Key Findings

• In the upcoming midterm elections, many races will be decided by marginal changes in turnout with a few voters making a difference. The latest KFF Health Tracking Poll examines what health care issues may be motivating small groups of voters that could shift some key races. Abortion access and reproductive health is motivating majorities of Democratic women, women of reproductive age, and Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters in states where abortion is currently illegal. This is also the issue that these voters want to hear candidates talk about during the next month of the campaign. Moreover, state action on abortion seems to be a particularly motivating issue for Democrats in states that have a full abortion ban. The other health care issue that is resonating with a group of voters – older voters – is reducing the cost of prescription drugs for people with Medicare. Majorities of voters ages 65 and older say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports the Inflation Reduction Act provisions aimed at capping costs and allowing the federal government to negotiate prices for people with Medicare. These provisions were also motivating, to a lesser extent, Republican voters.
• With about a month before the 2022 midterm election, half of registered voters say they are more motivated to vote in this upcoming election compared with past elections. A single party doesn’t hold a distinct advantage – with more than half of both Republican and Democratic voters saying they are more motivated – but the issues motivating each group of voters differ. When asked to say in their own words why they are more motivated to vote now, the top issue provided by Republicans is the economy, while Democratic voters are more likely to offer abortion as their motivation for being more eager to vote. Independent voters are divided between the two issues. Large shares of voters also offer partisan reasons like keeping the other party out of office for the main reason why they are motivated to vote.
• The Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade is continuing to motivate some voters as half of voters (50%) now say the Court’s decision has made them more motivated to vote, up from 43% who said the same in July and an increase of 13 percentage points from a similar question in May. In addition, state actions on abortion are also motivating voters, particularly in the states where full abortion bans are now in place. Overall, four in ten voters say their state’s abortion laws have made them more motivated to vote, but this increases to 51% among voters living in states with full abortion bans. In addition, three in four Democratic or Democratic leaning independent voters (74%) living in states with full abortion bans in place say their state abortion laws have made them more motivated to vote.
• The legality of abortion in the wake of the Dobbs decision also continues to resonate with women voters, ages 18 to 49. More than four in ten (44%) women voters, ages 18-49, say they are more motivated to vote this year compared to previous elections, and most of them (59%) say the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade has made them more motivated to vote. In addition, when asked to say in their own words why they are more motivated to vote, one in seven of this group offers reasons related to the Supreme Court decision, such as the issue of abortion and reproductive rights (9%) and protecting women’s rights (4%).
• With abortion dominating the issue of health care so far in the 2022 midterm election, the KFF Health Tracking Poll also examines whether the health care provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act are resonating with certain groups of voters. While adults are aware of some of the key health provisions that are included in the law, some of the provisions aimed at lowering the cost of prescription drugs for people with Medicare are resonating with some voters, including those ages 65 and older. About two-thirds of voters ages 65 and older say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports capping out-of-pocket costs for insulin for people with Medicare (64%) or authorizing the federal government to negotiate the price of some prescription drugs for people with Medicare (65%), and three-fourths of older voters (73%) say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports placing a limit on out-of-pocket drug costs for people with Medicare.

What Is Motivating Voters Ahead of the Midterm Elections?

With the upcoming midterm election only a month away, about half of registered voters (49%) say they are more motivated to vote compared to previous elections. About four in ten (41%) say they are about as motivated as they have been in past elections and one in ten (9%) say they are less motivated to vote. No party holds a motivation advantage at this point in the election with similar shares of Republican voters (57%) and Democratic voters (52%) saying they are motivated to vote. Older voters have historically had higher rates of voter turnout than younger voters and the 2022 midterm election looks to be no exception with nearly six in ten adults ages 65 and older say they are more motivated to vote, compared to slightly less than half of their younger counterparts.

Across racial and ethnic groups, Hispanic voters seem to have more tepid levels of motivation to vote in the 2022 midterm election. While about half of White voters (53%) and Black voters (48%) say they are more motivated to vote, just three in ten Hispanic voters (30%) say the same. Indeed, about one in six Hispanic voters (16%) say that compared to previous elections, they are less motivated to vote.

When motivated voters are asked to say in their own words why they are more motivated to vote now than in previous elections, about one in ten say they are more motivated to vote due to the economy and inflation (9%) and a similar share say their increased motivation is due to the issue abortion and reproductive rights (8%). However, reflecting the polarized state of politics in the nation, significant shares of more motivated voters give partisan reasons (33%) for their increased motivation to vote. About three in ten cite the desire for change (29%) and about one in ten motivated voters mention democracy, voting rights, and the importance of voting as a reason why they are more motivated to vote now than in previous elections.

The top issue provided by motivated Republican voters for their increased motivation is the economy (15%), while Democratic voters are more likely to offer abortion (13%) than the economy (2%) as the issue making them more eager to vote. Independent voters are divided between the two issues with similar shares offering the economy (10%) and abortion (10%) as their motivating issue. Unsurprisingly, partisanship also seems to be a key driver for both Republican and Democratic voters, with large shares of motivated voters from both parties citing party-related reasons for their increased motivation. Four in ten motivated Republicans (41%) give partisan reasons for their increased motivation including 19% who say they are more motivated to vote to either to keep Democrats out of office or to vote for Republicans, and an additional 10% mention dissatisfaction with President Biden. Among motivated Democratic voters, about a third (32%) name party-related reasons for their increased motivation, including 13% who mention wanting to keep Republicans out of office or wanting to vote for Democrats.

Among voters who say they are less motivated to vote now compared to previous elections, 16% cite not believing in the election process as a reason why they are less motivated and similar shares mention disliking the candidates (15%) and not thinking their vote matters or will count (12%).

The Top Issues For Voters

An overwhelming majority (88%) of voters say that a candidate’s positions on issues they care about will be a “major factor” in deciding how they vote for Congress this year, highlighting the importance of how candidates talk about the top issues for voters over the next few weeks. Most voters also say the candidate’s experience (61%) and political party (56%) is a “major factor” in their voting decision.

Given the overwhelming majority of voters who say a candidate’s positions on issues will be major factor in their vote, the latest KFF Health Tracking poll asked voters to name in their own words the one issue they would most like to hear candidates talk about. Economic issues, including inflation, emerge as the key issue ahead of the November midterm election with 35% of voters saying that is what they want to hear candidates talk about. Beyond economic issues, notable shares of voters say they would like to hear candidates talk about abortion, Roe v. Wade, and reproductive rights (15%), and about immigration (9%).

