate and misoprostol prescriptions in 2019. Key findings include the following:

  • Seven in ten people with a methotrexate prescription were women. Among women of childbearing age (ages 18-49) with methotrexate prescriptions, 92% were not pregnant in the year. Among those who were not pregnant, the vast majority had an autoimmune disease and about one in five had a cancer diagnosis at some point in the year.
  • Among women of childbearing age with misoprostol prescriptions, 97% were women and 61% were not pregnant. The majority of non-pregnant women had a diagnosis for which misoprostol would be needed in preparation for a cervical procedure such as intrauterine device (IUD) insertions, while another one in three were diagnosed with abnormal bleeding.

Read “Abortion Bans May Limit Essential Medications for Women with Chronic Conditions” to learn more.

Extra Benefits Offered by Medicare Advantage Firms Vary

Published: Nov 16, 2022

Medicare beneficiaries may choose to receive their Medicare benefits through traditional Medicare or a Medicare Advantage plan offered by a private health insurance company. Over the past 15 years, the share of Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in Medicare Advantage plans has more than doubled, approaching half of the total Medicare population. One reason for the growth in Medicare Advantage enrollment may be that virtually all plans offer extra benefits not available in traditional Medicare, including coverage of vision (eyeglasses and/or eye exams), hearing (exams and/or aids), fitness, and dental services.

Firms that sponsor Medicare Advantage plans have the ability to determine what, if any, extra benefits to offer, and these decisions may be made with the goal of attracting and retaining enrollees. Firm participation in the Medicare Advantage market is robust, with the average Medicare beneficiary able to choose from 43 plans offered by 9 firms in 2023 (similar to 2022). Despite having broad options, enrollment is highly concentrated, with UnitedHealthcare and Humana accounting for more than 40 percent of all Medicare Advantage enrollees since 2015, and a high of 46 percent in 2022.

This analysis examines how the share of enrollees in plans that offer extra benefits varies across firms, based on an analysis of CMS Medicare Advantage plan benefit and enrollment files (for additional information, see Methods box). We focus on variations across firms based on 2022 enrollment, because plan enrollment for 2023 is not yet available. In addition, we provide an overview of how the 2023 plan offerings, by firm, differ from offerings in 2022. We limited the analysis to individual Medicare Advantage plans that are generally available to all beneficiaries for enrollment (which, for example, excludes plans sponsored by employers/unions and special needs plans that are offered to a defined group of beneficiaries). We present findings for the seven firms with the largest market share in 2022, representing more than four-fifths (83%) of Medicare Advantage enrollment – UnitedHealthcare (24%), Humana (20%), Blue Cross Blue Shield (15%), CVS Health (10%), Kaiser Permanente (6%), Centene (5%), and Cigna (2%).

This analysis looks at how many enrollees are in plans that offer various extra benefits but does not examine how the scope of these benefits varies across plans or insurers. Prior KFF analysis documented substantial variation in the scope of dental benefits offered across Medicare Advantage plans, based on a detailed review of each plan’s Evidence of Coverage, that is beyond the scope of this analysis which relies on public data files. Additionally, we do not examine utilization or out-of-pocket spending associated with these extra benefits, because plans are not required to report these data for supplemental benefits.

Share of Medicare Advantage enrollees in plans with extra benefits, by firm

Across the seven largest firms in the Medicare Advantage market that together account for 83% of all enrollees, there is near universal enrollment in plans that offer vision, hearing, fitness, and dental benefits. There is more variation across firms for over-the-counter, remote access technologies, meals, acupuncture and transportation benefits. It is uncommon for plans to offer other benefits, with a relatively small share of enrollees across all firms in plans that offer in-home support services, bathroom safety, Medicare Part B premium rebates, telemonitoring or caregiver support benefits. Figure 1 shows the share of enrollees in plans that offer each of 14 different extra benefits that we examined, by firm, in 2022.

Share of Medicare Advantage Enrollees in Individual Plans with Extra Benefits by Benefit and Firm

Nearly all enrollees are in Medicare Advantage plans that offer vision, hearing, fitness and dental benefits.

Overall, virtually all Medicare Advantage enrollees are in plans that offer coverage of some vision (99%), hearing (98%), fitness (98%), and/or dental (96%) services. While coverage is nearly universal, there are some small differences across firms.

At least 95 percent of enrollees in plans sponsored by the firms we examined are offered vision, hearing and/or fitness benefits. Across all firms, there is little difference in the share of enrollees in who are offered at least some vision services, such as eye exams and/or eyeglasses, with at least 99 percent of enrollees in a plan that offers this benefit. Hearing and fitness benefits are also nearly universally offered, though a slightly smaller share of Humana enrollees (95%) are in a plan that covers hearing benefits and slightly smaller share of UnitedHealthcare enrollees (96%) are offered fitness benefits, compared to the national average.

The share of enrollees in a plan that offers dental benefits ranges from 90 percent among UnitedHealthcare enrollees to 100 percent for Humana, CVS Health, and Kaiser Permanente enrollees. Coverage of dental services is also nearly universally offered to enrollees in Centene (98%) and Cigna (99%) plans. As noted earlier, prior KFF analysis has documented wide variation in the scope of dental benefits offered by plans, ranging from preventive services exclusively to more comprehensive coverage.

The share of Medicare Advantage enrollees in plans that offer over-the-counter, remote access technologies, meal, acupuncture, and transportation benefits varies more across firms.

Overall, a majority of Medicare Advantage enrollees are in a plan that offers over-the-counter (84%), remote access technologies (72%), or meal (71%) benefits, while a somewhat smaller share are enrolled in plan with acupuncture (45%) or transportation (39%) benefits. Across firms, however, there are notable differences.

Among the two firms with the largest enrollment, a smaller share of UnitedHealthcare than Humana enrollees are in plans that offer over-the-counter, meal, acupuncture and transportation benefits. While UnitedHealthcare has the largest market share (both historically and currently), a smaller share of enrollees in plans sponsored by UnitedHealthcare than Humana (the insurer with the second highest enrollment) are offered over-the-counter (80% vs 97%), meals (60% vs 100%), acupuncture (13% vs 100%), and transportation (26% vs 49%) benefits. The one exception among benefits that vary across firms is remote access technologies, where nearly all enrollees (98%) in a UnitedHealthcare plan are offered expanded telehealth benefits that include remote access technologies, while no Humana enrollees are in a plan that offers this benefit.  

The two firms with the smallest Medicare Advantage market share, Centene and Cigna, offer transportation benefits to the largest share of enrollees. Transportation benefits are offered to 56 percent of Centene enrollees and 62 percent of Cigna enrollees. No other firm offers this benefit to a majority of enrollees, with 49 percent of Humana enrollees, 41 percent of Blue Cross Blue Shield enrollees, 26 percent of UnitedHealthcare enrollees, and just over one fifth of CVS Health (21%) and Kaiser Permanente (22%) enrollees in a plan that offers a transportation benefit.

