Poll Finding

KFF Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust: Fall 2026 Update on Vaccine Views

Published: Oct 20, 2026

Key Takeaways

  • In the months following two events that put vaccine safety in the spotlight—President Trump’s executive order calling for a change in U.S. childhood vaccine recommendations and the U.S. Senate investigation into Dr. Anthony Fauci—the latest KFF Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust finds that while confidence in most childhood vaccines remains high, partisans are divided in their views of COVID-19 vaccine safety for both children and pregnant women. At the same time, notable shares of the public and parents express uncertainty or hold misperceptions related to the vaccine discussions at the center of these recent news events.
  • As parents are faced with conflicting advice about how to handle their children’s vaccines, there are differences by partisanship on the best way forward. Overall, about half of parents think children are healthier when vaccines are spaced out and they do not get multiple shots in a single visit while the other half say there is no strong evidence that it’s healthier to do so. Larger shares of Republican parents say it’s better to space vaccines out and seven in ten Democratic parents say there’s no evidence to support this. While spacing out vaccines and refraining from getting multiple shots in one visit are key directives in President Trump’s executive order, there is no evidence to support such claims.
  • Overall confidence in the safety of long-standing vaccines for children is bipartisan, with large majorities of parents and adults across partisanship saying they are confident the polio and MMR vaccines are safe for children. Smaller shares, though still majorities across partisanship, express confidence in the safety of hepatitis B and flu vaccines for children, but views of these two vaccines vary by partisanship with Republicans less confident than Democrats.
  • Views of the safety of COVID-19 vaccines remain very polarized. While half of the public say they are confident the vaccines are safe for children, this is true of 77% of Democrats but just 21% of Republicans. Similarly, four in ten adults overall are confident these vaccines are safe for pregnant people, including 62% of Democrats but just 17% of Republicans. Most adults, including eight in ten women of reproductive age, also express uncertainty about whether getting vaccinated for COVID-19 while pregnant increases the risk of miscarriage—a false claim revived by some Republican senators amid Dr. Fauci’s trial.
  • Many supporters of the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement, a movement often associated with vaccine skepticism, have confidence in the safety of several vaccines for children, including three-quarters who are confident the vaccines for MMR (76%) and polio (76%) are safe and at least half who say the same of hepatitis B and flu vaccines. However, just three in ten are confident in the safety of COVID-19 vaccines for children.

Views of Childhood Vaccine Safety

Consistent with prior KFF polling, most adults remain confident in the safety of long-standing childhood vaccines, with at least three-quarters across partisanship saying they are “very” or “somewhat” confident that the polio and the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccines are safe for children. Majorities of adults also express confidence in flu and hepatitis B vaccines for children, though there are larger partisan differences on these vaccines, with at least eight in ten Democrats saying they are confident compared to closer to six in ten Republicans.

Confidence in the safety of COVID-19 vaccines for children is deeply divided; half of the public are confident they’re safe for children, though just two in ten (21%) Republicans say this compared to half of independents and three-quarters (77%) of Democrats. Influenza (flu), hepatitis B, and COVID-19 are included in the list of immunizations the Trump administration is seeking to shift from routine use to shared clinical decision-making (and for children who meet certain risk criteria in the case of hepatitis B) in the most recent executive order changing the childhood vaccine schedule and in earlier attempts this year. The changes outlined in the executive order remain blocked in federal courts for now.

Notably, many supporters of the Make America Healthy Again movement (who make up 42% of the public)—a movement that has often been associated with vaccine skepticism—have confidence in the safety of several vaccines for children; three-quarters of this group express confidence in vaccines for MMR (76%) and polio (76%) and over half are confident in vaccines for hepatitis B (62%) and the flu (54%). A much smaller share (28%) of MAHA supporters are confident in COVID-19 vaccine safety for children.

Overall, confidence in the safety of all vaccines asked about in this survey for children remains largely unchanged from January and May of this year among parents, across partisans, among MAHA supporters, and among adults overall.