Across partisans, the economy is clearly the top issue for Republicans and for independents. Half of Republican voters (52%) and one-third of independent voters say they want to hear candidates talk about economic issues, including inflation. Immigration is the second most mentioned issue by Republican voters (18%) whereas among independent voters, 14% say they want candidates to discuss abortion and reproductive rights, while one in ten (10%) want to hear about immigration. Democratic voters are somewhat divided on what they want to hear candidates discuss, with nearly three in ten (28%) who say they want to hear about abortion and reproductive rights, while a quarter of Democratic voters (23%) want to hear about candidates talk about the economy.

The economy also stands as the most prominent issue across racial and ethnic groups with nearly four in ten White voters (39%), three in ten Hispanic voters (30%), and a quarter of Black voters (26%) saying they want to hear candidates talk about economic issues ahead of the election. However, abortion also emerges as a key issue, particularly for Black voters as nearly one in five say they want to hear candidates talk about it.

Women voters are more likely than men to say they want to hear the candidates discuss abortion, reproductive rights and Roe v. Wade (19% vs. 11%), though the economy is the top issue for both groups (34% and 37% respectively). Abortion rights are particulalrly important among Democratic women – a third of Democratic women (34%) say they want to hear candidates talk about abortion, more than twice the share of independent women (16%) and nearly seven times the share of Republican women (5%) who say the same.

How Changes In Abortion Policies Are Motivating Midterm Voters

In the wake of the Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade and a number of states taking legislative action to restrict abortion, the latest KFF poll finds that half of voters (50%) say the Supreme Court’s decision has made them more motivated to vote, up from 43% who said the same in July and an increase of 13 percentage points from a similar question in May, before the Court had issued its decision but after a draft of the forthcoming decision was leaked. A majority of women voters, ages 18 to 49, (59%) continue to say the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade has made them more motivated to vote, relatively unchanged from the July KFF poll.

The Dobbs decision seems to be motivating voters who want to vote for candidates who support abortion access more than those voters who want candidates to limit access. Voters who say they are more motivated to vote in this election compared to previous ones are about twice as likely to say they plan on voting for candidates who want to protect access to abortion (58%) than for candidate who want to limit abortion access (27%).

In addition, among those who say the Supreme Court decision itself has made them more motivated, three in four (76%) say they plan on voting for candidates who want to protect access to abortion compared to 17% who say they plan on voting for candidates who want to limit abortion access.

Similarly, with abortion laws being determined at the state level, many voters (40%) say their state’s abortion laws have made them more motivated to vote in the 2022 midterm election. Notably, voters in states with an abortion ban¹  in place (51%) are more likely than those in states with protections for abortion access (32%) to say their state abortion laws have made them more motivated to vote. State abortion bans appear to be particularly motivating for Democrats as three in four Democratic or Democratic-leaning voters in states that have full abortion bans say their state abortion laws have made them more motivated to vote in the midterm election.

On both, the Supreme Court decision and recent state actions, larger shares of Democratic voters say each has made them more motivated to vote than Republican voters. Similarly, Black voters are more likely than their White counterparts to say both Supreme Court’s decision and their state abortion laws have made them more motivated to vote. About half of women voters say the Court’s decision overturning Roe (53%) and their state abortion laws (46%) have increased their motivation to vote. Notably, Republican women voters are somewhat more likely than their Republican male counterparts to say the abortion laws in their state have made them more motivated to vote (36% vs. 24%), though half of both Republican women (50%) and men (50%) say they plan to vote for candidates who want to limit access to abortion.

How The Dobbs Decision Is Motivating Women Voters Of Reproductive Age

KFF polling from July 2022 found that more than seven in ten women voters under the age of 50 said the issue of abortion access would be very important in making their decision about who to vote for in the midterm election. The latest KFF Health Tracking poll finds that large shares of women voters under 50 remain more motivated to vote due to the Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade, and that most are planning to vote for candidates who will protect abortion access.

Several months since the Supreme Court overturned Roe, the issue of reproductive rights remains salient for women voters ages 18 to 49, the group most directly impacted by the Court’s decision. While a third of women voters under age 50 say they want to hear candidates discuss economic issues, one in five (19%) say the issues they most want to hear them talk about are abortion, reproductive rights, and Roe v. Wade.

Overall, 44% of women voters under age 50 say, compared to previous elections, they are more motivated to vote in November. The issue of abortion and reproductive rights resonated with these younger women voters as about six in ten women voters ages 18 to 49 (59%) say the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade has made them more motivated to vote, and half (51%) say their state abortion laws have increased their motivation to go to the polls.

Similar to overall voters who say they are motivated by the Dobbs decision, women voters 18 to 49 who are now more motivated to vote also are more likely to vote for candidates who support abortion access. Eight in ten women voters 18-49 who say they are more motivated to vote because of the Supreme Court decision on Roe say they will vote for a candidate who wants to support abortion access (79%).

State Abortion Restrictions

Following the Dobbs decision, fourteen states now have full bans on abortion. For the latest breakdown of key facts about abortion access in the U.S., see the KFF Abortion in The U.S. Dashboard.

Most voters remain opposed to punitive abortion restrictions, with more than seven in ten voters opposed to making it a crime for doctors to perform abortions (74%) or for women to get abortions (79%) or allowing private citizens to sue people who provide or assist in abortions (81%). Six in ten voters (59%) oppose prohibiting abortions after a fetal heartbeat is detected and eight in ten (82%) oppose prohibiting abortion even in cases of rape or incest – a restriction that is currently in-place in states such as Texas, Tennessee, South Dakota, Missouri, Louisiana and Kentucky among others.

Though a majority of Republican voters (70%) approve of the Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade, majorities across partisan voters – including most Republicans – are opposed to laws prohibiting abortion even in cases of rape or incest, laws making it a crime for women to get an abortion that would result in either fines or prison, and laws allowing private citizens to sue people who provide or assist women in getting abortions.

Large shares of voters living in states with abortion bans oppose many of the restrictions surveyed. More than eight in ten voters (83%) in states with full abortion bans say they oppose laws prohibiting abortion even in cases of rape and incest – which is currently the case in most of these states with full abortion bans. However, there is some support for prohibiting abortions once cardiac activity is detected among voters in states with full bans (45% support vs. 55% oppose).

Inflation Reduction Act Health Care Provisions And Student Loan Cancellation As Voting Issues

In the months leading up to the midterm election, which is historically viewed as a referendum on the president and their party, President Biden signed into effect the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), a new law containing provisions related to health care and prescription drug costs, climate, and tax policy. In addition, he announced student loan debt forgiveness for many adults in the U.S. The KFF Health Tracking Poll examined how these recent Biden actions may be impacting voters ahead of the midterm elections.