It is uncommon for Medicare Advantage enrollees to be in plans that offer in-home support services, bathroom safety, Part B rebates, telemonitoring, or caregiver support.

A relatively small share of Medicare Advantage enrollees are in a plan that offers in-home support services (12%), bathroom safety devices (9%), a rebate toward the Part B premium (7%), telemonitoring (4%), or support for caregivers (4%).

Enrollees in Blue Cross Blue Shield plans are enrolled somewhat more often in a plan that offers in-home support services, bathroom safety, telemonitoring, or caregiver support benefits than enrollees in plans sponsored by other firms. Among enrollees in Blue Cross Blue Shield plans, 29 percent are in a plan that offers in-home support services, compared to 23 percent in Centene plans, 12 percent in Cigna plans, 10 percent in Humana plans, 7 percent in Kaiser Permanente plans, and no enrollees in UnitedHealthcare or CVS Health plans. Similarly, 36 percent of Blue Cross Blue Shield enrollees are in a plan that covers bathroom safety devices, while just 7 percent of Cigna enrollees and fewer than 2 percent of enrollees in plans sponsored by other firms are offered this benefit. Telemonitoring and caregiver support benefits are offered exclusively by Blue Cross Blue Shield among the firms examined. Among Blue Cross Blue Shield enrollees, 15 percent are in a plan that offers telemonitoring services and 11 percent are in a plan with caregiver support benefits, while no enrollees in plans sponsored by other firms are offered these benefits.

Across Medicare Advantage firms, a relatively small share of enrollees are in a plan that provides a rebate toward the monthly Medicare Part B premium. Medicare beneficiaries in both traditional Medicare and Medicare Advantage plans are responsible for paying a monthly Medicare Part B premium.  Some plans provide a rebate that reduces the premium as an extra benefit. With the exception of Kaiser Permanente, all firms have at least some enrollees in a plan that provides a rebate towards the Medicare Part B premium. Centene has a larger share than other firms, with 26 percent of enrollees in a plan with this benefit, followed by Humana (11%), Cigna (9%), CVS Health (6%), UnitedHealthcare (4%) and Blue Cross Blue Shield (4%).

Outlook for 2023

The first release of Medicare Advantage plan benefit package data for 2023 show just a few changes in what is being offered with respect to the extra benefits that we examined at the firm level. For example, UnitedHealthcare is offering meal benefits in 83 percent of its plans in 2023, compared to just over half in 2022. Both Humana and Blue Cross Blue Shield have increased the share of plans offering in-home support services (from 4% of plans in 2022 to 11% of plans in 2023 for Humana; from 20% of plans in 2022 to 27% of plans in 2023 for Blue Cross Blue Shield). Cigna is offering caregiver support services in 17 percent of plans after not offering this benefit in any individual plans open for general enrollment in 2022. Finally, Part B premium rebates are included in a somewhat larger share of plans sponsored by Cigna (30% in 2023 compared to 18% in 2022), Humana (22% in 2023 compared to 14% in 2022) and Blue Cross Blue Shield (14% in 2023 compared to 8% in 2022). Together, these changes mean that the share of Medicare Advantage enrollees in plans that offer extra benefits by firm may differ slightly in 2023, but there are unlikely to be large, broad changes.

Discussion

Nearly all enrollees in Medicare Advantage plans sponsored by the seven largest firms in the market are in a plan that offers some vision, hearing, fitness, and/or dental benefits, but other benefits vary widely across firms or are relatively uncommon. This differentiation may represent firm-level strategies to attract and retain enrollees and grow their share of the Medicare Advantage market. Firms may be looking to attract enrollees from their competitors by offering extra benefits that are considered valuable (in part, because they potentially improve health or lower costs), and tailoring those benefits to particular subgroups of beneficiaries.

Plans are able to offer additional benefits, in part because Medicare spends more per enrollee in Medicare Advantage than it spends per person in traditional Medicare. In particular, rebates paid by Medicare to plans (based on the difference between the bid and the benchmark), which are used to fund extra benefits, have increased rapidly in recent years, rising to nearly $2,000 per enrollee on average in 2022. Of that amount, plans are estimated to spend an average of $480 per enrollee on extra benefits overall, including Part B premium rebates. We do not have the data to know how that amount varies across firms, and so we cannot assess specifically whether firms with larger rebates offer more or different extra benefits. It is possible that certain plans keep more of their rebate dollars for profit (subject to meeting medical loss ratio requirements) or allocate more of their rebate dollars towards a lower out-of-pocket cap or reduced cost sharing for Medicare-covered services.

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has said that “Medicare Advantage is a critical part of CMS’ vision to advancing health equity.” The variation in extra benefits across Medicare Advantage plans may have implications for how effective private plans are in this role. Broad differences in benefits could be consistent with the goal if firms are tailoring and providing benefits, such as transportation, to those with the greatest social or medical needs. These differences could also exacerbate disparities if the extra benefits are not sufficiently focused on high-need populations. Plans are not currently required to report information on utilization or costs associated with extra benefits, nor information about the network of providers for extra benefits, in general, or for specific subgroups. Starting with plan year 2023, some cost information will be required as part of the medical loss ratio reports. However, there will continue to be no information about how utilization of extra benefits, and associated spending, varies by race/ethnicity, income, or health status, so it will remain impossible to assess whether, and the extent to which, extra benefits are having an impact on health outcomes for those with the greatest needs.

Medicare Advantage is projected to soon become the main form of Medicare coverage. Understanding the benefits offered to Medicare Advantage enrollees, how they vary across firms, and how they differ from those available to traditional Medicare beneficiaries is important for understanding how growing enrollment in Medicare Advantage plans is redefining what it means to have Medicare coverage, as well as the effects on health equity. As more beneficiaries receive their coverage through a private plan, the variation in extra benefits offered, as well as the scope and generosity of those benefits, means that Medicare coverage could look meaningfully different for different people.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Methods

Supplemental benefits in Medicare Advantage plans were identified using the 2022 and 2023 Quarter 1 Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) Plan Benefit Package data. Enrollment data are from the March 2022 Monthly Enrollment by Contract/Plan/State/County published by CMS in the Medicare Advantage (MA)/Part D Contract and Enrollment Data section. Enrollment data is only provided for plan-county combinations that have at least 11 beneficiaries; thus, we exclude any plans that do not meet this enrollment threshold. We also excluded all employer plans, cost plans, Health Care Prepayment Plans (HCPP), Program of All-Inclusive Care for the Elderly (PACE) plans, and Medicare-Medicaid plans (MMP). Employer plans are not required to submit all data necessary for the analysis. The other plans removed have different enrollment requirements, and in some cases are paid differently, than traditional Medicare Advantage plans.