Split bar chart showing percent who say they are very or somewhat confident that specific vaccines are safe for children. Results shown by total adults, party identification, and support for the Make America Healthy Again movement.

Similar to the overall public, there are notable partisan divides among parents of children under 18 when it comes to vaccine confidence; while large majorities of parents across partisanship are confident in the safety of childhood vaccines for MMR and polio, parents who are Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents are at least 20 percentage-points more likely to express confidence in hepatitis B and flu vaccines for children compared to their Republican counterparts. And, like partisans overall, the divides are largest for COVID-19 vaccines, with Democratic parents three times more likely to say the vaccines are safe compared to Republican parents (64% vs. 19%).

Split bar chart showing percent who say they are very or somewhat confident that specific vaccines are safe for children. Results shown by total parents and parents by party identification.

In addition to their general confidence in the safety of long-standing childhood vaccines, eight in ten (82%) adults overall and three quarters (76%) of parents think the benefits of childhood vaccines for MMR outweigh the risks while about one in five (17% of all adults; 22% of parents) say the risks outweigh the benefits. These shares have largely stayed consistent since the beginning of the second Trump administration, before many changes to the vaccine policy recommendations. Large shares of parents across partisanship say the benefits of MMR vaccines outweigh the risks, though Republican or Republican-leaning parents are somewhat more likely than Democrat or Democratic-leaning parents to say the risks outweigh the benefits (24% vs. 14%).

Even among parents who support the Make America Healthy Again movement, seven in ten (69%) say the benefits of MMR vaccines outweigh the risks, though the share of MAHA parents who say the risks outweigh the benefits is larger than among parents who do not support MAHA (29% vs. 16%).

Split bar chart showing percent who say the benefits of childhood vaccines for MMR outweigh the risks or vice versa. Results shown by total adults, total parents, parents by party identification, and parents by their support for the Make America Healthy Again movement.

Awareness and Perceptions of the Recent Vaccine Executive Order

The executive order signed by President Trump in August calls for the reduction in the number of diseases targeted by routine childhood vaccination from 17 to 11 and calls for the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccines to be administered as separate vaccines, among other directives.

Most (59%) of the public, and a similar share of parents, have heard either “not much” (30%) or “nothing at all” (28%) about the most recent attempts by the administration to change the childhood vaccine schedule, while a smaller share (41%) of adults say they have heard “some” (30%) or “a lot” (12%) about it. By comparison, about half (51%) reported hearing at least “some” about similar changes to the vaccine schedule announced in January.

Stacked bar chart showing percent who have heard of the recent changes to the childhood vaccine schedule. Results shown among total adults and parents in September 2026 and in January 2026.

While many adults are unsure about the federal government’s recent executive order on childhood vaccines, views of how these changes might affect children’s health are more negative than positive. Four in ten overall think these changes will have a negative impact on children’s health in the U.S., one in eight (12%) say they will have a positive impact, one in ten (9%) say they will have no impact, and four in ten (38%) are unsure. These perceptions vary greatly by partisanship, with Democrats and independents much more likely to view the impact as negative rather than positive. Republicans are more likely to say the changes will have a positive impact (27%) than a negative one (9%), but half of Republicans say they are unsure.

Notably, half of parents say the changes to the childhood vaccine schedule will have either no impact (14%) on children’s health in the U.S. or are unsure of the impact they will have (36%). Among supporters of the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement, half (48%) are unsure of the impact the changes will have, while smaller, similar shares say it will have either a positive (23%) or negative (18%) impact.

Among the 41% of the public who have heard “a lot” or “some” about the recent executive order, six in ten (60%) say the changes will have a negative impact on children’s health, about three times the share who expect a positive impact (18%).

Stacked bar chart showing percent who say the federal government's updates to the childhood vaccine schedule will have a negative impact, a positive impact, or no impact on children's health in the U.S. Results shown by total adults, total parents, party identification, and support for the Make America Healthy Again movement.