The Inflation Reduction Act

Just over one month after President Biden signed the IRA into law, most of the public (77%) say they have heard or read at least a little about the new law, including majorities of adults across partisans, age groups, and racial and ethnic groups. About eight in ten adults ages 65 and older (82%), many of whom may be affected by the new law’s Medicare provisions, say they have heard at least a little about the new law and they are twice as likely as adults under age 65 to say they have heard “a lot” about it (25% vs. 12%).

Yet, despite the fact that three in four adults have heard at least a little about the new law, few know what the law does. In fact, most adults are unaware of the law’s key health provisions. Most say they are unsure if the law extends financial subsidies for people who purchase health coverage through the Affordable Care Act marketplace (66%), places a limit on out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for people with Medicare (63%), caps monthly out-of-pocket costs for insulin for people with Medicare (60%) or authorizes the federal government to negotiate the price of some prescription drugs for people with Medicare (55%).

Awareness of the climate provisions in the new law, however, is higher compared to some of the health care elements of the law. While about half of adults (48%) say they are “not sure” if the new law makes big, new investments in climate and clean energy programs and in tax credits for renewable energy, about four in ten adults (42%) are aware the IRA does this.

Adults who say they have heard or read “a lot” or “some” about the Inflation Reduction Act are more likely than those who have only heard or read a little to know that each of the IRA provisions asked about in the survey were indeed part of the new law.

Adults ages 65 and over, a group that largely benefits from the Medicare prescription drug provisions of the law, are more likely than their younger counterparts to know that the IRA authorizes the federal government to negotiate the prices of some prescription drugs for people with Medicare (45% vs. 33% of adults 18 to 64) and to know that the bill caps monthly costs for insulin for people with Medicare (38% vs. 26% of adults 18 to 64).

Though few adults are aware of the specific provisions included in the Inflation Reduction Act, many of these provisions are popular among voters. Majorities of voters say they would be more likely to vote for a candidate who supports placing a limit on out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for people on Medicare (66%), capping monthly out-of-pocket insulin costs for people with Medicare (65%) and authorizing the federal government to negotiate the price of some prescription drugs for people on Medicare (59%).

Voters are more divided on provisions related to climate and clean energy and extending subsidies under the Affordable Care Act. About half of voters (51%) say they would be more likely to vote for a candidate who supports making big, new investments in climate and clean energy programs and provide tax breaks for renewable energy, while less than half (43%) say they would be more likely to vote for a candidate who supports extending financial subsidies for people who purchase coverage through the Affordable Care Act marketplace.

Additionally, just a week after the passage of the IRA, the Biden Administration announced a plan to cancel up to $10,000 in federal student loans for most borrowers with incomes under $125,000. Notably, student loan cancellation appears to be particularly polarizing with four in ten voters (40%) saying they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports cancelling some federal student loan debt for most borrowers who make under $125,000 while a similar share (38%) say they would be less likely to vote for a candidate who supports this.

These new policies could motivate different segments of voters. Majorities of voters ages 65 and older say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports the Medicare provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act, though fewer say the same about a candidate who supports clean energy investment, the extending ACA subsides, or cancelling some student loans. On the other hand, student loan cancellation may resonate among younger voters as those ages 18 to 29 are more than twice as likely as voters over 65 to say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports cancelling some student loans.

At least six in ten Democratic voters say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports each of the policies asked about, with the policies aimed at addressing prescription drug costs for people with Medicare being among the most popular. At least six in ten independent voters say they are more likely to vote for candidates who support these Medicare prescription drug provisions, though these policies are less popular among Republican voters. Eight in ten Democratic voters and half (51%) of independent voters also are motivated to vote for candidates who support climate investments, compared to just one in five Republicans (19%) who say the same.

This KFF Health Tracking Poll/COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor Poll was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF). The survey was conducted September 15-26, 2022, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 1,534 U.S. adults including 599 women aged 18 to 49, conducted in English (1,475) and in Spanish (59). The sample includes 1,282 adults reached through the SSRS Opinion Panel either online or over the phone (n=36 in Spanish). The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to three reminder emails. 1,241 panel members completed the survey online and panel members who do not use the internet were reached by phone (41).

Another 252 (n=23 in Spanish) interviews were conducted from a random digit dial telephone sample of prepaid cell phone numbers obtained through MSG. Phone numbers used for the prepaid cell phone component were randomly generated from a cell phone sampling frame with disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity groups within each frame. Respondents in the phone samples received a $10 incentive via a check received by mail, and web respondents received a $10 electronic gift card incentive.

The combined cell phone and panel samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. adult population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS). Weighting parameters included gender, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, and household tenure. The sample was weighted to match patterns of civic engagement from the September 2017 Volunteering and Civic Life Supplement data from the CPS and to match frequency of internet use from the National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) for Pew Research Center. Finally, the sample was weighted to match patterns of political party identification based on a parameter derived from recent multi-mode benchmarking polls conducted by SSRS. The weights take into account differences in the probability of selection for each sample type (prepaid cell phone and panel). This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the cell phone sample, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The online questionnaire included two questions designed to establish that respondents were paying attention. Cases with over 40% item non-response, and cases with a length less than one quarter of the mean length by mode were flagged and reviewed. Cases were removed from the data if they failed two or more of the above quality checks. Based on this criterion, no cases were removed.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. Kaiser Family Foundation public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

1. The following states had an abortion ban in place during the majority of the survey fieldwork (September 15-26, 2022) and are included in the “States with abortion bans” category: AL, AR, ID, IN, KY, LA, MS, MO, OK, SD, TN, TX, WI, WV. Indiana’s state abortion ban was temporarily blocked by courts on September 22, 2022. Arizona, which is not included in category of “states with an abortion ban” in this report had an abortion ban go into effect on September 23, 2022. For more information on the current status of abortion access in the U.S. please see the KFF Abortion in the U.S. Dashboard. ↩︎

Transgender and nonbinary adults often face challenges and barriers to accessing needed health services and face worse health outcomes than their cisgender peers. Transgender adults are more likely than cisgender adults to be uninsured, report poor health, have lower household incomes, and face barriers to care due to cost. Given their lower incomes, Medicaid plays an important role in health coverage for transgender people. A 2019 report by the Williams Institute estimated that among the 1.4 million transgender adults living in the United States, approximately 152,000 had Medicaid coverage.