We do not examine all the extra benefits that Medicare Advantage plans offer. For example, we do not examine special supplemental benefits for the chronically ill. Additionally, we do not include basic telehealth services as an extra benefit in this analysis. While these telehealth services are not routinely covered by traditional Medicare (outside the COVID-19 public health emergency), since 2019 Medicare Advantage plans are permitted to include telehealth associated costs in their bids, rather than paying for them as a supplemental benefit using rebates. The vast majority of Medicare Advantage enrollees (98%) are in a plan that offers basic telehealth services.

We define a plan as offering a benefit if it is available to enrollees as either a mandatory or optional supplemental benefit. Optional supplemental benefits require an additional premium, which we do not examine in this analysis.

News Release

Fewer than Half of Employed Women Say Their Employer Offers a Paid Parental Leave or Family and Medical Leave Benefit

Women—Particularly Working Moms—Shoulder Most of the Responsibility for Caring for Sick Children

Published: Nov 16, 2022

A new KFF analysis finds that fewer than half of employed women ages 18-64 say their employer offers a paid parental leave benefit, such as maternity or paternity leave (43%) or family and medical leave (44%). Access to these workplace benefits varies widely by employment status, income, location, and level of education. Women who work full-time and have higher incomes are more likely than their part-time or low-income counterparts to say their employer offers any paid leave benefits.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, a lack of paid leave benefits has had significant implications for employed women with children, particularly mothers with low incomes. Among working parents, women continue to be the primary caregivers when their children are sick; compared to 19% of working fathers, 56% of working mothers report they are the ones to care for children when they are ill and cannot attend school. A higher share of mothers with low incomes (61%) say they are the ones to care for sick children compared to mothers with higher incomes (53%). Among working mothers who must stay home to care for sick children, 76% of those with low incomes (below 200% of the federal poverty level) report losing pay when they miss work to care for sick children, twice the share of mothers with higher incomes (38%).

These findings come from the 2022 KFF Women’s Health Survey, which examines several topics related to women’s health and well-being. The analysis is based on a nationally representative sample of 5,145 women and 1,225 men ages 18-64. The data presented are based on survey respondents’ self-identified gender as a “woman” or “man.” Non-cisgendered people are included in the survey but are not reported here because of an insufficient sample size.

Additional findings include the following:

  • Forty-nine percent of employed women with higher incomes say their employer offers paid family and medical leave compared to 33% of women with lower incomes.
  • Seventy-three percent of women who are employed full-time report that their employer offers paid sick leave, compared to 31% who work part-time.
  • The share of fathers who say they usually take care of sick children who cannot attend school has doubled in the past two years, rising from 9% in 2020 to 19% in 2022. While the share grew, more than half of mothers (56%) said they take responsibility for the children who must stay home from school because of illness.

Learn more about these 2022 Women’s Health Survey findings in the brief “Workplace Benefits and Family Health Care Responsibilities.”

 

Workplace Benefits and Family Health Care Responsibilities: Key Findings from the 2022 KFF Women’s Health Survey

Published: Nov 16, 2022

Issue Brief

Key Takeaways

  • Less than half of women report that their employer offers paid parental leave such as maternity or paternity leave (43%) or paid family and medical leave which can also be used to take time off to care for a seriously ill family member (44%). A considerably higher share, nearly two-thirds, of women say that their employer offers them paid sick leave (63%). Just 7% of women work for an employer that offers on-site childcare or a childcare subsidy. These estimates are consistently lower for women who work part-time, are self-employed, are low-income, or live in rural areas.
  • Among employed parents, more than half of mothers (56%) report they are the ones to care for children when they are sick and cannot attend school, compared to about a fifth of fathers (19%). A substantial share of mothers (24%) and fathers (33%) say they share responsibility with a spouse, partner, or co-parent.
  • Compared to 2020, there has been an increase in the share of men reporting that they are usually the ones to care for children when they are sick and cannot attend school, but this activity is still largely done by mothers.
  • About half of working parents say they are not paid when they take time off to care for sick kids. Three-quarters (76%) of working mothers with low incomes (below 200% of the federal poverty level) report losing pay when they miss work to care for sick children which is twice the share of those with higher incomes (38%).

Introduction

The persistent challenges that working mothers face in balancing family and work responsibilities were intensified by the COVID pandemic, which exposed the gaps in resources to address the rise in family caregiving needs, a shift to homeschooling, and the dearth of childcare options. While children are now back in the classroom and many workers have returned to offices, the pandemic has left its mark on the challenge of balancing family and workplace responsibilities, particularly for working mothers. For many working women, economic security is strongly connected to workplace benefits such as insurance coverage, paid sick leave, and paid family leave as well as their roles as mothers and the primary managers of their children’s health care.

The 2022 KFF Women’s Health Survey (KWHS) is a nationally representative survey of 5,145 women and 1,225 men ages 18-64 conducted from May 10, 2022, to June 7, 2022. Among several topics related to women’s health and well-being, we asked respondents about employment and family health care needs. This brief highlights how workplace benefits and caring for children’s health care differ by gender and among different subpopulations of women. Data presented in this brief are based on survey respondents’ self-identified gender as “woman” or “man.” We recognize that this approach excludes people who do not identify with either of these categories. We do not have sufficient survey sample size to report on people who are not cisgender. See the Methodology section for more details.

Access to Workplace Benefits

Fewer than half of employed women say their employer offers paid parental leave or paid family and medical leave. So-called “fringe benefits” such as paid leave offer financial security to workers who must balance their personal and family care needs with their work responsibilities. However, just 43% of employed women ages 18-64 say their employer offers paid parental leave and 44% say their employer offers paid family and medical leave. Many more employed women (63%) report that their employer offers paid sick leave (Figure 1).

Fewer than one in ten employed women say their employer offers on-site childcare or a childcare subsidy. As some employers seek to provide more “family-friendly” workplaces, some now offer on-site childcare for workers’ children or subsidies to workers to pay for childcare at another location. This type of benefit may help ease the transition back to work for new parents, reduce the need for extensive commuting, and provide financial support for a service that is consuming an increasing share of workers’ paychecks. However, few (7%) employed women report that their employer offers on-site childcare or a childcare subsidy (Figure 1).