Alongside reductions to the number of diseases targeted by routine childhood vaccination, the recent executive order calls for separate doses for the currently combined MMR vaccine. This directive also comes at a time when the President has made statements that spacing out and separating doses of childhood vaccines would reduce autism rates. The KFF Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust finds parents are divided in their perceptions of whether it is healthier for childhood vaccines to be spaced out. Half of parents (48%) incorrectly think children are healthier when their vaccines are spaced out and they don’t get multiple shots in one visit, while another half (52%) says there is no strong evidence to support such a claim. There is no evidence that spacing out vaccines is safer for children, however this perception among parents is not new; previous KFF polling has found concerns about receiving multiple vaccines at once is one of the top reasons parents report skipping or delaying childhood vaccines.

Awareness of whether childhood vaccines are safer when spaced out varies by partisanship, with seven in ten (68%) Democratic or Democratic-leaning parents saying there is no strong evidence that it is healthier for children to space out vaccines or avoid multiple shots in one visit, while a similar share of Republicans or Republican-leaning parents (69%) say children are healthier this way.

Split bar chart showing percent who say children are healthier when their vaccines are spaced out versus percent who say there is no strong evidence to suggest spacing out vaccines is healthier. Results shown by total adults, total parents, and parents by party identification.

Misperceptions About COVID-19 Vaccine Safety in Pregnancy

Misinformation about the COVID-19 vaccine and its effects on pregnancy, breastfeeding, and fertility have been widespread over the years, including recent claims tying the vaccine to first trimester miscarriages. About four in ten (39%) adults say they are either “very” or “somewhat” confident that the COVID-19 vaccines are safe for pregnant people, a decrease from 53% in May 2022. Among women of reproductive age, 37% now have confidence in the vaccines’ safety during pregnancy, down from 48%. As with most attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccines, there are large partisan gaps, with more than six in ten (62%) Democrats expressing confidence and more than eight in ten (83%) Republicans saying they are not confident. Notably, confidence in COVID-19 vaccine safety for pregnant people has decreased across partisans since 2022, including a 17-percentage point decrease in confidence among Democrats and a 15-percentage point decrease among Republicans.

Stacked bar chart showing confidence levels in the safety of the COVID-19 vaccines for people who are pregnant or trying to become pregnant. Results shown by total adults, women of reproductive age, and party identification.
Split bar chart showing percent who say they are very or somewhat confident that the COVID-19 vaccines are safe for people who are pregnant or trying to become pregnant in September 2026 versus May 2022. Results shown by total adults, women of reproductive age, and party identification.

The decrease in confidence in COVID-19 vaccine safety for pregnant people comes amid revived false claims linking COVID-19 vaccination to miscarriage, a claim which leaves many adults uncertain. About a third of the public have heard the claim that getting vaccinated for COVID-19 while pregnant increases the risk of miscarriage, including about four in ten Republicans (43%), a third of independents (34%), and one in five Democrats (22%). Three in ten (31%) women of reproductive age (ages 18 to 49) also say they have heard this.

Split bar chart showing percent who say they have heard anyone say or have read anywhere that getting vaccinated for COVID-19 while pregnant increases the risk of miscarriage. Results shown by total adults, women of reproductive age, and party identification.

While research has consistently found COVID-19 vaccines to be safe for pregnant people, many adults are still uncertain about potential links between the vaccines and miscarriages. A small share of the public, just 8%, say it is “definitely false” that getting vaccinated for COVID-19 while pregnant increases the risk of miscarriage, and a similar share say the claim is “definitely true” (9%).

In line with KFF’s Health Information and Trust research on a variety of health topics, many adults fall in the “malleable middle” when it comes to this claim, saying it is either “probably true” (37%) or “probably false” (44%). The large share of adults who express uncertainty about this claim is consistent across partisanship, though a somewhat larger share of Republicans say it is “definitely true” (18%) while more Democrats say it is “definitely false” (13%). A large majority of women of reproductive age also express uncertainty about this claim, with equal shares saying it is either “probably true” (40%) or “probably false” (42%).