Medicaid is the country’s health coverage program for low-income people and is jointly funded by the federal government and states. Under Medicaid, states must cover certain mandatory benefits, such as inpatient and outpatient services, home health services, and family planning services. While there are no specific federal requirements regarding coverage or exclusion of gender-affirming health care services as a category of Medicaid benefits, there are rules regarding comparability requiring that services must be equal in amount, duration, and scope for all beneficiaries within an eligibility group.

Medicaid benefits are subject to Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the law’s major non-discrimination provisions, which prohibit discrimination based on sex. The Biden Administration recently proposed a new rule on Section 1557 that explicitly states that it interprets, and will enforce, sex-based protections to include sexual orientation and gender identity. The administration had already asserted this position in guidance stating that under 1557 protections, “categorically refusing to provide treatment to an individual based on their gender identity is prohibited discrimination” and it returns to a position more closely aligned to that under the Obama administration but walked back under the Trump administration.

Despite these protections, some states have recently moved to implement or consider actions aimed at limiting access to gender-affirming health care, particularly for youth. This has included restrictions on coverage of benefits as well as bans on the provision of gender-affirming care by health care providers. A number of lawsuits are pending.

What gender affirming services do states report covering through Medicaid?

The standards of care for gender-affirming health services set by the World Professional Association for Transgender Health include hormone therapy, surgeries, fertility assistance, voice and communication therapy, primary care, and behavioral health interventions. Additionally, the Endocrine Society supports gender-affirming care in their clinical practice guidelines. Together, these guidelines form the standard of care for treatment of gender dysphoria. Gender-affirming care is highly individualized, and while not all transgender and nonbinary individuals will want or seek any or all of these medically necessary services, limiting access to them can lead to negative and life threating outcomes. Major U.S. medical associations, such as the American Medical Association, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the American Academy of Nursing, the American Psychiatric Association, among others, have issued statements underscoring the medical necessity of gender-affirming care.

In a survey of states on coverage of sexual and reproductive health services conducted in Summer 2021, KFF and Health Management Associates (HMA) asked states about coverage of five gender-affirming care services: gender-affirming counseling, hormones, surgery, voice and communication therapy, and fertility assistance for transgender enrollees (Questions presented in Appendix Table 1). Because the survey focused on adult access, states were not asked about puberty blocking hormones. States were asked if a service was covered, excluded from coverage, or whether coverage was not addressed in state policy or statute for adults over the age of 21, as of July 1, 2021. Services that are not addressed in state policy or statute may or may not be covered by the state, or coverage may vary by case. The survey instrument was distributed via email to state Medicaid directors and where applicable, Medicaid agency staff working on women’s health and reproductive health issues. Forty-one states and the District of Columbia responded to the survey. Tennessee responded to the survey but did not answer questions related to gender-affirming services. Survey findings are summarized in Figure 1 and Table 1 and highlights are presented below.

Overall coverage of gender-affirming care:

As detailed below, many state Medicaid programs cover aspects of gender-affirming health services. However, only two of the 41 states responding to this survey, Maine and Illinois, reported covering all five services. Two states, Alabama and Texas, reported they do not cover any of these services under Medicaid.

Gender-Affirming Hormone Therapy:

Gender-affirming hormone drugs include estrogen, anti-androgens, and progestins (feminizing hormones), as well as testosterone and other agents (masculinizing hormones). Under federal law, and subject to exceptions for a few drugs or drug classes, state Medicaid programs are required to cover all drugs from manufacturers that have entered into a rebate agreement with the Secretary of Health and Human services under the federal Medicaid Drug Rebate program. Twenty-five states reported covering gender-affirming hormones, and 10 of these states require prior authorization. Thirteen states said coverage was not addressed in state statute or policy, and three states—Alabama, Hawaii, and Texas —exclude coverage of gender-affirming hormone therapy.

Gender Affirming Surgery:

Gender-affirming surgery can include chest surgery, genital surgery, facial surgery, and other surgical procedures aimed at helping a transgender or nonbinary person transition to their self-identified gender. Not all transgender or nonbinary individuals seek or want surgical treatments. Twenty-three of the 41 responding states reported covering gender-affirming surgery for adults through their state Medicaid programs. Nine states reported coverage was not addressed in state statute or policy, and nine states reported that they excluded gender-affirming surgery from coverage. This survey did not ask states to specify what surgical procedures they cover, but some states provided additional details, which can be found in Appendix Table 2.

Ten of 23 covering states require prior authorization. For example, Colorado requires a clinical diagnosis of gender dysphoria and that the patient has lived in their preferred gender for 12 continuous months. Colorado and Wisconsin also require that the patient has completed 12 continuous months of hormone therapy.

Voice and Communication Therapy

Some transgender people have challenges with developing a voice that matches their gender identity. Voice therapy services can encompass a range of treatments that address pitch, intonation, articulation, pragmatic speech and other aspects of communication.

Thirteen of the 41 responding survey states report that they cover gender-affirming speech or voice therapy services, some requiring prior authorization. Ten of the survey states reported that they exclude coverage for gender-affirming voice therapy services, and 18 states responded that they have not addressed this coverage in their state policy.

Fertility Services:

A broad array of diagnostic and treatment services are available to assist with achieving a pregnancy. Diagnostics typically include lab tests, semen analysis and imaging studies, or procedures of the reproductive organs. Treatment services include medications, reproductive system procedures to allow for pregnancy, and an array of other interventions to help an individual achieve pregnancy, such as intrauterine insemination (IUI) and in-vitro fertilization (IVF). While federal rules require states to cover most prescription medications under Medicaid, there is an exception that allows states to exclude coverage for fertility medications.

Fertility services can be unaffordable without insurance coverage but few states (11) cover services for any beneficiaries, regardless of gender identity. In this survey, just three states (Illinois, Maryland, and Maine) reported covering fertility services as part of gender-affirming care. Of these three states, Illinois is the only one that reported covering services for beneficiaries without exceptions. More than half of states (29) reported that they exclude coverage for fertility services for transgender individuals, and nine states responded that they have not addressed this coverage in their state policy (Table 1).

Mental Health Counseling:

Transgender and nonbinary individuals may seek mental health services to address issues related to their gender identity and transition but may also seek care to address issues that are not related to their gender transitions. As noted, in some cases a diagnosis of gender dysphoria is required before gender-affirming services can be accessed.

Twenty-seven states reported covering mental health counseling and services specifically related to gender affirming health services, 11 states reported coverage was not addressed in their state statute or policy, and three states, Alabama, Kansas, and Texas, reported that they exclude this benefit.

Some states reported requiring that transgender and non-binary Medicaid enrollees receive mental health assessments prior to receiving hormone therapy or having gender-affirming surgeries. For example, Delaware requires prior authorization for mental health counseling related to gender-affirming care, and Connecticut reported that depending on the type of service, prior authorization may be required.