Some women do not know whether their employer offers paid leave and childcare benefits. Benefits are an important component of a worker’s total compensation package, but some women do not know if their employer offers paid parental leave (18%) or paid family and medical leave (17%) (Figure 1). Knowledge of sick leave benefits is higher, with just 7% of women saying they don’t know if their employer offers this benefit. Eleven percent do not know if their employer offers on-site childcare or a childcare subsidy. Women who are employed but don’t have kids at home are more likely than those who have kids to say they don’t know if their employer offers paid family and medical leave (19% vs. 14%, respectively), paid parental leave (22% vs. 12%), and on-site childcare or a childcare subsidy (13% vs. 7%) (data not shown).

Fewer Than Half of Employed Women Say Their Employer Offers Paid Parental Leave or Paid Family and Medical Leave

Access to these workplace benefits varies widely by employment status, income, geographic location, and educational attainment. Women who work full-time, are not self-employed, and have higher incomes are more likely than their counterparts to say their employer offers any of these paid leave or childcare benefits (Table 1).

For example, approximately seven in ten women who are employed full-time (73%) and women who are not self-employed (69%) report that their employer offers paid sick leave compared to three in ten (31%) who work part-time and about two in ten (18%) who are self-employed. Half of higher-income (>= 200% FPL) employed women (49%) say their employer offers paid family and medical leave compared to one-third (33%) of women who are low-income (< 200% FPL). Employed women with a college degree (52%) are more likely than those with lower educational attainment (36%) to report working for an employer that offers paid parental leave. Four percent of employed women in rural locations work for an employer offering on-site childcare or a childcare subsidy compared to 7% of employed women in urban and suburban areas. Overall, there are fewer differences by race and ethnicity, but a slightly higher share of Black women reported working for an employer that offers paid family and medical leave or paid parental leave.

Access to Workplace Benefits Varies Widely by Employment Status and Demographic Characteristics

Impact of Children’s Health Needs on Working Parents

Among working parents, a higher share of mothers than fathers report they are the ones that care for children when they are too sick to attend school. Workplace benefits play an important role in parents’ ability to care for their family’s health care needs while meeting workplace responsibilities. When children have to miss school because they are too sick to attend, working parents must arrange care for their children. Among mothers who work outside the home, over half (56%) say they are the ones who usually take care of children who are sick and cannot go to school, about three times the share of working fathers (19%) (Figure 2). A quarter (24%) of working mothers and one-third of working fathers (33%) say they share this responsibility equally with a spouse, partner, or co-parent. Just 6% of working mothers say their spouse, partner, or co-parent usually takes on this responsibility, whereas this is the most common response among fathers (41%), nearly seven times the rate of mothers. Roughly one in ten mothers (13%) and fathers (8%) say they can call someone else for childcare or their child can stay home alone.

Among Working Parents, Mothers More Likely Than Fathers to Care for Children When They Are Too Sick to Go to School

About half of working parents report losing pay when they miss work to care for sick children who can’t go to school. When parents miss work to take care of their sick children, 53% of mothers and 49% of fathers say they are not paid for that time (Figure 3). This has a disproportionate impact on mothers, as they are more likely to be the ones caring for children when they are sick. Considering that nearly 15% of children missed more than a week of school per year due to illness or injury before the pandemic and that the CDC recommends that people stay home for at least five days if testing positive for COVID-1, when children miss school because they are sick, it can have tangible negative economic implications for many working parents, particularly women.

When Working Parents Miss Work to Care for Children Who Are Sick and Cannot Attend School, About Half Report They Are Not Paid for That Time

Mothers who have low incomes are more likely than those with higher incomes to report they usually care for children who are sick and cannot attend school as well as lose pay for this time. A larger share of mothers with low incomes (61%) say they are the ones who usually care for children when they are sick compared to mothers with higher incomes (53%) (Figure 4). Working mothers with low incomes are also less likely to report sharing the responsibility with a spouse or partner. Additionally, 76% of mothers with low incomes report losing pay when they miss work to care for sick children, twice the share of those with higher incomes (38%). As discussed earlier, fewer women who have low incomes have a paid sick leave benefit than those who have higher incomes.

A Higher Share of Mothers Who Have Low Incomes Than Those With Higher Incomes Care for Children When They Cannot Go to School AND More Lose Pay as a Result

Across demographic groups, the majority of employed mothers report that they are usually the ones to take care of kids when they are sick and cannot go to school, and some share this work with a spouse/partner. However, there are differences between groups of women workers in the economic impact of missing work to care for sick kids. A higher share of working mothers who are Black, single, or work part-time report losing pay for this time off (Figure 5). Three-quarters of part-time workers are not paid when they take time off to care for sick kids, compared to 44% of full-time workers.

Mothers Lead on Caring for Children When They Are Sick and Cannot Go to School, but Some Mothers More Likely to Lose Pay as a Result

Since 2020, the share of fathers who say they are the ones who usually care for children when they are sick and cannot attend school has risen. While mothers are much more likely to report that they are the ones who care for young children when they are sick and cannot go to school, the share of fathers who say they are usually the ones to do so has risen in the past two years. In 2022, 19% of fathers say that they usually cared for children when they are too sick to go to school, up from 9% in 2020 (Figure 6). Among mothers however, these rates remained similar between 2020 and 2022 (61% and 56% respectively). The pandemic and the impact of the spread of COVID-19 continues to keep some children out of school and has also changed many employment patterns and workplace dynamics. Many more people work from home at least some of the time, which may have also changed the distribution of childcare responsibilities in some families, with more fathers spending more time at home.

One in Five Working Fathers Say They Care for Children When They Cannot Go to School Due to Illness, Twice the Share as 2 Years Ago

Conclusion

Women comprise at least half of the nation’s workforce, and roughly seven in ten women with children under the age of 18 are in the labor force, yet the United States remains one of the few industrialized nations that does not require paid leave for health-related events including paid parental leave and sick leave. For many women, taking even a month of unpaid leave after childbirth is unaffordable and unattainable. Gaps in these benefits are larger among women who are lower income and those who work part-time.

Absent federal legislation, guaranteed paid leave (including paid sick, family and medical, and parental leave) is at the discretion of the states. In states that do not have paid leave programs or requirements, some employers offer it voluntarily, but workers who could most benefit from it are less likely to be offered these benefits.

Among parents, women continue to be the primary caregivers when their children are sick, and the pandemic has made this issue top of mind for many parents. Some employed mothers share the responsibility of caring for their sick children with their partners, and notably, in the past two years, there has been an increase in the share of fathers who say they usually take care of sick kids who cannot go to school. However, it is still working moms who carry this responsibility in many families. The increase in people working from home since the pandemic’s start could have contributed to a change in the distribution of parental health care responsibilities, but it is too early to tell whether this trend will continue in the years to come.