Stacked bar chart showing belief in the claim that getting vaccinated for COVID-19 while pregnant increases the risk of miscarriage. Results shown by total adults, women of reproductive age, and party identification.

This KFF Health Tracking Poll/KFF Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust was designed and analyzed by public opinion researchers at KFF. The survey was conducted September 16 – September 21, 2026, online and by telephone among a nationally representative sample of 1,328 U.S. adults in English (n=1,237) and in Spanish (n=91). The sample includes 1,015 adults (n=72 in Spanish) reached through the SSRS Opinion Panel either online (n=990) or over the phone (n=25). The SSRS Opinion Panel is a nationally representative probability-based panel where panel members are recruited randomly in one of two ways: (a) Through invitations mailed to respondents randomly sampled from an Address-Based Sample (ABS) provided by Marketing Systems Groups (MSG) through the U.S. Postal Service’s Computerized Delivery Sequence (CDS); (b) from a dual-frame random digit dial (RDD) sample provided by MSG. For the online panel component, invitations were sent to panel members by email followed by up to three reminder emails.

Another 313 (n=19 in Spanish) adults were reached through random digit dial telephone sample of prepaid cell phone numbers obtained through MSG. Phone numbers used for the prepaid cell phone component were randomly generated from a cell phone sampling frame with disproportionate stratification aimed at reaching Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black respondents. Stratification was based on incidence of the race/ethnicity groups within each frame. Among this prepaid cell phone component, 142 were interviewed by phone and 171 were invited to the web survey via short message service (SMS).

Respondents in the prepaid cell phone sample who were interviewed by phone received a $15 incentive via a check received by mail or an electronic gift card incentive. Respondents in the prepaid cell phone sample reached via SMS received a $10 electronic gift card incentive. SSRS Opinion Panel respondents received a $5 electronic gift card incentive (some harder-to-reach groups received a $10 electronic gift card). In order to ensure data quality, cases were removed if they failed two or more quality checks: (1) attention check questions in the online version of the questionnaire, (2) had over 30% item non-response, or (3) had a length less than one quarter of the mean length by mode. Based on this criterion, 8 cases were removed.

The combined cell phone and panel samples were weighted to match the sample’s demographics to the national U.S. adult population using data from the Census Bureau’s 2025 Current Population Survey (CPS), September 2023 Volunteering and Civic Life Supplement data from the CPS, and the 2026 KFF Benchmarking Survey with ABS and prepaid cell phone samples. The demographic variables included in weighting for the general population sample are gender, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, civic engagement, frequency of internet use and political party identification. The weights account for differences in the probability of selection for each sample type (prepaid cell phone and panel). This includes adjustment for the sample design and geographic stratification of the cell phone sample, within household probability of selection, and the design of the panel-recruitment procedure.

The margin of sampling error including the design effect for the full sample is plus or minus 3 percentage points. Numbers of respondents and margins of sampling error for key subgroups are shown in the table below. For results based on other subgroups, the margin of sampling error may be higher. Sample sizes and margins of sampling error for other subgroups are available on request. Sampling error is only one of many potential sources of error and there may be other unmeasured error in this or any other public opinion poll. KFF public opinion and survey research is a charter member of the Transparency Initiative of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

 

GroupN (unweighted)M.O.S.E.
Total1,328± 3 percentage points
Total registered voters1,013± 4 percentage points
   
Party ID  
Democrats446± 6 percentage points
Independents439± 6 percentage points
Republicans347± 7 percentage points
   
Registered Voter Party ID  
Democrats379± 6 percentage points
Independents304± 7 percentage points
Republicans294± 7 percentage points
   
MAHA Support  
Adults who support the MAHA movement565± 5 percentage points
Adults who do not support the MAHA movement742± 5 percentage points
   
Parents of Children Under 18437± 6 percentage points
Democrats/Democratic-leaning parents197± 9 percentage points
Republican/Republican-leaning parents149± 10 percentage points
Parents who support the MAHA movement197± 9 percentage points
Parents who do not support the MAHA movement234± 8 percentage points
   
Women Ages 18-49393± 6 percentage points