Conclusion

The need for coverage of and access to medically necessary gender-affirming care has been recognized by leading medical and health professional organizations. However, some states have enacted laws banning the provision of gender-affirming health services to youth, and coverage for gender-affirming health services is uneven in state Medicaid programs. In most states, there is variation in coverage for specific services and some states do not have policies addressing coverage in their state Medicaid programs, potentially leaving many low-income transgender and nonbinary individuals without access to medically necessary health services.

Since this survey was conducted, the Biden Administration has proposed a new rule on Section 1557, which is consistent with their prior guidance, and proposes that excluding coverage for gender-affirming care constitutes sex discrimination. In addition, beyond what is stated in rulemaking by the current or previous administrations, some courts have found that the statue itself (i.e., sex non-discrimination provisions) protects against health care discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation. For example, a federal district court permanently enjoined the Wisconsin Medicaid program from categorically excluding gender-affirming services from coverage, relying on the statute. Similarly, in recent months, federal courts have ruled the Georgia and West Virginia must cover gender-affirming care in their Medicaid programs. Most recently, in June 2022, Florida’s Medicaid agency announced it would ban coverage of gender-affirming health services in the state. The policy went into effect in August and was challenged in court a few weeks later (with the case still pending). States that do not cover components of gender-affirming care may be in violation of Sec. 1557 of the ACA. However, there are a number of pending legal challenges to the Sec. 1557 rule as well as over specific Medicaid state policies related to coverage of gender-affirming services which will be important to watch moving forward to fully understand this evolving landscape.

Appendix A: Survey Questionnaire

SECTION III: MEDICAID AND HEALTH SERVICES FOR TRANSGENDER PEOPLE In Table G, use the drop-down boxes in the table below to indicate whether, as of July 1, 2021, the various transgender health services were covered for adults aged 21 and older in the traditional Medicaid program, explicitly excluded from coverage, or whether coverage is not explicitly addressed in statute or administrative policy. Describe limits or utilization controls applied by entering text in the space provided and use the drop-down boxes to indicate if coverage policies are aligned across all eligibility groups (i.e., traditional Medicaid, ACA expansion adults, etc.). If not aligned, please describe coverage policy variations in the comment field at the bottom of the table. Please do NOT include services that are provided by managed care plans as value-added benefits (that is, are not a required state benefit).

Appendix Table B: Detailed Tables

This KFF/CNN survey sheds light on growing concerns around mental health in America, at a time when the country continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic and is facing uncertain economic times. While providing an overall view of how Americans are feeling about their own mental health, their ability to get help, and the resources available to them; the survey project also focuses on the experiences of those who report the most difficulty managing their mental health as well as those who have had direct experience with severe mental health crisis in their families.

Explore the survey stories:

90% of US adults say mental health is a crisis in the United States, CNN/KFF poll finds, published Oct. 5, 2022.

Long waiting lists, long drives and costly care hinder many kids’ access to mental health care, published Oct. 6, 2022.

Mother faces roadblocks trying to get mental health help for daughter (video), published Oct. 6, 2022.

In one North Carolina community, mental health workers respond to 911 calls, published Oct. 7, 2022.

What we learned from a massive survey on America’s mental health crisis, published Oct. 8, 2022.

Key Findings

• An overwhelming majority of the public (90%) think there is a mental health crisis in the U.S. today, with most people saying the opioid epidemic, mental health issues in children and teenagers, and severe mental illness are at crisis level in the country. For parents, concerns about the long-term impacts of the pandemic also loom large with nearly half of parents (47%) saying the pandemic had a negative impact on their child’s mental health. At least eight in ten parents are worried about depression, alcohol or drugs, or anxiety impacting the teenagers in the U.S., while around seven in ten are worried that self-harm, loneliness stemming from the pandemic, or eating disorders may negatively impact teenage children.
• The KFF/CNN Mental Health in America survey finds that the youngest adults, ages 18-29, are both the group reporting the most concerns with their mental health and also more likely to report they are seeking mental health services, but not always able to access them. Half of young adults say they have felt anxious either “always” or “often” in the past year (compared to a third of adults overall), one-third describe their mental health or emotional well-being as “only fair” or “poor” (compared to 22% of adults overall), and four in ten say a doctor or other health care professional has told them that they have a mental health condition such as depression or anxiety. Three in ten adults under age 30 say they have received mental health services in the past 12 months, but nearly half (47%) say there was a time in the past 12 months when they thought they might need mental health services or medication, but they did not get them. Cost was among the most cited reasons for why younger adults, as well as all adults, for why they did not receive the mental health services they need.
• While age is one of the strongest factors predicting negative mental health outcomes, there are other demographics that are strongly correlated with poorer self-rated mental health. For example, LGBT adults consistently report poorer mental health outcomes on almost all measures throughout the survey. While the LGBT group in this survey (and in society, generally) are disproportionately made up of younger adults, even when controlling for age this group reports more negative mental health outcomes than those who do not identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. For example, half (51%) of LGBT adults say they thought they needed mental health services in the past year but did not get them and over a third (36%) describe their mental health as either “only fair” or “poor.”
• Economic uncertainty and concerns about personal financial situations are the top stressors for all adults but especially among the individuals with lower household incomes. Six in ten (61%) of those living in households with incomes of $40,000 or less say their personal finances are a major source of stress. This group also reports that the cost of mental health care services may be prohibitive to seeking care with four in ten (39%) saying people like them are not able to get the mental health services they need and a large majority of those with lower incomes saying the cost of mental health care is a “big problem” in the United States.
• Many adults report experiencing what may be considered a severe mental health crisis among their family members. Half of all adults (51%) say they or a family member have experienced a severe mental health crisis, including received in-person treatment because they were a threat to themselves or others (28%), engaged in cutting or self-harm behaviors (26%), had a drug overdose requiring an ER visit (21%), experienced homelessness (16%) or ran away from home (14%) due to mental health problems, died by suicide (16%), or had a severe eating disorder (8%). Among those who had a family member who experienced a severe mental health crisis, over four in ten say it had a major impact on their own mental health or their family’s relationship, and one in five say it had a major impact on the family’s financial situation. In addition, this group, which has the most direct experience with mental health care in this country, are more likely to believe that mental health issues in both children and adults are at a crisis level in the U.S., and that most people are not able to get the mental health services they need.
• About one month following the launch of the new 988 crisis hotline that will connect people with mental health counselling and resources, most adults (56%) say they have heard “nothing at all” about the new hotline. However, when told about the new 988 number, a large majority (85%) say they would be ”very” or “somewhat” likely to call it if they or a loved one were experiencing a mental health crisis. This is in light of the fact that about a quarter of adults say they think calling 911 during a mental health crisis would do more to “hurt” rather than “help” the situation (including three in ten Black adults and four in ten LGBT adults). When asked in their own words why they think calling 911 would hurt the situation, about half cite a lack of police training to deal with mental health and that calling 911 would lead to safety concerns for people in a mental health crisis.
• The new 988 crisis hotline may also prove a useful tool for certain populations including Hispanic adults and the uninsured, who disproportionately report they do not know who to call if there was a mental health crisis and also say they would not know where to find mental health services. 