For many working parents who lack paid leave benefits, caring for kids because they are sick and cannot go to school comes with an economic cost, and many of these costs are borne by working women. For some women, the system is largely working though is still challenging, but for those who are in low-wage jobs or work part-time hours, caring for their family's health without workplace supports can weaken their own and their family’s financial well-being.

Methodology

Overview

The 2022 KFF Women’s Health Survey is a nationally representative survey of 6,442 people ages 18 to 64, including 5,201 females (self-reported sex at birth) and 1,241 males, conducted from May 10, 2022, to June 7, 2022. The objective of the survey is to help better understand respondents’ experiences with contraception, potential barriers to health care access, and other issues related to reproductive health. The survey was designed and analyzed by researchers at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation) and fielded online and by telephone by SSRS using its Opinion Panel, supplemented with sample from IPSOS’s KnowledgePanel.

This work was supported in part by Arnold Ventures. KFF maintains full editorial control over all of its policy analysis, polling, and journalism activities.

Questionnaire design

KFF developed the survey instrument with SSRS feedback regarding question wording, order, clarity, and other issues pertaining to questionnaire quality. The survey was conducted in English and Spanish. The survey instrument is available upon request.

Sample design

The majority of respondents completed the survey using the SSRS Opinion Panel (n=5,202), a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited in one of two ways: (1) through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Group through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence. (2) from a dual-framed random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by Marketing Systems Group.

In order to have large enough sample sizes for certain subgroups (females ages 18 to 35, particularly females in the following subgroups: lesbian/gay/bisexual; Asian; Black; Hispanic; Medicaid enrollees; low-income; and rural), an additional 1,240 surveys were conducted using the IPSOS KnowledgePanel, a nationally representative probability-based panel recruited using a stratified ABS design.

Data collection

Web Administration Procedures

The majority of surveys completed using the SSRS Opinion Panel (n=5,056) and all of the surveys completed using the KnowledgePanel (n=1,240) were self-administered web surveys. Panelists were emailed an invitation, which included a unique passcode-embedded link, to complete the survey online. In appreciation for their participation, panelists received a modest incentive in the form of a $5 or $10 electronic gift card. All respondents who did not respond to their first invitation received up to five reminder emails and panelists who had opted into receiving text messages from the SSRS Opinion Panel received text message reminders.

Overall, the median length of the web surveys was 13 minutes.

Phone Administration Procedures

In addition to the self-administered web survey, n=146 surveys were completed by telephone with SSRS Opinion Panelists who are web reluctant. Overall, the median length of the phone surveys was 28 minutes.

Data processing and integration

SSRS implemented several quality assurance procedures in data file preparation and processing. Prior to launching data collection, extensive testing of the survey was completed to ensure it was working as anticipated. After the soft launch, survey data were carefully checked for accuracy, completeness, and non-response to specific questions so that any issues could be identified and resolved prior to the full launch.

The data file programmer implemented a “data cleaning” procedure in which web survey skip patterns were created in order to ensure that all questions had the appropriate numbers of cases. This procedure involved a check of raw data by a program that consisted of instructions derived from the skip patterns designated on the questionnaire. The program confirmed that data were consistent with the definitions of codes and ranges and matched the appropriate bases of all questions. The SSRS team also reviewed preliminary SPSS files and conducted an independent check of all created variables to ensure that all variables were accurately constructed.

As a standard practice, quality checks were incorporated into the survey. Quality control checks for this study included a review of “speeders,” reviewing the internal response rate (number of questions answered divided by the number of questions asked) and open-ended questions. Among all respondents, the vast majority (97%) answered 96% or more of the survey questions they received, with no one completing less than 91% of the administered survey (respondents were informed at the start of the survey that they could skip any question).

Weighting

The data were weighted to represent U.S. adults ages 18 to 64. The data include oversamples of females ages 18 to 35 and females ages 36 to 64. Due to this oversampling, the data were classified into three subgroups: females 18 to 35, females 36 to 64, and males 18 to 64. The weighting consisted of two stages: 1) application of base weights and 2) calibration to population parameters. Each subgroup was calibrated separately, then the groups were put into their proper proportions relative to their size in the population.

Calibration to Population Benchmarks

The sample was balanced to match estimates of each of the three subgroups (females ages 18 to 35, females ages 36 to 64, and males ages 18 to 64) along the following dimensions: age; education (less than a high school graduate, high school graduate, some college, four-year college or more); region (Northeast, Midwest, South, West); and race/ethnicity (White non-Hispanic, Black non-Hispanic, Hispanic-born in U.S., Hispanic-born Outside the U.S., Asian non-Hispanic, Other non-Hispanic). The sample was weighted within race (White, non-Hispanic; Black, non-Hispanic; Hispanic; and Asian) to match population estimates. Benchmark distributions were derived from 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS) data.

Weighting summaries for females ages 18 to 35, females ages 36 to 64, and males ages 18 to 64 are available upon request.

Finally, the three weights were combined, and a final adjustment was made to match the groups to their proper proportions relative to their size in the population (Table 1).

Combined Weights, Sex by Age

Margin of Sampling Error

The margin of sampling error, including the design effect for subgroups, is presented in Table 2 below. It is important to remember that the sampling fluctuations captured in the margin of error are only one possible source of error in a survey estimate and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other survey.

Design Effects and Margins of Error by Demographic Group

KFF Analysis

Researchers at KFF conducted further data analysis using the R survey package, including creating constructed variables, running additional testing for statistical significance, and coding responses to open-ended questions. The survey instrument is available upon request.

Rounding and sample sizes

Some figures in the report do not sum to totals due to rounding. Although overall totals are statistically valid, some breakdowns may not be available due to limited sample sizes or cell sizes. Where the unweighted sample size is less than 100 or where observations are less than 10, figures include the notation “NSD” (Not Sufficient Data).

Statistical significance

All statistical tests are performed at the .05 confidence level. Statistical tests for a given subgroup are tested against the reference group (Ref.) unless otherwise indicated. For example, White is the standard reference for race/ethnicity comparisons and private insurance is the standard reference for types of insurance coverage. Some breakouts by subsets have a large standard error, meaning that sometimes even large differences between estimates are not statistically different.

A note about sex and gender language

Our survey asked respondents which sex they were assigned at birth, on their original birth certificate (male or female). They were then asked what their current gender is (man, woman, transgender, non-binary, or other). Those who identified as transgender men are coded as men and transgender women are coded as women. While we attempted to be as inclusive as possible and recognize the importance of better understanding the health of non-cisgendered people, as is common in many nationally representative surveys, we did not have a sufficient sample size (n >= 100) to report gender breakouts other than men and women with confidence that they reflect the larger non-cisgender population as a whole. The data in our reproductive health reports use the respondent’s sex assigned at birth (inclusive of all genders) to account for reproductive health needs/capacity (e.g., ever been pregnant) while the data in our other survey reports use the respondent’s gender.