Mental Health Crisis In America: Who Is Struggling?

An overwhelming majority of the public (90%) think there is a mental health crisis in the U.S. today with more than eight in ten adults across all major demographic groups think there is a mental health crisis in the country. When asked about more specific mental health related issues, about seven in ten adults (69%) see the opioid epidemic as a crisis in the U.S. today and a slight majority of the public see mental health issues in children and teenagers (55%) as a crisis. About half say severe mental illness in adults (51%) is a crisis in the country, while 45% view anxiety or depression in adults as a crisis. Four in ten (39%) say that anxiety or stress caused by political events is a crisis while fewer (25%) say loneliness is a crisis in the U.S. today.

While most adults rate their mental health and emotional well-being positively with nearly eight in ten describing their mental health as “good” (32%), “very good” (29%), or “excellent” (17%), about one in five adults say their mental health or emotional well-being is “only fair” (17%) or “poor” (4%). Younger adults, under the age of 30, are more likely than adults in older age groups to say their mental health is “only fair” or “poor.”¹  For example, this group is three times as likely as adults ages 65 and older to rate their mental health negatively (34% vs. 9%).

Income, sexual orientation, and physical health condition also seems to play a role in how people describe their current mental health status. Adults with household incomes under $40,000 are more than twice as likely as those with incomes of $90,000 or more to say their mental health or emotional well-being is “only fair” or “poor” (31% vs. 13%). Notably, more than one-third (36%) of adults who identify as LGBT describe their mental health as “only fair” or “poor” compared to one in five non-LGBT adults.

Poor physical health may also contribute to poor mental health as adults who describe their own physical health as “only fair” or “poor” are more than three times as likely to negatively rate their mental health as those who say they are in “good,” “very good,” or “excellent” physical health (48% vs. 14%).

When asked about specific sources of stress, about four in ten adults say their personal finances (39%) are a “major source” of stress for them and a third (32%) say the same about politics and current events. One in four adults say relationships with family and friends (24%) and their work (24%) are major stressors for them.

While personal finances are the biggest stressor for all adults, they are especially daunting for lower income and younger adults. About six in ten adults (61%) with household incomes under $40,000 say their personal finances are a “major source” of stress – nearly three times the share of adults with incomes over $90,000 who say the same (21%). A majority (55%) of adults under the age of 30 say personal finances are a “major source” of stress for them, and four in ten (41%) say the same about their work.

More than four in ten LGBT adults report that their work (44%), politics and current events (44%), and their personal finances (45%) are major sources of stress and notably, nearly four in ten (37%) LGBT adults also say their personal situation, such as relationships with family and friends, are a “major source” of stress to them. Politics and current events are also major sources of stress for somewhat larger shares of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (38%) than their Republican counterparts (29%).

One-third of U.S. adults say they have “always” or “often” felt anxious in the past year, with an additional third saying they felt anxious “sometimes.” A smaller, but notable, share of adults say they have felt depressed (21%) or lonely (21%) “always” or “often” in the past 12 months.

More than half of younger adults (52%), and six in ten LGBT adults, say they feel anxious “always” or “often,” as do four in ten (39%) adults between the ages of 30 and 49 years. Adults with household incomes under $40,000 are more than twice as likely than those with household incomes of $90,000 or more annually to say they “often” or “always” felt lonely (30% v. 11%), or depressed (29% vs. 13%), and are 10 percentage points more likely to report feeling or anxious (39% vs. 29%). While similar shares of men and women report feel lonely or depressed at least often, nearly four in ten women (37%) say they feel anxious “always” or “often,” compared to about three in ten men who say the same (28%).

With many people reporting they have felt anxious, depressed, or lonely in the past year, the survey also finds more than a third of adults (36%) say a doctor or health professional has told them they have a mental health condition such as depression or anxiety and one in five (21%) adults say they have received mental health services in the past 12 months.

The groups that are most likely to report difficulty with their mental health are also among the groups most likely to say they received mental health services in the past 12 months. Nearly half (46%) of adults with lower household incomes (under $40,000) say they have been told by a health professional that they have a mental health condition and one-fourth say they have received mental health services in the past year. Nearly six in ten (58%) LGBT adults say they have been told they have a mental health condition such as depression or anxiety and 37% say they have received mental health services this year.

One in five adults say that they have been unable to work or engage in other activities due to a mental health condition in the past 12 months, this share rises to 35% of adults under 30 and 46% among LGBT adults. Among those who say they haven’t been able to work or engage in usual activities, half (51%) say they have received mental health services in the past year, as do 41% of those who report their mental health as either “only fair” or “poor.”

Most adults (64%) do say they feel comfortable talking to relatives and friends about their mental health, though about one-third (35%) say they are “not too comfortable” or “not at all comfortable” doing so. However, among adults who describe their mental health as “only fair” or “poor,” a majority (57%) say they are not comfortable discussing their mental health with relatives and friends.

Majorities across age groups, including 58% of adults under 30 and about two-thirds of those in older age groups say they are at least somewhat comfortable discussing their own mental health with relatives and friends. Similarly, nearly seven in ten Black adults (69%) and about six in ten White adults (63%) and Hispanic adults (61%) say they are at least somewhat comfortable talking to family and friends about their mental health. Among LGBT adults, two-thirds (67%) say they are “very comfortable” or “somewhat comfortable” talking to their relatives and friends about their mental health while one-third (32%) say they are “not too” or “not at all comfortable” doing so.

When those who say they are not comfortable discussing their own mental health with family and friends are asked in their own words why they are uncomfortable doing so, about one in seven offer reasons related to privacy and not wanting to share their feelings (15%) while a similar share (14%) cite stigma and shame associated with mental health issues. About one in ten say their family and friends lack understanding or compassion (11%) or say they fear being judged (11%). Adults who rate their mental health as “only fair” or “poor” offer similar reasons why they are uncomfortable discussing their mental health status with relative and friends.

Parents Have Significant Concerns About Kids’ Mental Health

Consistent with previous KFF surveys that found many parents are concerned about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on children and teenagers, around half of parents (47%) say the pandemic had a negative impact on their child’s mental health, including 17% who say it had a “major negative impact” and an additional three in ten saying it had a “minor negative impact.” Another half of parents say the pandemic had “no impact” (48%) on their child’s mental health, and less than 1 in 10 say it had a positive impact (3%). Significant shares of parents, across racial and ethnic groups, report that the pandemic had an impact on their child’s mental health with at least four in ten saying it had a negative impact. (40% of Black parents, 49% of White parents, and 51% of Hispanic parents).

Recent reports find that teenagers’ and children’s alcohol and drug use has increased during the pandemic, and rising rates of depression and anxiety. The KFF/CNN survey finds that parents and non-parents are worried about how mental health is impacting teenagers.

At least eight in ten of all adults and parents, are “very” or “somewhat worried” about depression (85% of all adults, 85% of parents), alcohol or drug use (84%, 80%), or anxiety (82%, 83%) negatively impacting the lives of teenage children in the U.S.

About three-quarters of adults and parents are worried about loneliness or isolation caused by the pandemic (75% adults, 73% parents) or self-harm (74%, 74%) negatively impacting the lives of teenage children. Two-thirds of adults and parents are also worried about eating disorders negatively impacting the lives of teenage children (67%, 65%).

Parents with household incomes under $40,000 are more likely than those with incomes of $40,000 or more to say they are “very worried” that self-harm, eating disorders, depression, and alcohol or drug use will negatively impact the lives of teenagers. With the exception of loneliness and isolation caused by the pandemic and anxiety, larger shares of these low-income parents say they are “very worried” about each of the issues asked about in the survey.

Black and Hispanic parents were more likely to report they were “very worried” about many issues facing teenagers, with more Hispanic and Black parents saying so about the issues of alcohol or drug use (58% of Hispanic parents and 55% of Black parents compared to 37% of White parents). More Hispanic than White parents were also “very worried” about the issues of self-harm (53% of Hispanic parents, 30% of White parents) and pandemic-caused loneliness or isolation (45% of Hispanic parents, 27% of White parents). Black parents report higher levels of worry about teenagers experiencing depression (53%) than White parents (39%).

Additionally, mothers are more likely than fathers to say they are “very worried” about each issue asked in the survey.

Half Of U.S. Adults Report Experiencing A Severe Mental Health Crisis In Their Families

Half of adults (51%) say they have experienced a severe mental health crisis in their family, including one in four adults who say they have had a family member receive in-person treatment because they were thought to be a threat to themselves or others (28%) or had a family member engaged in cutting or other self-harming behaviors (26%). Smaller, but still substantial shares, report a family history with a member who experienced a drug overdose requiring an ER visit or hospitalization (21%), died by suicide (16%), experienced homelessness (16%), ran away from home and lived on the streets (14%), or had a severe eating disorder requiring in-person treatment or hospitalization (8%).

About two-thirds of adults under age 30 (63%) and LGBT adults (67%) say they have had a family member experience a severe mental health crisis, perhaps reflecting more awareness and comfortability around severe mental health issues rather than actual incidence; and notably, nearly half of adults under 30 (45%) and LGBT adults (45%) say they had a family member engaged in cutting or other self-harming behaviors.

Adults with lower incomes (under $40,000) are more likely than those with higher incomes to say have had a family member who experienced a mental health crisis (57% vs. 48%). Similarly, adults without a college degree are more likely than college graduates to say they have experienced a severe mental health crisis in their family (56% vs. 42%). About half of adults across partisans, racial and ethnic identities, and across community type say they have had a family member experience a mental health crisis.

Among adults who had a family member who experienced a mental health crisis, more than four in ten (46%) say it had a major impact on them, including their own mental health and four in ten say it had a major impact on their family’s relationship (42%). About one in five (22%) adults who had a family member experience a mental health crisis say their family member’s mental health issues had a major impact on their family’s financial situation.

Who Is Able To Access Mental Health Care?

About half of the public (51%) say they think that most adults in the U.S. are not able to get mental health services and 55% say kids and teens in the U.S. are not able to get the mental health services they need. Majorities of adults who have a family member who has experienced a mental health crisis say adults (54%) and children and teenagers (57%) are not able to get the mental health services they need. Among adults who have themselves received mental health services in the past year, six in ten say adults in the U.S are not able to get the mental health services they need (60%).

While most people say they are able to get the mental health services they may need (66%), significant shares of Black adults (39%), adults with incomes under $40,000 (39%), and uninsured adults under age 65 (51%) say people like themselves are not able to get needed mental health services.

For Many, Cost of Mental health Services Is Prohibitive

When asked about specific barriers that may prevent people from accessing mental health services, cost emerges as a key problem with eight in ten adults saying the cost of mental health care is a “big problem” in the United States. Relatedly, about three in four adults (74%) say that health insurance not covering mental health care in the same manner it covers physical health is a “big problem.” Around six in ten adults (63%) say the lack of mental health care providers who take insurance is a “big problem.”

Beyond these cost-related issues, six in ten adults (62%) say stigma or shame associated with mental health is a “big problem” and 55% identify a lack of mental health providers as a “big problem” in the U.S.

About four in ten adults (39%) say lack of diversity among mental health care workers as a “big problem”, though about seven in ten say it is as at least a “small problem.” Notably, slight majorities of Black (55%) and Hispanic (53%) adults see the lack of diversity among mental health care workers as a “big problem,” compared to three in ten White adults who say the same (30%).

Who Isn’t Able To access Needed Mental health Services?

About one in four adults (27%) say there was a time in the past 12 months when they thought they might need mental health services or medication, but they did not get them. This rises to six in ten (58%) among those who describe their own mental health as “only fair” or “poor.” About half of adults under age 30 (47%) and LGBT adults (51%) – groups who are among the most likely to describe their mental health status are “only fair” or “poor” – say there was a time in the past year they thought they might need mental health services or medication but did not get them.

About a third (34%) of adults with household incomes under $40,000 say they thought they might need mental health services or medication in the past year but did not get them, compared to about a quarter (26%) of those with incomes between $40,000 and $90,000 and about one in five (21%) adults with household incomes of $90,000 or more. At least a third of Hispanic adults (35%) say there was a time they didn’t get mental health services or medication in the past 12 months when they thought they needed them, compared to three in ten Black adults and one-fourth of White adults.