News Release

KFF’s Kaiser Health News Investigates Private Equity’s Stealth Takeover of Health Care in the United States

Published: Nov 14, 2022

A new investigation by KFF’s Kaiser Health News (KHN) lays bare the sizeable efforts by private equity investors to take over large and lucrative parts of the U.S health care system in recent years. KHN found that private equity firms have invested nearly $1 trillion through thousands of deals to acquire hospitals and specialized medical practices during the last decade alone.

The deals, many of them unnoticed by federal regulators, typically result in a ratcheting up of providers’ pursuit of profits – and higher prices for patients, lawsuits, and complaints about quality of care.

The investments range widely and include the acquisitions of physician practices, dental clinic management companies, companies that treat autism, drug addiction and other behavioral health care, and ancillary services such as diagnostic and urine testing labs and software for medical billing. Through other deals, companies tied to private equity have come to dominate specialized medical services such as dermatology, gastroenterology, and anesthesiology in certain markets around the country. All of it has come on top of better-publicized takeovers of hospital emergency room staffing firms as well as the buying up of entire rural hospital systems.

Federal regulators have been almost blind to the incursion. KHN found that more than 90 percent of private equity takeovers or investments fell below the $100 million threshold that triggers an antitrust review by the Federal Trade Commission and the Justice Department.

Whistleblowers and injured patients, however, have turned to the courts to press allegations of misconduct or other improper business dealings. KHN found that companies owned or managed by private equity have agreed to pay fines of more than $500 million since 2014 to settle at least 34 lawsuits filed under the False Claims Act. Most of the time, the private equity owners have avoided liability.

The latest story, published today in USA Today, is part of a broader ongoing series, “Patients for Profit: How Private Equity Hijacked Health Care” in which KHN has examined a wide range of private equity’s forays into the health care system. They include the marketing of America’s top-selling abortion pill, the establishment of “obstetric emergency departments” at some hospitals, investments in the booming hospice care industry and even takeovers of funeral homes and cemeteries. The series includes a video primer, “How Private Equity Is Investing in Health Care”.

KHN collaborates with many editorial partners, and media outlets can publish these and other KHN stories at no charge. KHN also will publish the stories on kffhealthnews.org and promote them through its social media platforms. KHN journalists also are available for interviews about their stories. News organizations interested in working with KHN should contact the news service at KHNPartnerships@kff.org, and those interested in helping to expand and improve health journalism around the country should contact KFF at healthjournalism@kff.org.

About KFF and KHN

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis, Polling and Survey Research and Social Impact Media, KHN is one of the four major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

Cost of COVID-19 Hospital Admissions among People with Private Health Coverage

Authors: Emma Wager, Gary Claxton, Krutika Amin, and Cynthia Cox
Published: Nov 14, 2022

In addition to its devastating health toll, COVID-19 can also lead to significant financial costs for people needing treatment and for public and private payers. This analysis examines the cost of COVID-19 treatment for inpatient care among people with health coverage through large employers.

It finds that in 2020, COVID-19 hospitalizations cost an average of $41,611, including an average out-of-pocket payment of $1,280 for people with large employer coverage. In 2020, many private insurers and employers temporarily waived out-of-pocket costs for COVID-19 treatment (this is generally no longer the case). For COVID-19 hospitalizations with some cost-sharing expense, an average of $1,880 was spent out-of-pocket by individuals with large employer coverage, though COVID-19 hospitalization costs vary widely for patients with private insurance.

This analysis focuses on people with large employer coverage and does not reflect costs for patients with Medicaid or Medicare. At this time, 2020 is the most recent year of available data, and hospitalization and other treatment costs may have changed with the introduction of newer treatments.

The analysis is available through the KFF-Peterson Health System Tracker, an online information hub that monitors and assesses the performance of the U.S. health system.

Donor Government Funding for Family Planning in 2021

Authors: Adam Wexler, Jennifer Kates, and Eric Lief
Published: Nov 14, 2022

Key Points

This report provides an analysis of donor government funding to address family planning in low- and middle-income countries in 2021, the most recent year available, as well as trends over time. It is part of an effort by KFF (the Kaiser Family Foundation) to track such funding that began after the London Summit on Family Planning in 2012. Key findings include:

  • In 2021, family planning funding from donor governments totaled US$1.39 billion, essentially flat compared to the 2020 level (US$1.41 billion).1 ,2 
  • While the overall amount remained steady in 2021, there were significant variations among several donors. Funding from five donors (Australia, Denmark, Germany, Norway and Sweden) increased, some of which more than doubled their support. These increases offset a significant decline by the U.K., which cut funding by more than 40% in 2021. Funding from the Netherlands also declined slightly while Canada and the U.S. remained flat. These trends were the same after adjusting for inflation and exchange rate fluctuations.
  • More broadly, bilateral funding from donor governments for family planning has fluctuated over the past decade, but has generally risen since the London Summit in 2012. Funding in 2021 was approximately US$200 million higher than in 2012 (US$1.19 billion), though this was below the peak level reached over the period (US$1.52 billion in 2019).
  • The U.S. continued to be the largest donor to bilateral family planning efforts providing $576.7 million or 42% of total bilateral funding from governments in 2021. The Netherlands was the second largest donor (US$190.5 million, 14%), followed by Sweden (US$180.4 million, 13%), the U.K. (US$157.8 million, 11%), and Canada (US$98.9 million, 7%).
  • In addition to bilateral funding for family planning, the donor governments profiled provided US$405.3 million in core contributions to UNFPA in 2021, similar to 2020 levels (US$411.7 million).3 ,4  Most donors (Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden) provided level funding to UNFPA in 2021, while funding from Germany and the U.K. declined.5  The U.S., under the Biden administration, resumed funding for UNFPA in 2021 after the Trump Administration had invoked the Kemp-Kasten amendment, a provision of U.S. law, to withhold funding—both core and non-core contributions—from UNFPA for the prior four years.6 
  • While overall bilateral funding for family planning in 2021 does not seem to have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, ongoing economic pressures resulting from the pandemic as well as the war in Ukraine, create some uncertainty for the future.

Report

Introduction

This report provides data on donor government funding for family planning activities in low- and middle-income countries in 2021, the most recent year available, as well as trends over time. It is part of an effort by KFF that began after the London Summit on Family Planning in 2012 and includes data from all 30 members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC), as well as non-DAC members where data are available.7  Data are collected directly from donors and supplemented with data from the DAC. Direct data collection was carried out for ten donor governments that account for 98% of total funding for family planning.8  Both bilateral assistance and core contributions to UNFPA are included. For more detail, see methodology.