Among those who did not get services or medication they thought they may have needed, reasons vary; about one in five say they could not afford the cost (20%), they were too busy or could not get the time off work (20%), or say they were afraid or embarrassed to seek care (20%). A further 13% say they could not find a provider and 7% say they did not know how to find services, while 8% say their insurance would not cover the mental health services or medications.

While there have been significant concerns about mental health for kids and teens during the pandemic, about one in seven parents (15%) say there was a time in the last year they thought their child might need mental health services or medication, but they did not get them.

Role of Institutions and Individuals in Addressing Mental Health Problems

A majority of the public say the government, schools, family doctors and health care providers, and individuals and families play a major role in helping address mental health problems in this country. When asked what role certain groups and institutions should play in helping address the mental health problems in society, more than eight in ten adults say individuals and families (84%) and family doctors and other health care providers (83%) should play a “major role.” Across race and ethnic groups and across partisans, large majorities say individuals and families and doctors should play a “major role.”

About two-thirds of adults think schools should play a major role in helping address mental health problems in society (64%) – including at least seven in ten Black adults (76%), Hispanic adults (73%) and Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents (74%). Notably, at least nine in ten adults across partisans think schools should play at least a minor role in helping address mental health problems.

A slight majority of the public (54%) say government should play a major role in helping address mental health problems in society – with large gaps across race/ethnicity and partisan groups. About three in four Black adults (73%) and two-thirds of Hispanic adults (65%) say government should play a major role, compared to fewer than half of White adults who say the same (46%). Seven in ten Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say government should play a major role, compared to about a third of Republican and Republican-leaning independents who say the same (70% vs. 36%).

About four in ten adults say employers (44%) and churches or other religious organizations (39%) should play a “major role” in helping address mental health problems. A majority of Black adults (56%) say religious organizations should play a “major role” in helping address mental health problems in U.S. society today.

 Where People Can Turn For Help

Most adults say that if they or a loved one was having a mental health crisis, they would know who to call or how to seek help (72%) or would know where to find mental health services (69%). However, about three in ten adults say they would not know where to seek help (27%) or where to find services (30%).

Yet, there are some groups who are more unsure of who to call or where to get services. Four in ten uninsured adults under age 65 say they would not know who to call or how to seek help if they or a loved one was having a mental health crisis, and nearly half (47%) say they would not know where to find mental health services. A larger share of Hispanic adults compared to White adults also report not knowing who to call if there was a mental health crisis (34%) or where to find mental health services (41%). Four in ten (37%) adults younger under age 30 also report not knowing where to find mental health services and three in ten (31%) say they would not know who to call or how to seek help.

One in five (20%) adults say they have called 911 in the past because they or a loved one was having a mental health, alcohol or drug, or suicide crisis. This includes three in ten adults under 30, 36% of LGBT adults, and 31% of people whose family has had a severe mental health episode or crisis.

About half of the public think that if they or a loved one was having a mental health crisis, calling 911 would “help the situation” (51%) but about a quarter of the public say calling 911 would “do more to hurt the situation” (27%), while another one in ten (19%) say it wouldn’t have any impact. The share who believe calling 911 would “do more to hurt the situation” in a mental health crisis is somewhat higher among LGBT adults (43%), those ages 18-29 (32%) and 30-49 (30%), and Black adults (29%).

When asked why they think calling 911 would do more to hurt the situation, about half (52%) cite lack of police training to deal with mental health and concerns about the safety of people in a mental health crisis as reasons why calling 911 would hurt the situation. Other reasons for thinking calling 911 would worsen the situation include thinking it would make the situation more stressful (18%), that 911 is not the right resource for someone having a mental health crisis (15%), not trusting the police and not wanting them involved (13%), not wanting it to lead to an arrest, official record, or hospitalization (10%) and wanting to avoid embarrassment and stigma (7%).

In July, the U.S. transitioned the phone number for the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline to a federally mandated three digit crisis number, 988, that is intended to be easier for people to remember and also provides access to other crisis counseling services. One month in, a majority of adults (56%) say they have heard “nothing at all” about the new 988 number with an additional one in five (21%) saying they have heard “a little.” Only about one in four adults say they have heard either “a lot” (7%) or “some” (16%) about the new 988 mental health hotline that will connect people with mental health services.

Notably, Black adults (62%) and Hispanic adults (69%) are more likely than White adults (50%) to say they have heard “nothing at all” about the new 988 number. Similarly, adults with household incomes under $40,000 (60%) are more likely than their higher-income counterparts (52% of those with an income of $40,000 or more) to say they have heard “nothing at all” about the new 988 crisis hotline.

Despite the low levels of awareness, when told about the new hotline, large majorities of adults (85%) including 91% of Black adults, 86% of White adults, and 80% of Hispanic adults say they are “very” or “somewhat” likely to call the number if they or a loved one were experiencing a mental health crisis.

While few people who say they are currently experiencing “only fair” or “poor” mental health say they have heard of the 988 service, most (85%) say they would be likely to call the number if needed.

This KFF CNN Mental Health Survey was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) and CNN. The survey was conducted July 28-August 9, 2022, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 2,004 U.S. adults. Interviews were conducted in English (n=1,942) and in Spanish (n=62). Sampling, data collection, weighting and tabulation were managed by SSRS of Glen Mills, PA in close collaboration with KFF researchers. Teams from KFF and CNN worked together to develop the questionnaire and analyze the data, and both organizations contributed financing for the survey.

The sample includes 1,603 adults reached online through the SSRS Opinion Panel, including an oversample of parents (n=398). The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to 4 reminder emails. Another 401 interviews were conducted from a random digit dial telephone sample of prepaid cell phone numbers obtained through MSG. Phone numbers used for the prepaid cell phone component were randomly generated from a cell phone sampling frame with disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity groups within each frame.

The combined cell phone and panel samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. adult population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS). Weighting parameters included sex, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, parental status, party ID, and education. The sample was also weighted to match patterns of civic engagement from the September 2017 Volunteering and Civic Life Supplement data from the CPS. The sample was also weighted to match frequency of internet use from the National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) for Pew Research Center.  The weights take into account differences in the probability of selection for each sample type (prepaid cell phone and panel). The party ID parameter is from an SSRS benchmarking study run in June and July 2022. This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the cell phone sample, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups may be higher and are available by request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. KFF public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

1. While data from the 2018 General Social Survey and from the 2018 KFF/The Economist Loneliness and Social Isolation in the United States showed an age gap between adults under 30 and adults 65 and older in their rating of their mental health status, the COVID-19 pandemic may have further exacerbated this gap  as the KFF/CNN Mental Health in America survey shows a larger divide between young adults and older adults and their self-rated mental health. ↩︎