Findings

Bilateral Funding

In 2021, donor governments provided US$1.39 billion in bilateral funding for family planning activities (see Figure 1, Table 1, & Appendix), essentially flat compared to the 2020 level (US$1.41 billion).

Donor Government Bilateral Funding for Family Planning, 2012 - 2021 (in billions)
Donor Government Bilateral Funding for Family Planning, 2012-2021 (in current US$, millions)

While the overall amount remained steady in 2021, there were significant variations among several donors (see Figure 2). Funding from five donor governments (Australia, Denmark, Germany, Norway, and Sweden) rose in 2021. Sweden had the largest overall increase, rising by more than $50 million from US$129.3 million in 2020 to US$180.4 million in 2021, and funding from Australia and Germany both doubled in 2021 (Australia increased from US$23.9 million in 2020 to US$49.0 million in 2021; Germany increased from US32.9 million in 2020 to US$66.3 million in 2021). These increases offset a significant decline by the U.K., which decreased family planning funding by US$113 million (-42%) in 2021 (US$157.8 million) compared to 2020 (US$270.9 million). This decline was not unexpected due to the U.K. government’s decision to reduce overall official development assistance (ODA).9  Funding from the Netherlands also declined slightly, while Canada and the U.S. remained flat.10  These trends were the same after adjusting for inflation and exchange rate fluctuations.

Change in Donor Government Bilateral Funding (2020-2021)

More broadly, while bilateral funding from donor governments for family planning has fluctuated over the past decade, it has generally risen since the London Summit in 2012. Funding in 2021 was approximately US$200 million higher than in 2012 (US$1.19 billion), though this was below the peak level reached over the period (US$1.52 billion in 2019). In 2021, seven of the donors profiled provided higher funding than in 2012 (Australia, Canada, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden). Since funding from the U.S., the largest government donor to family planning, has been relatively flat, and funding from the U.K. fell in 2021 below the amount provided in 2012, this overall trend has largely been driven by other donors (see Figure 3).

Trends in Bilateral Family Planning Funding from Donor Governments, 2012-2021

The U.S. was the largest government donor to bilateral family planning efforts in 2021, accounting for 42% (US$576.7 million) of donor government funding (see Figure 4). In each previous year, the U.K. had been the world’s second largest donor, but due to the decline in 2021 it now ranks 4th (US$157.8 million or 11%) behind the Netherlands (US$190.5 million or 14%) and Sweden (US$180.4 million or 13%).

Donor Government Funding as Share of Total Bilateral Disbursements for Family Planning, 2021

Donor Contributions to UNFPA

While the majority of donor government assistance for family planning is provided bilaterally, donors also provide support for family planning activities through contributions to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). Most of UNFPA’s funding is from donor governments, which provide funding in two ways: 1) donor directed or earmarked contributions for specific activities (e.g. donor contributions to the UNFPA Supplies), which are included as part of bilateral funding above; and 2) general contributions to “core” activities that are untied and meant to be used for both programmatic activities (e.g. family planning, population and development, HIV/AIDS, gender, and sexual and reproductive health and rights) and operational support as determined by UNFPA.11 

In 2021, the donor governments profiled provided US$405.3 million in core contributions to UNFPA, similar to the 2020 level (US$411.7 million). While most donors remained flat in 2021, funding from Germany and the U.K. both declined. German funding was still higher than earlier levels following a significant increase in 2020 that was aimed at supporting UNFPA’s efforts to address the impacts of COVID-19. The decrease by the U.K. was the result of an overall reduction in ODA as well as a plan to reduce support for some multilateral organizations.12  The U.S., under the Biden administration, resumed funding for UNFPA in 2021 after the Trump Administration had invoked the Kemp-Kasten amendment, a provision of U.S. law, to withhold funding—both core and non-core contributions—from UNFPA for the prior four years.13 

The ranking of donor contributions to UNFPA differs from that of their bilateral family planning funding. Sweden provided the largest core contribution to UNFPA in 2021 (US$64.1 million), followed by Norway (US$54.3 million), Germany (US$47.8 million), and the Netherlands (US$40.5 million), (see Figure 5 and Table 2). Two donors – Denmark and Norway – provided larger contributions to UNFPA’s core resources than their total bilateral funding for family planning.

Donor Government Funding as Share of UNFPA Core Contributions, 2021
Donor Government Contributions to UNFPA (Core Resources), 2012-2021 (in current US$, millions)

Looking Ahead

Donor government funding for family planning activities in 2021 did not seem to be affected by the pressures of the COVID-19 pandemic. How this plays out in the future, however, is uncertain and will depend on several broader factors. The COVID-19 pandemic is ongoing as are the related economic challenges that many countries have faced, including pressures on donor capitals and downturns in low- and middle-income countries. In addition, the war in Ukraine has compounded these pressures as countries address an influx of refugees, as well as other emergency priorities such as global food insecurity and rising inflation. While family planning funding from the U.S. increased slightly in 2022, Congress has yet to finalize the 2023 level. Given that the U.S. is the largest donor to global family planning efforts, any changes would have an outsized impact on the overall amount and trends over time.

Methodology

Bilateral and multilateral data on donor government assistance for family planning (FP) in low- and middle-income countries were collected from multiple sources. The research team collected the latest bilateral assistance data directly for 10 governments: Australia, Canada, Denmark, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States during 2022.14  Data represent the fiscal year 2021 period. Direct data collection from these donors was desirable because they represent the preponderance of donor government assistance for family planning and the latest official statistics – from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Creditor Reporting System (CRS) (see: http://www.oecd.org/dac/stats/data) – are from 2020 and do not include all forms of international assistance (e.g., funding to countries such as Russia and the Baltic States that are no longer included in the CRS database). In addition, the CRS data may not include certain funding streams provided by donors, such as FP components of mixed-purpose grants to non-governmental organizations. Data for all other OECD DAC member governments – Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, the European Union, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Korea, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, and Switzerland – which collectively accounted for approximately 1 percent of bilateral family planning disbursements, were obtained from the OECD CRS and are from calendar year 2020.

For purposes of this analysis, funding was counted as family planning if it met the OECD CRS purpose code definition: “Family planning services including counselling; information, education and communication (IEC) activities; delivery of contraceptives; capacity building and training.”  Where it was possible to identify funding amounts, family-planning-related activities funded in the context of other official development assistance sectors (e.g. education, civil society) are included in this analysis. Project-level data were reviewed for Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden to determine whether all or a portion of the funding could be counted as family planning. Family-planning-specific funding totals for the United States were confirmed through communication with government representatives. Funding attributed to Australia and the United Kingdom is based on a revised Muskoka methodology as agreed upon by donors at the London Summit on Family Planning in 2012. Funding totals presented in this analysis should be considered preliminary estimates based on data provided by representatives of the donor governments who were contacted directly.

It was difficult in some cases to disaggregate bilateral family planning funding from broader population, reproductive and maternal health totals, as the two are sometimes represented as integrated totals. In addition, family-planning-related activities funded in the context of other official development assistance sectors (e.g. education, civil society) have in the past remained largely unidentified. For purposes of this analysis, we worked closely with the largest donors to family planning to identify such family-planning-specific funding where possible. In some cases (e.g. Canada), specific FP percentages were recorded for mixed-purpose projects. In other cases, it was possible to identify FP-specific activities by project titles in languages of origin, notwithstanding less-specific financial coding. In still other cases, detailed project descriptions were analyzed (see Appendix for detailed data table).

Bilateral funding is defined as any earmarked (FP-designated) amount and includes family planning-specific contributions to multilateral organizations (e.g. non-core contributions to UNFPA Supplies). UNFPA contributions from all governments correspond to amounts received during the 2021 calendar year, regardless of which contributor’s fiscal year such disbursements pertain to.

With some exceptions, bilateral assistance data were collected for disbursements. A disbursement is the actual release of funds to, or the purchase of goods or services for, a recipient. Disbursements in any given year may include disbursements of funds committed in prior years and in some cases, not all funds committed during a government fiscal year are disbursed in that year. In addition, a disbursement by a government does not necessarily mean that the funds were provided to a country or other intended end-user. Enacted amounts represent budgetary decisions that funding will be provided, regardless of the time at which actual outlays, or disbursements, occur. In recent years, most governments have converted to cash accounting frameworks, and present budgets for legislative approval accordingly; in such cases, disbursements were used as a proxy for enacted amounts.

For the U.S., funding represents final, Congressional appropriations (firm commitments that will be spent) to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), rather than disbursements, which can fluctuate from year-to-year due to the unique nature of the U.S. budget process (unlike most other donors, U.S. foreign assistance funding may be disbursed over a multi-year period). U.S. totals for 2017-2020 also include some funding originally appropriated by Congress for UNFPA that was transferred to the USAID family planning & reproductive health (FP/RH) account due to specific provisions in U.S. law including the Kemp-Kasten amendment (see KFF “UNFPA Funding & Kemp-Kasten: An Explainer”). Some prior reports presented disbursements. For this report, all prior-year amounts have been changed from disbursements to appropriations. This change in methodology does not alter the overall trend in total funding from donor governments over time.

UNFPA core contributions were obtained from United Nations Executive Board documents. UNFPA estimates of total family planning funding provided from both core and non-core resources were obtained through direct communications with UNFPA representatives. Other than core contributions provided by governments to UNFPA, un-earmarked core contributions to United Nations entities, most of which are membership contributions set by treaty or other formal agreement (e.g., United Nations country membership assessments), are not identified as part of a donor government’s FP assistance even if the multilateral organization in turn directs some of these funds to FP. Rather, these would be considered as FP funding provided by the multilateral organization, and are not considered for purposes of this report.

The fiscal year period varies by country. The U.S. fiscal year runs from October 1-September 30. The Australian fiscal year runs from July 1-June 30. The fiscal years for Canada and the U.K. are April 1-March 31. Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden use the calendar year. The OECD uses the calendar year, so data collected from the CRS for other donor governments reflect January 1-December 31. Most UN agencies use the calendar year and their budgets are biennial.

All data are expressed in US dollars (USD). Where data were provided by governments in their currencies, they were adjusted by average daily exchange rates to obtain a USD equivalent, based on foreign exchange rate historical data available from the U.S. Federal Reserve (see: http://www.federalreserve.gov/) or in some cases from the OECD. Data obtained from UNFPA were already adjusted by UNFPA to represent a USD equivalent based on date of receipts.

Appendix

Appendix: Donor Government Bilateral Disbursements for Family Planning, 2012-2021 (in current US$, millions)

Endnotes

  1. Totals represent funding specifically designated by donor governments for family planning as defined by the OECD DAC (see methodology), and include: standalone family planning projects; family planning-specific contributions to multilateral organizations (e.g., contributions to UNFPA Supplies); and, in some cases, projects that include family planning within broader reproductive health activities. ↩︎
  2. At the time of publication, data from France for 2021 were not available. France’s prior year amount was used as a temporary estimate to calculate the overall donor government total in 2021. ↩︎
  3. Includes core-contributions from members of the OECD DAC only; core contributions from non-DAC donors are not included in this total. ↩︎
  4. UNFPA, “Delivering On The Transformative Results: UNFPA Annual Report 2021”, 2021. See also UNFPA Donor Contributions portal. ↩︎
  5. Germany’s decline in 2021 was a return to prior year levels following a significant increase in 2020 that was aimed at supporting UNFPA’s efforts to address the impacts of COVID-19. ↩︎
  6. See KFF’s “UNFPA Funding & Kemp-Kasten: An Explainer”. ↩︎
  7. Includes funding from 29 DAC member countries and the European Union (EU). ↩︎
  8. At the time of publication, data from France for 2021 were not available. France’s prior year amount was used as a temporary estimate to calculate the overall donor government total in 2021. ↩︎
  9. U.K. Foreign Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO), “Statistics on International Development: Provisional UK Aid Spend 2021,” April 2022. ↩︎
  10. For the period between FY17-FY20, the Trump administration invoked the Kemp-Kasten amendment to withhold funding - both core and non-core contributions - from UNFPA (see KFF "UNFPA Funding & Kemp-Kasten: An Explainer"). Congress requires any withheld funding for UNFPA (core-only) be transferred to other global health activities, including family planning. In FY21, the Biden administration resumed funding for UNFPA. When the FY17-FY20 UNFPA transfers to FP are removed, the overall levels match FY21. ↩︎
  11. In 2021, UNFPA spent approximately US$488.7 million (45% of UNFPA’s total program expenses) on family planning activities. This includes US$278.8 million for family-planning specific activities (such as enabling environments for family planning, contraceptives and related supplies, provision of services, and family planning systems strengthening) and US$209.9 million for activities with an impact on family planning results in other areas of work under UNFPA’s mandate. Direct communication, UNFPA, October 2022. ↩︎
  12. U.K. Foreign Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO), “Statistics on International Development: Provisional UK Aid Spend 2021,” April 2022. ↩︎
  13. See KFF’s “UNFPA Funding & Kemp-Kasten: An Explainer”. ↩︎
  14. At the time of publication, data from France for 2021 were not available. France’s prior year amount was used as a temporary estimate to calculate the overall donor government total in 2021. ↩︎